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RUPERT,    PRINCE    PALATINE 


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RUPERT 
PRINCE    PALATINE 


BY 


EVA   SCOTT 

Late  Scholar  of  Somerville  College 
Oxford 


WITH   TWELVE  ILLUSTRATIONS 

FROM    CONTEMPORARY    PORTRAITS 

AND  ENGRAVINGS 


New  York  :   G.  P.  PUTNAM'S    SONS 

Westminster:  A.  CONSTABLE  &  CO. 

1899 


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PREFACE 

It  is  curious  that  in  these  days  of  historical  research  so 
little  has  been  written  about  Rupert  of  the  Rhine,  a  man 
whose  personality  was  striking,  whose  career  was  full  of 
exciting  adventure,  and  for  whose  biography  an  immense 
amount  of  material  is  available. 

His  name  is  known  to  most  people  in  connection  with 
the  English  Civil  War,  many  have  met  with  him  in  the 
pages  onTctToh,  some  imagine  him  to  have  been  the  inventor 
of  mezzotint  engraving,  and  a  few  know  that  he  was  Admi- 
ral of  England  under  Charles  II.  But  very  few  indeed 
could  tell  who  he  was,  and  where  and  how  he  lived,  before 
and  after  the  Civil  War. 

The  present  work  is  an  attempt  to  sketch  the  character 
and  career  of  this  remarkable  man;  the  history  of  the 
Civil  War,  except  so  far  as  it  concerns  the  Prince,  forming 
no  part  of  its  scope.  Nevertheless,  the  study  of  Prince 
Rupert's  personal  career  throws  valuable  side-lights  on  the 
history  of  the  war,  and  especially  upon  the  internal  dis- 
sensions which  tore  the  Royalist  party  to  pieces  and  were 
a  principal  cause  of  its  ultimate  collapse.  From  Rupert's 
adventures  and  correspondence  we  also  learn  much  con- 
cerning the  life  of  the  exiled  Stuarts  during  the  years  of 
the  Commonwealth;  while  his  post-Restoration  history  is 
closely  connected  with  the  Naval  Affairs  of  England. 

The  number  of  manuscripts  and  other  documents  which 
bear  record  of  Rupert's  life  is  enormous.  Chief  amongst 
them  are  the  Domestic  State  Papers,  preserved  in  the 
Public  Record  Office ;  the  Clarendon  State  Papers,  and  the 
Carte  Papers  in'  the  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford ;  the  Lans- 
downe  Manuscripts  in  the  British  Museum,  and  the  Rupert 

226486 


VI  PREFACE 

Correspondence,  which  originally  comprised  some  thousands 
of  letters  and  other  papers  collected  by  the  Prince's  secretary. 
The  collection  has  now  been  broken  up  and  sold ;  but  the 
Transcripts  of  Mr.  Firth  of  Balliol  College,  Oxford,  were 
made  before  the  collection  was  divided,  and  comprise  the 
whole  mass  of  correspondence.  For  the  loan  of  these 
Transcripts,  and  for  much  valuable  advice  I  am  deeply 
indebted  to  Mr.  Firth.  I  also  wish  to  acknowledge  the  kind 
assistance  of  Mr.  Hassall  of  Christchurch,  Oxford. 

Some  of  the  Rupert  Papers  were  published  by  Warbur- 
ton,  fifty  years  ago,  in  a  work  now  necessarily  somewhat 
out  of  date.  But  there  is  printed  entire  the  log  kept  in 
the  Prince's  own  ship,  1650 — 1653,  which  is  here  quoted 
in  chapters  13  and  14;  also  in  Warburton  are  to  be  found 
the  letters  addressed  by  the  Prince  to  Colonel  William 
Legge,   1644—1645. 

The  Bromley  Letters,  published  1787,  relate  chiefly  to 
Rupert's  early  life,  and  to  the  years  of  exile,  1650 — 1660. 
The  Carte  Papers  are  invaluable  for  the  history  of  the 
Civil  War,  and  of  Rupert's  transactions  with  the  fleet, 
1648 — 50;  and  in  the  Thurloe  and  Clarendon  State  Papers 
much  is  to  be  found  relating  to  the  wanderings  of  Rupert 
and  the  Stuarts  on  the  Continent. 

With  regard  to  the  Prince's  family  relations,  German 
authorities  are  fullest  and  best.  Chief  among  these  are  the 
letters  of  the  Elector  Charles  Louis,  and  the  letters  and 
memoirs  of  Sophie,  Electress  of  Hanover,  all  published 
from  the  Preussischen  Staats-Archieven ;  also  the  letters  of 
the  Elector's  daughter,  the  Duchess  of  Orleans,  pubHshed 
from  the  same  source.  Besides  these,  Haiisser's  '*  Geschichte 
der  Rheinischen  Pfalz",  and  Reiger's  *' Ausgeloschte  Simme- 
rischen  Linie  "  are  very  useful. 

Mention  of  the  Prince  is  also  found  in  the  mass  of  Civil  War 
Pamphlets  preserved  in  the  British  Museum  and  the  Bodleian 
Library,  and  in  contemporary  memoirs,  letters  and  diaries, 
on  the  description  of  which  there  is  not  space  to  enter  here. 


/ 


CONTENTS 


Page 
CHAPTER  I.     THE  PALATINE  FAMILY I 

„  II.    Rupert's  early  campaigns,    first  visit  to 

ENGLAND.  MADEMOISELLE  DE  ROHAN  .  .  .  20 
„  III.      THE    SIEGE    OF   BREDA.      THE  ATTEMPT  ON   THE 

PALATINATE.  RUPERT's  CAPTIVITY  ...  34 
„  IV.     THE  PALATINES  IN  FRANCE.  RUPERT* S  RELEASE.        48 

„  V.      ARRIVAL  IN  ENGLAND.    POSITION  IN  THE  ARMY. 

CAUSES  OF  FAILURE 59 

„  VI.     THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR.    POWICK  BRIDGE. 

EDGEHILL.  THE  MARCH  TO  LONDON  ...  85 
„  VII.      THE  WAR  IN  1643.  THE  QUARREL  WITH  HERTFORD. 

THE  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  QUEEN lOI 

„  VIII.     THE    PRESIDENCY    OF    WALES.     THE    RELIEF    OF 

NEWARK.      QUARRELS  AT  COURT.     NORTHERN 

MARCH.      MARSTON   MOOR 1 28 

„  IX.      INTRIGUES  IN  THE  ARMY.   DEPRESSION  OF  RUPERT. 

TREATY  OF  UXBRIDGE.  RUPERT  IN  THE  MARCHES. 

STRUGGLE  WITH  DIGBY.  BATTLE  OF  NASEBY  .  1 54 
„  X.      RUPERT'S    PEACE    POLICY.      THE    SURRENDER  OF 

BRISTOL.  DIGBY's  PLOT  AGAINST  RUPERT.  THE 

SCENE    AT    NEWARK.     RECONCILIATION    WITH 

THE  KING.  THE  FALL  OF  OXFORD  .  .  .  l^^ 
„  XI.      THE  elector's  ALLIANCE  WITH  THE  PARLIAMENT. 

Edward's    marriage.       assassination    of 

d'ePINAY  by  PHILIP 205 

„  XII.  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  FRENCH  ARMY.  COURTSHIP 
OF  MADEMOISELLE.  DUELS  WITH  DIGBY  AND 
PERCY 213 

„  XIII.  Rupert's  care  of  the  fleet,  negotiations 
WITH  scots.  Rupert's  voyage  to  Ireland. 

the   execution  of   THE  KING.      LETTERS  OF 
SOPHIE   TO  RUPERT  AND   MAURICE  ....      222 


Vm  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XIV.  THE  FLEET  IN  THE  TAGUS.  AT  TOULON.  THE 
VOYAGE  TO  THE  AZORES.  THE  WRECK  OK  THE 
"constant  REFORMATION."  ON  THE  AFRICAN 
COAST.  LOSS  OF  MAURICE  IN  THE  "  DEFIANCE." 
THE  RETURN  TO    FRANCE        

„  XV.  RUPERT  AT  PARIS.  ILLNESS.  QUARREL  WITH 
CHARLES  II.  FACTIONS  AT  ST.  GERMAINS. 
RUPERT  GOES  TO  GERMANY.  RECONCILED 
WITH   CHARLES 

J,  XVI.      RESTORATION  OF  CHARLES  LOUIS  TO  THE  PALATIN- 

ATE. FLIGHT  OF  THE  PRINCESS  LOUISE  FROM 
THE  HAGUE.  RUPERT's  DEMAND  FOR  AN  APPA- 
NAGE.    QUARREL  WITH  THE  ELECTOR  .       .       . 

„  XVII.  Rupert's  RETURN  TO  ENGLAND,  1660.  VISIT  TO 
VIENNA.     LETTERS  TO   LEGGE 

„  XVIII.  RUPERT  AND  THE  FLEET.  PROPOSED  VOYAGE  TO 
GUINEA.  ILLNESS  OF  RUPERT.  THE  FIRST  DUTCH 
WAR.  THE  NAVAL  COMMISSIONERS  AND  THE 
PRINCE.  SECOND  DUTCH  WAR.  ANTI-FRENCH 
POLITICS 

„         XIX.    Rupert's  position  at  court,    his  care  for 

DISTRESSED  CAVALIERS.   HIS  INVENTIONS.   LIFE 

AT   WINDSOR.     DEATH 

„  XX.      THE  PALATINES  ON  THE  CONTINENT.    RUPERt's 

DISPUTES  WITH  THE  ELECTOR.  THE  ELECTOR'S 
ANXIETY  FOR  RUPERT's  RETURN.  WANT  OF 
AN    HEIR    TO    THE    PALATINATE.      FRANCISCA 

BARD.    Rupert's  children 


Page 


241 
265 

283 
293 


302 


332 


344 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Prince  IIitert,  by  Honthorst,  Photogi'avurc.       Frontispiece 
Fredekick  V,  F^lector  Palatine, 

King  of  Bohemia Facing  Page      4 


Elizabeth,  Queen  of  Bohemia     .     . 
Prince  Rupert,  aged  12    .     .     .     . 
Charles  Louis,  Elector  Palatine 
George  Digbv,  Earl  of  Bristol  .     . 
Mary  Villi krs.  Duchess  of  Richmond 
James  Sii  aki,  Duke  of  Richmond  . 
Prince  Rupert,  about  1654   .     .     . 
Charles  Louis,  Elector  Palatine 
Colonel  William  Legge  .... 
Prince  Rupert,  in  1673    .... 


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RUPERT,    PRINCE   PALATINE 


CHAPTER    I 

THE   PALATINE  FAMILY 

*'  A  MAN  that  hath  had  his  hands  very  deep  in  the  blood 
of  many  innocent  people  in  England,"  was  Cromwell's 
concise  description  of  Rupert  of  the  Rhine.  * 

"That  diabolical  Cavalier"  and  "that  ravenous  vulture" 
were  the  flattering  titles  bestowed  upon  him  by  other 
soldiers  of  the  Parliament. "  "  The  Prince  that  was  so 
gallant  and  so  generous,"  wrote  an  Irish  Royalist.  ^  And 
said  Cardinal  Mazarin,  "  He  is  one  of  the  best  and  most 
generous  princes  that  I  have  ever  known."  * 

Rupert  was  not,  in  short,  a  person  who  could  be  re- 
garded with  indifference.  By  those  with  whom  he  came 
in  contact  he  was  either  adored  or  execrated,  and  it  is 
remarkable  that  a  man  who  made  so  strong  an  impression 
upon  his  contemporaries  should  have  left  so  slight  a  one 
upon  posterity.  To  most  people  he  is  a  name  and  nothing 
more; — a  being  akin  to  those  iron  men  who  sprang  from 
Jason's  dragon  teeth,  coming  into  life  at  the  outbreak  of 
the  English  Civil  War  to  disappear  with  equal  suddenness 
at  its  close.  He  is  regarded,  on  the  one  hand,  as  a  blood- 
thirsty, plundering  ruffian,  who  endeavoured  to  teach  in 
England  lessons  of  cruelty  learnt  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War; 

1  Hist.  MSS.  Commission.  I2th  Report,  Athole  MSS.  p.  30. 

2  Calendar  of  Domestic  State  Papers.  Wharton  to  Willingham,  13  Sept.  1642. 

3  Carte's    Original    Letters.    Ed.  1739.    Vol.  I.  p.  59.  O'Neil  to  Trevor,  26 
July,  1644. 

*  Hist.  MSS.  Commission.  8th  Report.  Denbigh  MSS.  p.  552b. 


^  /  ■.  :\''\y]0  W>^?.^%  .PllINCE  PALATINE 

on  the  other,  as  a  mere  headstrong  boy  who  ruined,  by 
his  indiscretion,  a  cause  for  which  he  exposed  himself 
with  reckless  courage.  Neither  of  these  views  does  him 
justice,  and  his  true  character,  his  real  influence  on  English 
history  are  lost  in  a  cloud  of  mist  and  prejudice.  His 
character  had  in  it  elements  of  greatness,  but  was  so  full 
of  contradictions  as  to  puzzle  even  the  astute  Lord  Claren- 
don, who,  after  a  long  study  of  the  Prince,  was  reduced 
to  the  exclamation — **The  man  is  a  strange  creature  I"  ^ 
And  strange  Rupert  undoubtedly  was  I  Born  with  strong 
passions,  endowed  with  physical  strength,  and  gifted  with 
talents  beyond  those  of  ordinary  men,  but  placed  too  early 
in  a  position  of  great  trial  and  immense  responsibility,  his 
history,  romantic  and  interesting  throughout,  is  the  history 
of  a  failure. 

In   his  portraits,   of  which   a  great  number  are  in  exist- 
ence, the  story  may  be  read.     We  see  him  first  a  sturdy, 
round-eyed  child,  looking  out  upon  the  world  with  a  valiant 
wonder.     A  few  years  later  the  face  is  grown  thinner  and 
sadder,  full  of  thought  and  a  gentle  wistfulness,  as  though 
he   had   found   the   world   too   hard  for  his  understanding. 
At  sixteen  he  is  still  thoughtful,  but  less  wistful, — a  gallant, 
handsome    boy    with    a    graceful    bearing    and    a    bright 
intelligent   face,  just  touched  with  the  melancholy  peculiar 
to    the    Stuart    race.      At    five-and-twenty    his   mouth   had 
hardened  and  his  face  grown  stern,  under  a  burden  which 
he  was  too  young  to  bear.    After  that  comes  a  lapse  of  many 
years   till   we  find  him  embittered,  worn,  and  sad;  a  man 
who    has    seen    his    hopes    destroyed    and    his    well-meant 
efforts  perish.     Lastly,  we  have  the  Rupert  of  the  Restor- 
ation;   no    longer  sick  at  heart  and  desperately  sad,  but  a 
Rupert   who   has   out-Hved   hope    and  joy,   disappointment 
and    sorrow;    a   handsome   man,    with   a  keen   intellectual 
face,   but   old   before   his   time,   and  made   hard   and  cold 
and  contemptuous  by  suffering  and  loneHness. 

1  Calendar  Clarendon,  State  Papers,  27  Feb.  1654. 


THE  PALATINE  FAMILY  3 

The  first  few  months  of  Rupert's  existence  were  the  most 
prosperous  of  his  life,  but  he  was  not  a  year  old  before  his 
troubles  began.  His  father,  Frederick  V,  Elector  Palatine 
of  the  Rhine,  had  been  married  at  sixteen  to  the  famous 
Elizabeth  Stuart,  daughter  of  James  I  of  England  ;  the  match 
was  not  a  briUiant  one  for  the  Princess  Royal  of  England, 
but  it  was  exceedingly  popular  with  the  English  people, 
who  regarded  Frederick  with  favour  as  the  leader  of  the 
Calvinist  Princes  of  the  Empire.  Elizabeth  was  no  older 
than  her  husband,  and  seems  to  have  been  considerably 
more  foolish.  Her  extravagancies  and  Frederick's  difficult 
humours  were  the  despair  of  their  patient  and  faithful 
household  steward ;  yet  for  some  years  they  dwelt  at  Heidel- 
berg in  peaceful  prosperity,  and  there  three  children  were 
born  to  them,  Frederick  Henry,  Charles  Louis,  and  Elizabeth. 

But  the  Empire,  though  outwardly  at  peace,  was  inwardly 
seething  with  religious  dissension,  which  broke  out  into 
open  war  on  the  election  of  Ferdinand  of  Styria,  (the  cousin 
and  destined  successor  of  the  Emperor,)  as  King  of  Bohemia. 
Ferdinand  was  a  staunch  Roman  Catholic,  the  friend  and 
pupil  of  the  Jesuits,  with  a  reputation  for  intolerance  even 
greater  than  he  deserved.  ^  As  a  matter  of  fact  Protestantism 
was  abhorrent  to  him,  less  as  heresy,  than  as  the  root  of 
moral  and  political  disorder.  The  Church  of  Rome  was,  in 
his  eyes,  the  fount  of  order  and  justice,  and  he  was  strongly 
imbued  with  the  idea,  then  prevalent  in  the  Empire,  that 
to  princes  belonged  the  settlement  of  religion  in  those 
countries  over  which  they  ruled. 

But  it  happened  that  the  Protestants  of  Bohemia  had, 
at  that  moment,  the  upper  hand.  The  turbulent  nobles  of 
the  country  were  bent  on  establishing  at  once  their  political 
and  religious  independence ;  they  rose  in  revolt,  threw  the 
Emperor's  ministers  out  of  the  Council  Chamber  window 
at  Prague,  and  rejected  Ferdinand  as  king. 

1  Gardiner's  History  of  England.  1893.  Vol.  III.  Chap.  29.  pp.  251—299. 


4  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

The  Lutheran  Princes  looked  on  the  revolt  coldly,  feeling 
no  sympathy  with  Bohemia.  They  believed  as  firmly  as 
did  Ferdinand  himself  in  the  right  of  secular  princes  to 
settle  theological  disputes.  They  were  loyal  Imperialists, 
and  hated  Calvinism,  anarchy  and  war,  far  more  than  they 
hated  Roman  Catholicism. 

With  the  Calvinist  princes  of  the  south,  at  the  head  of 
whom  stood  the  Elector  Palatine  and  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse 
Cassel,  the  case  was  different.  Fear  of  their  Catholic  neigh- 
bours, Bavaria  and  the  Franconian  bishoprics,  made  them 
war-like;  they  sympathised  strongly  with  their  Bohemian 
co-religionists,  they  longed  to  break  the  power  of  the  Em- 
peror, and  were  even  willing  to  call  in  foreign  aid  to  effect 
their  purpose.  Schemes  for  their  own  personal  aggrandise- 
ment played  an  equal  part  with  their  religious  enthusiasm, 
and  their  plots  and  intrigues  gave  Ferdinand  a  very  fair 
excuse  for  his  unfavourable  view  of  Protestantism. 

For  a  time  they  merely  talked,  and  on  the  death  of 
Matthias  they  acquiesced  in  the  election  of  Ferdinand  as 
Emperor:  but  only  a  few  days  later  Frederick  was  invited 
by  the  Bohemians  to  come  and  fill  their  vacant  throne. 

Frederick  was  not  ambitious;  left  to  himself  he  might 
have  declined  the  proffered  honour,  but,  urged  by  his  wife 
and  other  relations,  he  accepted  it,  and  departed  with  Eli- 
zabeth and  their  eldest  son,  to  Prague,  where  he  was  crowned 
amidst  great  rejoicings. 

Among  the  Protestant  princes,  three,  and  three  only,  ap- 
proved of  Frederick's  action ;  these  were  Christian  of  Anhalt, 
the  Margrave  of  Anspach  and  the  Margrave  of  Baden. 
Maurice  of  Hesse-Cassel,  on  the  contrary,  though  a  Calvinist 
and  an  enemy  of  the  Imperial  House,  strongly  condemned 
the  usurpation  as  grossly  immoral;  and  in  truth  the  only 
excuse  that  can  be  offered  for  it  is  Frederick's  belief  in  a 
Divine  call  to  succour  his  co-religionists.  Unfortunately  he 
was  the  last  man  to  succeed  in  so  difficult  an  enterprise ;  yet 
for  a  brief  period  all  went  well,  and  at  Prague,  November 


3    5  J  J     J       J 


J  '      }         3     i       '  > 


thoto  E.  Dosseter. 

Frederick  V.,  Elector  Palatine,  King  of  BohExMia. 

From  the  Etisravingby  Dclff  in  the  British  Musewn  after  the  Portrait  by  Mierevddt. 

Face  page  4. 


THE  PALATINE  FAMILY  5 

28th,    1 61 9,   in  the  hour  of  his  parents'  triumph,  was  bom 
the  Elector's  third  son  — Rupert. 

The  Bohemians  welcomed  the  baby  with  enthusiasm ;  the 
ladies  of  the  country  presented  him  with  a  cradle  of  ivory, 
embossed  with  gold,  and  studded  with  precious  stones,  and 
his  whole  outfit  was  probably  the  most  costiy  that  he 
ever  possessed  in  his  life.  He  was  christened  Rupert, 
after  the  only  one  of  the  Electors  Palatine  who  had  attained 
the  Imperial  crown.  His  sponsors  were  Bethlem  Gabor, 
King  of  Hungary,  whose  creed  approximated  more  closely 
to  Mahommedanism  than  to  any  other  faith;  the  Duke  of 
Wiirtemberg,  and  the  States  of  Bohemia,  Silesia,  and  Upper 
and  Lower  Lusatia.  The  baptism  was  at  once  the  occasion 
of  a  great  feast,  and  of  a  political  gathering ;  it  aggravated 
the  already  smouldering  wrath  of  the  Imperialists ;  a  revolt 
in  Prague  followed,  and  within  a  year  the  Austrian  army 
had  swept  over  Bohemia,  driving  forth  the  luckless  King 
and  Queen. 

Frederick   had   no  allies,  he  found  no  sympathy  among 
his  fellow-princes,  on  the  selfish  nobility  and  the  apathetic 
peasantry  of  Bohemia  he  could  place  no  reliance ;  resistance 
in  the    face   of  the   Emperor's   forces  was  hopeless; — the 
Palatines  fled. 

In  the  hasty  flight  the  poor  baby  was  forgotten ;  dropped 
by  a  terrified  nurse,  he  was  left  lying  upon  the  floor  until 
the  Baron  d'Hona,  chancing  to  find  him,  threw  him  into  the 
last  coach  as  it  left  the  courtyard.  The  jolting  of  the 
coach  tossed  the  child  into  the  boot,  and  there  he  would 
have  perished  had  not  his  screams  attracted  the  notice  of 
some  of  the  train,  who  rescued  him,  and  carried  him  off 
to  Brandenburg  after  his  mother. 

Elizabeth  had  sought  shelter  in  Brandenburg  because  the 
Elector  of  that  country  had  married  Frederick's  sister  Catha- 
rine. But  George  William  of  Brandenburg  was  a  Lutheran, 
and  a  prudent  personage,  who  had  no  wish  to  embroil  him- 
self with  his  Emperor  for  a  cause  of  which  he  thoroughly 


6  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

disapproved.  He  gave  his  sister-in-law  a  cold  reception, 
but,  seeing  her  dire  necessity,  lent  her  his  castle  of  Custrin, 
where,  on  January  i  ith,  1620,  she  gave  birth  to  a  fourth  son. 
Damp,  bare  and  comfortless  was  the  castle  in  which  this 
child  first  saw  the  light,  and  mournful  was  the  welcome  he 
had  from  his  mother.  "Call  him  Maurice,"  she  said,  "be- 
cause he  will  have  to  be  a  soldier!"  So  Maurice  the  boy 
was  named^  after  the  warlike  Prince  of  Orange,  the  most 
celebrated  general  of  that  day.  ^ 

To  the  Prince  of  Orange  the  exiles  now  turned  their 
thoughts.  Return  to  their  happy  home  in  the  Palatinate 
was  impossible,  for  Frederick  lay  under  the  ban  of  the 
Empire,  and  his  hereditary  dominions  were  forfeited  in  conse- 
quence of  his  rebellious  conduct ;  therefore  when,  six  weeks 
after  the  birth  of  her  child,  George  William  informed  Eli- 
zabeth that  he  dared  no  longer  shelter  her,  she  entrusted 
the  infant  to  the  care  of  the  Electress  Catharine,  and  taking 
with  her  the  little  Rupert,  began  her  journey  towards  Holland. 

Maurice,  Prince  of  Orange  and  Stadtholder  of  Holland, 
was  the  eldest  son  of  William  the  Silent,  and  brother  of 
Frederick's  mother,  the  Electress  Juliana.  He  had  strongly 
urged  his  nephew's  acceptance  of  the  Bohemian  crown, 
and  it  seemed  but  natural  that  he  should  afford  an  asylum 
to  those  whom  he  had  so  disastrously  advised.  He  did 
not  shrink  from  his  responsibility,  and  the  welcome  which 
he  accorded  to  his  hapless  nephew  and  niece  was  as  warm 
as  that  of  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  had  been  cold.  At 
Miinster  they  were  met  by  six  companies  of  men  at  arms, 
sent  to  escort  them  to  Emerich,  where  they  met  their 
eldest  son,  Henry,  who  had  been  sent  to  the  protection  of 
Count  Ernest  of  Nassau  at  the  beginning  of  the  troubles; 
there  also  gathered  round  them  the  remnants  of  their 
shattered  court,  and  it  was  with  a  shadowy  show  of  royalty 
that  they  proceeded  to  the  Hague. 

I  Green,  Lives  of  the  Princesses  of  England.  1855.  Vol.  V,  p.  353. 


THE  PALATINE  FAMILY  7 

Nothing  could  have  exceeded  the  kindness  of  their  recep- 
tion, princes  and  people  being  equally  anxious  to  show  them 
sympathy.  Prince  Henry  Frederick  of  Orange,  the  brother 
and  heir  of  the  Stadtholder,  resigned  his  own  palace  to 
their  use,  and  the  States  of  Holland  presented  Elizabeth 
with  a  mansion  that  stood  next  door  to  the  palace.  The 
furniture  necessary  to  make  this  house  habitable,  Elizabeth 
was  enforced  to  borrow  from  the  ever  generous  Prince 
Henry.  For  all  the  necessaries  of  life  the  exiles  were 
dependent  upon  charity,  and,  but  for  the  generosity  of  the 
Orange  Princes,  supplemented  by  grants  of  money  from 
England  and  from  the  States  of  Holland,  they  would  have 
fared  badly  indeed. 

Thenceforth  Elizabeth  dwelt  at  the  Hague,  while  the 
Thirty  Years*  War,  of  which  her  husband's  action  had  lit 
the  spark,  raged  over  Germany.  Slowly  and  reluctantly  a 
few  of  the  Protestant  Princes  took  up  arms  against  the 
Emperor.  James  I  sent  armies  of  Ambassadors  both  to 
Spain  and  Austria,  and  offered  settlements  to  which  Fre- 
derick would  not,  or  could  not  agree,  but  he  lent  little 
further  aid  to  his  distressed  daughter.  He  regarded  his 
son-in-law's  action  as  a  political  crime,  which  had  produced 
the  religious  war  that  he  had  striven  all  his  life  to  avoid, 
therefore,  though  he  tacitly  permitted  English  volunteers 
to  enlist  under  Frederick's  mercenary.  Count  Mansfeld,  he 
would  not  countenance  the  war  openly.  Indeed  he  deprecated 
it  as  the  chief  obstacle  to  the  marriage  of  Prince  Charles 
with  the  Spanish  Infanta,  on  which  he  had  set  his  heart. 
The  English  Parliament,  on  the  contrary,  detested  the  idea 
of  a  Spanish  alliance,  and  eagerly  advocated  a  war  on 
behalf  of  the  Protestant  exiles. 

But  if  her  father  would  not  fight  on  her  behalf  Elizabeth 
had  friends  who  asked  nothing  better.  For  her  sake  Duke 
Christian  of  Brunswick,  the  lay-Bishop  of  Halberstadt,  threw 
himself  passionately  into  the  war.  He  and  Mansfeld  having 
completed  between  them  the  alienation  of  the  other  Princes, 


8  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

by  their  lawless  plunderings,  were  defeated  by  the  Imperialist 
General,  Tilly.  The  Emperor  settled  the  Upper  Palatinate 
on  his  brother-in-law,  the  Duke  of  Bavaria,  and,  though 
the  Lower  Palatinate  clung  tenaciously  to  its  Elector,  Fre- 
derick was  never  able  to  return  thither,  until,  many  years 
later,  the  intervention  of  the  quixotic  King  of  Sweden  won 
him  a  brief  and  evanescent  success. 

Thus  in  trouble,  anxiety  and  poverty  passed  the  early 
youth  of  the  Palatine  children.  In  the  first  years  of  the 
exile  only  Henry  and  Rupert  shared  their  parents'  home 
at  the  Hague;  Charles  and  Elizabeth  had  been  left  in  the 
care  of  their  grandmother  Juliana,  who,  when  Heidelberg 
became  no  longer  a  safe  place  of  residence,  carried  them 
off  to    Berlin,    where  Maurice  had  been  left  with  his  aunt. 

Henry  was  old  enough  to  feel  the  separation  from  his 
brother  and  sister,  to  whom  he  was  much  attached.  "I 
trust  you  omit  not  to  pray  diligently,  as  I  do,  day  and  night, 
that  it  may  please  God  to  restore  us  to  happiness  and  to 
each  other,"  he  wrote  with  precocious  seriousness  to  Charles, 
"I  have  a  bow  and  arrow,  with  a  beautiful  quiver,  tipped 
with  silver,  which  I  would  fain  send  you,  but  I  fear  it 
may  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands."  ^  In  another  letter  he 
tells  Charles  that  "Rupert  is  here,  blythe  and  well,  safe 
and  sound,"  that  he  is  beginning  to  talk,  and  that  his  first 
words  were  "Praise  the  Lord",  spoken  in  Bohemian.  -  In 
the  following  year,  1621,  Rupert  was  very  ill  with  a  severe 
cold,  and  Henry  wrote  to  his  grandfather,  King  James: — 
"Sir,  we  are  come  from  Sewneden  to  see  the  King  and 
Queen,  and  my  little  brother  Rupert,  who  is  now  a  little 
sick.  But  my  brother  Charles  is,  God  be  thanked,  very 
well,  and  my  sister  Elizabeth,  and  she  is  a  little  bigger 
and  stronger  than  he."  ^  A  quaint  mixture  of  childishness 
and  precocity  is  noticeable  in  all  his  letters.    "I  have  two 

1  Benger's  Elizabeth  Stuart.  Ed.  1825.  Vol.  II.  p.  255. 

2  Ibid.  II.  p.  257. 

s  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Report  3.  Hopkinson  MSS.  p.  265a. 


THE  PALATINE  FAMILY  9 

horses  alive,  that  can  go  up  my  stairs ;  a  black  horse  and 
a  brown  horse!"  he  informed  his  grandfather  on  another 
occasion.  ' 

Frederick,  an  affectionate  father  to  all  his  children,  was 
especially  devoted  to  his  eldest  son,  whom  he  made  his 
constant  companion.  Of  Rupert  also  we  find  occasional 
mention  in  his  letters.  ''The  little  Rupert  is  very  learned 
to  understand  so  many  languages  I  "  -  he  says  in  1622,  when 
the  child  was  not  three  years  old.  In  another  letter,  dated 
some  years  later,  he  writes  to  his  wife:  **  I  am  very  glad 
that  Rupert  is  in  your  good  graces,  and  that  Charles  behaves 
so  well.     Certes,  they  are  doubly  dear  to  me  for  it."  * 

But  the  Queen,  so  universally  beloved  and  belauded, 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  a  very  affectionate  mother. 
A  devoted  wife  she  unquestionably  was,  but  she  did  not 
exert  herself  to  win  her  children's  love.  **  Any  stranger 
would  be  deceived  in  that  humour,  since  towards  them  there 
is  nothing  but  mildness  and  complaisance,"  *  wrote  her  son 
Charles  in  after  years ;  and,  though  Charles  himself  had 
little  right  so  to  reproach  her,  there  was  doubtless  some 
truth  in  the  saying.  She  had  not  been  long  at  the  Hague 
before  she  obtained  from  the  kindly  Stadtholder  the  grant 
of  a  house  at  Leyden,  "where,"  says  her  youngest  daugh- 
ter, Sophie,  "her  Majesty  had  her  whole  family  brought 
up  apart  from  herself,  greatly  preferring  the  sight  of  her 
monkeys  and  dogs  to  that  of  her  children."  ' 

Having  thus  successfully  disposed  of  her  family,  Elizabeth 
was  able  to  Hve  at  the  Hague  with  considerable  satisfac- 
tion, surrounded  by  the  beloved  monkeys  and  dogs,  of 
which  she  had  about  seventeen  in  all.  Nor  was  she  with- 
out congenial  society.    At  the  Court  of  Orange  there  were 

1  Green's  Princesses,  Vol.  V.  p.  408,  note. 

2  Bromley  Letters.  Ed.  1787.  p.  21. 
'  Bromley  Letters,  p.  38. 

*  Ibid.  p.  178. 

5  Preussischen     Staatsarchiven.     Bd.    4.    Memoiren    der    Herzogin    Sophie, 
PP-  34—35- 


lo  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

no  ladies,  for  both  the  Princes  were  unmarried ;  but  very 
speedily  a  court  gathered  itself  about  the  lively  Queen 
of  Bohemia.  English  ladies  flocked  to  the  Hague  to  show 
their  respect  and  sympathy  for  their  dear  Princess.  Nobles 
and  diplomates,  more  especially  Sir  Thomas  Roe  and  Sir 
Dudley  Carleton,  the  last  of  whom  was  English  Ambassa- 
dor at  the  Hague,  vied  with  one  another  in  evincing 
their  friendship  for  the  Queen;  and  hundreds  of  adventur- 
ous young  gentlemen  came  to  offer  their  swords  to  her 
husband  and  their  hearts  to  herself.  '*  I  am  never  destitute 
of  a  fool  to  laugh  at,  when  one  goes  another  comes,*'  ' 
wrote  EHzabeth,  a  propos  of  these  eager  volunteers,  who 
had  dubbed  her  the  "Queen  of  Hearts." 

Soon  after  they  were  settled  at  Leyden,  Henry  and 
Rupert  were  joined  by  the  sister  and  brothers  hitherto  left 
at  Berlin,  and  their  society  was  further  augmented  by  other 
children,  born  at  the  Hague,  and  despatched  to  Leyden 
as  soon  as  they  were  old  enough  to  bear  the  three  days' 
journey  thither.  To  the  youngest  sister,  Sophie,  we  owe 
a  detailed  description  of  their  daily  life.  '*We  had," 
she  wrote,  '*a  court  quite  in  the  German  style;  our  hours 
as  well  as  our  curtsies  were  all  laid  down  by  rule."  Eleven 
o'clock  was  the  dinner  hour,  and  the  meal  was  attended 
with  great  ceremony.  "■  On  entering  the  dining-room  I  found 
all  my  brothers  drawn  up  in  front,  with  their  gentlemen 
and  governors  posted  behind  in  the  same  order,  side  by 
side.  I  was  obliged  to  make  a  very  low  curtsey  to  the 
Princes,  a  slighter  one  to  the  others,  another  low  one 
on  placing  myself  opposite  to  them,  then  another  slight 
one  to  my  governess,  who  on  entering  the  room  with  her 
daughters  curtsied  very  low  to  me.  I  was  obliged  to 
curtsey  again  on  handing  my  gloves  over  to  their  custody, 
then    again    on   placing   myself  opposite   to    my   brothers. 


»   Letters  and  Negotiations  of  Sir  T.  Roe,  p.  74.  EHzabeth  to  Roe,  19  Aug. 
1622. 


J     J         3  J 


J  >         1     J 


Photo  E.  Dosscter 


Elizabeth,  Queen  of  Bohemia. 


From  the  Engraving  by  Van  Vorst  in  the  British  Museum,  after  a  Portrait 
by  Honthorst. 

Face  page  la. 


THE  PALATINE  FAMILY  ii 

again  when  the  gentlemen  brought  me  a  large  basin  in 
which  to  wash  my  hands,  again  after  grace  was  said,  and 
for  the  ninth,  and  last  time,  on  seating  myself  at  table. 
Everything  was  so  arranged  that  we  knew  on  each  day 
of  the  week  what  we  were  to  eat,  as  is  the  case  in  con- 
vents. On  Sundays  and  Wednesdays  two  divines  or  two 
professors  were  always  invited  to  dine  with  us."  ' 

All  the  children,  both  boys  and  girls,  were  very  care- 
fully instructed  in  theology,  according  to  the  doctrine  of 
Calvin,  and,  observed  the  candid  Sophie,  "  knew  the  Heidel- 
berg Catechism  by  heart,  without  understanding  one 
word  of  it."  "  According  to  the  curriculum  arranged  for 
them,  the  boys  enjoyed  four  hours  daily  of  leisure  and 
exercise.  They  had  to  attend  morning  and  evening  prayers 
read  in  English;  the  morning  prayer  was  followed  by  a 
Bible  reading,  and  an  application  of  the  lesson.  They  were 
instructed  also  in  the  terrible  Heidelberg  Catechism,  in 
the  history  of  the  Reformers,  and  in  religious  controversy. 
On  Sundays  and  feastdays  they  had  to  attend  church, 
and  to  give  an  abstract  of  the  sermon  afterwards.  They 
learnt  besides,  mathematics,  history,  and  jurisprudence, 
and  studied  languages  to  so  much  purpose  that  they  could 
speak  five  or  six  with  equal  ease. '  To  their  English 
mother  they  invariably  wrote  and  spoke  in  English,  but 
French  was  the  tongue  they  used  by  preference,  and 
amongst  themselves;  a  curious  French,  often  interpolated 
with  Dutch  and  German  phrases. 

Rupert  early  evinced  his  independence  of  character  by 
revolting  against  the  strict  course  laid  out  for  him.  **  He  was 
not  ambitious  to  entertain  the  learned  tongues.  . . .  He 
conceived  the  languages  of  the  times  would  be  to  him 
more  useful,  having  to  converse  afterwards  with  divers  na- 

^   Publication    aus   den  Preussischen    Staatsarchiven.    Bd.  4.  Memoiren  der 
llerzogin  Sophie,  pp.  34 — 35. 
••'  Ibid. 
^  Haiisser,  Geschichte  der  Rheinischen  Pfalz.  Vol.  II.  p.  510. 


12  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

tions.  Thus  he  became  so  much  master  of  the  modern 
tongues  that  at  the  thirteenth  year  of  his  age  he  could  un- 
derstand, and  be  understood  in  all  Europe.  His  High  and 
Low  Dutch  were  not  more  naturally  spoken  by  him  than 
English,  French,  Spanish  and  ItaHan.  Latin  he  understood."  ' 
He  showed,  moreover,  a  passion  for  all  things  military. 
**  His  Highness  also  applying  himself  to  riding,  fencing, 
vaulting,  the  exercise  of  the  pike  and  musket,  and  the  study 
of  geometry  and  fortification,  wherein  he  had  the  assistance 
of  the  best  masters,  besides  the  inclination  of  a  military 
genius,  which  showed  itself  so  early  that  at  eight  years 
of  age  he  handled  his  arms  with  the  readiness  and  address 
of  an  experienced  soldier."  - 

Occasionally  their  mother  would  summon  the  children  to 
the  Hague,  that  she  might  show  them  to  her  friends ;  '*  as 
one  would  a  stud  of  horses,"  '  said  Sophie  bitterly.  The 
life  at  Leyden  was  also  varied  by  the  visits  of  the  Elector 
Frederick,  who  was  occasionally  accompanied  by  Englishmen 
of  distinction. 

In  1626  came  the  great  Duke  of  Buckingham  himself. 
James  I  was  dead,  and  Charles  I  reigned  in  his  stead,  but 
the  brilliant  favourite  Buckingham  ruled  over  the  son 
as  absolutely  as  he  had  ruled  over  the  father  before  him. 
He  was  inclined  now  to  take  up  the  cause  of  the  Palatines, 
and,  as  the  price  of  his  assistance,  proposed  a  marriage 
between  the  eldest  prince,  Henry,  and  his  own  little  daugh- 
ter, the  Lady  Mary  Villiers.  Frederick,  knowing  his  great 
power,  listened  favourably,  and  Buckingham  accordingly 
visited  the  children  at  Leyden,  where  he  treated  his  in- 
tended son-in-law  with  great  kindness.  Henry  remembered 
the  Duke  with  affection,  and  addressed  some  of  his  quaint 
little    letters   to    him,    always   expressing   gratitude   for   his 


1  Lansdowne  MSS.  817.  Fol.  157—168.  Brit.  Mus. 

2  Warburton,  Rupert  and  the  Cavaliers,  Vol.  I.  p.  449. 

3  Memoiren  der  Herzogin  Sophie,  p.  35.  Publication  aus  den  Preussischen 
Staatsarchiven. 


THE  PALATINE  FAMILY  13 

kindness.  "My  Lord,"  he  wrote  in  1628,  "I  could  not 
let  pass  this  opportunity  to  salute  you  by  my  Lord  Am- 
bassador, for  whose  departure,  being  somewhat  sorrowful, 
I  will  comfort  myself  in  this,  that  he  may  help  me  in  ex- 
pressing to  you  how  much  I  am  your  most  affectionate 
friend. — Frederick  Henry."  '  But  ere  the  year  was  out 
the  Duke  had  fallen  under  the  assassin's  knife,  and  the 
little  Prince  did  not  long  survive  him. 

The  Stadtholder  Maurice  had  died  in  1625,  bequeathing 
to  Elizabeth,  amongst  other  things,  a  share  in  a  Dutch 
Company  which  had  raised  a  fleet  intended  to  intercept 
Spanish  galleons  coming,  laden  with  gold,  from  Mexico. 
In  January  1629  this  fleet  returned  triumphant  to  the 
Zuyder  Zee.  To  Amsterdam  went  Frederick,  accompanied 
by  his  eldest  son,  now  fifteen,  to  claim  Elizabeth's  share 
of  the  spoil.  ''For  more  frugality"-  the  poverty-stricken 
King  and  Prince  travelled  by  the  ordinary  packet-boat, 
They  reached  Amsterdam  in  safety,  but  on  the  return 
journey,  the  packet-boat  was  run  down  by  a  heavy  Dutch 
vessel,  and  sank  with  all  on  board.  Frederick  was  res- 
cued by  the  exertions  of  the  skipper,  but  young  Henry 
perished,  and  his  piteous  cry,  "  Save  me,  Father  I "  rang  in 
the  ears  of  the  unhappy  Frederick  to  his  dying  day.  * 

Miseries  accumulated  steadily.  The  poverty  of  the  exiles 
increased  as  rapidly  as  did  their  family,  and  at  last  they 
could  scarcely  get  bread  to  eat.  The  account  of  their 
debts  so  moved  Charles  I  that  he  pawned  his  own  jewels 
in  order  to  pay  them,  after  which,  the  King  and  Queen 
retired  to  a  villa  at  Rhenen,  near  Utrecht,  where  they 
hoped  to  live  economically.  There  Elizabeth  was,  to  a 
great  extent,  deprived  of  the  society  which  she  loved ;  but 
she    found    consolation    in    hunting,    a   sport  to  which  she 

»  Harleian  MSS.  6988.  Fol.  83.  British  Museum. 

-  Howell's  Familiar  Letters.  Edition  1726.  Bk  I.  p.  177.  25  Feb.  1625. 
»  Strickland's  Elizabeth  Stuart.  Queens  of  Scotland,  Vol.  Vin.pp.  134, 161. 
Green's  Princesses.  V.  468—9. 


14  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

was  devoted.  Sometimes  she  permitted  her  sons  to  join 
her,  and  on  one  such  occasion  a  comical  adventure  befell 
young  Rupert.  A  fox  had  been  run  to  earth,  and  "  a  dog, 
which  the  Prince  loved,"  followed  it.  The  dog  did  not 
reappear,  and  Rupert,  growing  anxious,  crept  down  the 
hole  after  it.  But,  though  he  managed  to  catch  the  dog  by 
the  leg,  he  found  the  hole  so  narrow  that  he  could  extricate 
neither  his  favourite  nor  himself.  Happily  he  was  discover- 
ed in  this  critical  position  by  his  tutor,  who,  seizing  him 
by  the  heels,  drew  out  Prince,  dog,  and  fox,  each  holding 
on  to  the  other.  ^ 

To  Frederick  the  sojourn  at  Rhenen  was  very  agreeable. 
Failing  health  increased  his  natural  irritability,  and  he  ungrate- 
fully detested  the  democratic  Hollanders.  "  Of  all  canaille, 
deliver  me  from  the  canaille  of  the  Hague  I "  -  he  said. 
"  It  is  a  misery  to  live  amongst  such  a  people."  ^  At 
last,  in  1630,  a  ray  of  hope  dawned  upon  him.  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  King  of  Sweden,  resolved  to  assist  the  Protest- 
ants of  Germany,  and,  encouraged  by  France,  launched 
himself  into  the  Empire.  In  1631  he  gained  the  battle  of 
Leipzig,  and  success  followed  success,  until  the  Lower 
Palatinate  was  in  the  Swedish  hero's  hands.  Then  Frederick, 
provided,  by  the  Stadtholder,  with  -^5,000,  set  out  to  join 
Gustavus,  but  ere  his  departure,  paid  a  farewell  visit  to 
Leyden.  There  he  attended  a  public  examination  of  the 
University  Students,  in  which  Charles  and  Rupert  won 
much  distinction.  The  visit  was  his  last.  By  November 
1632  his  troubles  were  over,  and  the  weary,  anxious,  dis- 
appointed king  lay  dead  at  Mainz,  in  the  thirty-sixth  year 
of  his  age.  The  immediate  cause  of  his  death  was  a  fever 
contracted  in  the  summer  campaign;  but  it  was  said  that 
his  heart  had  been  broken  by  the  death  of  his  eldest  son, 
and   that  all  through  his  illness  he  declared  that  he  heard 

1  Warburton,  Vol.  I.  p.  49,  note. 

2  Strickland,  Elizabeth  Stuart,  p.  138. 
*  Bromley  Letters,  p.  20. 


THE  PALATINE  FAMILY  15 

the  boy  calling  him.  The  death  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  in 
the  same  month  checked  the  victorious  progress  of  the 
Swedish  army,  and,  consequently,  the  hopes  of  the  Palatines. 
Frederick  had  been  loved  by  his  sons,  and  his  loss  was 
keenly  felt  by  those  of  them  who  were  old  enough  to 
understand  it.  The  misfortune  was,  however,  beyond  the 
comprehension  of  the  five-year-old  Philip,  who  evidently 
had  learnt  to  regard  military  defeat  as  the  only  serious 
disaster.  '*  But  is  the  battle  then  lost,  because  the  king 
is  dead  r "  he  demanded,  gazing  in  astonishment  at  Rupert's 
passionate  tears. '  More  than  a  battle  had  been  lost,  and 
forlornly  pathetic  was  the  letter  indicted  by  the  elder  boys 
to  their  uncle,  King  Charles: 

'*  We  commit  ourselves  and  the  protection  of  our 
rights  into  your  gracious  arms,  humbly  beseeching  your 
Majesty  so  to  look  upon  us  as  upon  those  who  have 
neither  friends,  nor  fortune,  nor  greater  honour  in  this 
world,  than  belongs  to  your  Royal  blood.  Unless  you 
please  to  maintain  that  in  us  God  knoweth  what  may 
become  of  your  Majesty's  nephews. 

"  Charles. 
"  Rupert.  '*  Maurice. 

"Edward." 

Hard,  in  truth,  was  the  position  of  Elizabeth,  left  to 
struggle  as  she  might  for  her  large  and  impecunious  family. 
She  had  lost,  besides  Henry,  two  children  who  had  died 
in  infancy.  There  remained  ten,  six  sons  and  four  daugh- 
ters, the  eldest  scarcely  sixteen,  and  all  wholly  dependent 
on  the  generosity  of  their  friends  and  relations.  The 
States  of  Holland  at  once  granted  to  the  Queen  the  same 
yearly  sum  which  they  had  allowed  to  her  husband,  and 
while    her    brother,    Charles    I,   prospered,    and   the   Stadt- 

1  Spriiner's  Pfalzgraf  Ruprecht,  p.  17.  Staatsbibliothek  zu  Miinchen. 
-  Green,  English  Princesses,  Vol.  V.  p.  515, 


i6  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

holder  Henry  still  lived,  she  did  not  suffer  the  depths  of 
poverty  to  which  she  afterwards  sank.  Yet  money  was, 
as  her  son  Charles  put  it,  ''very  hard  to  come  by ";  ^  they 
were  always  in  debt,  and  it  is  recorded  by  another  son, 
that  their  house  was  "greatly  vexed  by  rats  and  mice, 
but  more  by  creditors."  ^ 

Happily  for  herself,  Elizabeth  was  possessed  of  two 
things  of  which  no  misfortune  could  deprive  her,  namely, 
a  buoyant  nature  and  a  perfect  constitution.  *'For,  though 
I  have  cause  enough  to  be  sad,  I  am  still  of  my  wild 
humour  to  be  merry  in  spite  of  fortune/'  she  once  wrote 
to  her  faithful  friend,  Sir  Thomas  Roe.  ^  And  her  children 
inherited  her  high  spirits.  '*  I  was  then  of  so  gay  a  dis- 
position that  everything  amused  me,"  wrote  Sophie;  ''our 
family  misfortunes  had  no  power  to  depress  my  spirits, 
though  we  were,  at  times,  obliged  to  make  even  richer 
repasts  than  that  of  Cleopatra,  and  often  had  nothing  at 
our  Court  but  pearls  and  diamonds  to  eat."  *  And  as  it 
was  with  Sophie  so  it  was  with  the  others;  despair  was 
unknown  to  them,  and  for  long  it  was  their  favourite 
game  to  play  that  they  were  travelling  back  to  the  lost 
Palatinate,  and  had  entered  a  public-house  on  the  way. ' 
Nor  did  they  less  inherit  their  mother's  iron  constitution. 
"Bodily  health  is  an  inheritance  from  our  mother  which 
no  one  can  dispute  with  us,"  declared  Sophie;  "the  best 
we  ever  had  from  her,  of  which  Rupert  has  taken  a  double 
share."  ' 

Thus,  in  spite  of  poverty,  misfortune,  and  the  learning 
thrust  upon  them,  the  children  grew  up  gay,  witty,  as  full 
of  tricks  as  their  mother's  cherished  monkeys,  and  all 
distinguished   for  personal   beauty,    unusual   talents,  strong 

1  Bromley  Letters,  p.  124. 

2  Diet,  of  National  Biography.  Art.  Elizabeth  of  Bohemia. 

3  Letters  and  Negotiations  of  Roe,  p.  146. 

4  Memoiren  der  Herzogin  Sophie,  p.  43. 

5  Spruner,  p.  15.  MSS.  der  Staatsbibliothek  zu  Munchen. 

«  Briefwechsel  der  Herzogin  Sophie  mit  Karl  Ludwig  von  der  Pfalz,  p.  309. 


THE  PALATINE  FAMILY  17 

wills,  and  a  superb  disregard  of  the  world's  opinion. 
Charles,  called  by  his  brothers  and  sisters,  "Timon",  on 
account  of  his  misanthropic  views  and  bitter  sayings,  was 
not  a  whit  behind  Rupert  in  learning,  and  far  his  superior 
in  social  accomplishments.  He  was  his  mother's  favourite 
son.  ''Since  he  was  born  I  ever  loved  him  best — when 
he  was  but  a  second  son,"'  she  wrote  once;  to  which 
replied  her  correspondent :  "  It  is  not  the  first  time  your 
Majesty  has  confessed  to  me  your  affection  to  the  Prince 
Elector,  but  now  I  must  approve  and  admire  your  judg- 
ment, for  never  was  there  any  fairer  subject  of  love."  - 
Elizabeth,  named  by  the  rest  "  La  Grecque,"  was  considered, 
later  in  life,  the  most  learned  lady  in  all  Europe ;  and  the 
merry  Louise  was  an  artist  whose  pictures  possess  an 
intrinsic  value  to  this  day.  Her  instructor  in  the  art  of 
painting  was  Honthorst,  who  resided  in  the  family.  He 
often  sold  her  pictures  for  her,  thus  enabling  her  to  con- 
tribute something  to  the  support  of  the  household.  So  it 
happens  that  some  of  the  pictures  now  ascribed  to  Hont- 
horst, are  in  fact  the  work  of  the  Princess  Louise. 

Sophie  has  left  us  a  description  of  all  her  sisters: 
"  Ehzabeth  had  black  hair,  a  dazzling  complexion,  brown 
sparkling  eyes,  a  well-shaped  forehead,  beautiful  cherry 
lips,  and  a  sharp  aquiline  nose,  which  was  apt  to  turn 
red.  She  loved  study,  but  all  her  philosophy  could  not 
save  her  from  vexation  when  her  nose  was  red.  At  such 
times  she  hid  herself  from  the  world.  I  remember  that 
my  sister  Louise,  who  was  not  so  sensitive,  asked  her  on 
one  such  unlucky  occasion  to  come  upstairs  to  the  Queen, 
as  it  was  the  usual  hour  for  visiting  her.  Elizabeth  said, 
'  Would  you  have  me  go  with  this  nose } ' — Louise  retorted, 
'What!  will  you  wait  till  you  get  another?' — Louise  was 
lively   and    unaffected.      Elizabeth    was  very   learned;    she 

1  Dom.  State  Papers.  Carl  I.  Vol.  325.  Fol.  47.  Eliz.  to  Roe,  4  June,  1636. 
-  Ibid.  Roe  to  Eliz.,  20  July,  1636.  Vol.  329,  fol.  21. 


i8  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

knew  every  language  under  the  sun  and  corresponded 
regularly  with  Descartes.  This  great  learning,  by  making 
her  rather  absent-minded,  often  became  the  subject  of  our 
mirth.  Louise  was  not  so  handsome,  but  had,  in  my 
opinion,  a  more  amiable  disposition.  She  devoted  herself 
to  painting,  and  so  strong  was  her  talent  for  it  that  she 
could  take  likenesses  from  memory.  While  painting  others 
she  neglected  herself  sadly;  one  would  have  said  that  her 
clothes  had  been  thrown  on  her."  ^ 

Rupert,  nicknamed  "Rupert  le  Diable"  for  his  rough 
manners  and  hasty  temper,  was  himself  no  mean  artist,  but 
of  his  especial  bent  something  has  been  said  already.  Of  the 
younger  children  we  know  less.  Maurice  is  chiefly  distin- 
guished as  Rupert's  inseparable  companion  and  devoted 
follower.  Like  Rupert,  he  seems  to  have  been  of  gigantic 
height,  for  we  find  Charles,  at  eighteen,  boyishly  resenting 
the  imputation  that  "  my  brother  Maurice  is  as  high  as 
myself,"  and  sending  his  mother  "the  measure  of  my  true 
height,  without  any  heels,"  to  disprove  it.  ■  Edward  must 
have  been  unlike  the  rest  in  appearance,  for  Charles  describes 
him  as  having  a  round  face,  and  fat  cheeks,  though  he 
had  the  family  brown  eyes.  ^  He  shared  the  wilfulness  of 
the  rest,  but  never  especially  distinguished  himself.  Hen- 
riette  was  fair  and  gentle,  very  beautiful,  but  less  talented 
than  her  sisters.  She  devoted  herself  to  needlework  and 
the  confection  of  sweetmeats.  Poor,  fiery  Philip,  valiant, 
passionate  and  undisciplined,  came  early  to  a  warrior's 
grave.  Sophie  lived  to  be  the  mother  of  George  I  of  Eng- 
land, and  was  famous  for  her  natural  intelligence,  learning, 
and  social  talents.  Little  Gustave  died  at  nine  years  old, 
after  a  short  life  of  continual  suffering. 

As   the   boys    and   girls   grew    up   they  were   withdrawn 
from   Leyden   to   the   court  at  the  Hague.     The  Queen  of 

1  Memoiren  der  Herzogin  Sophie,  pp.  38 — 39. 

-  Bromley  Letters,  p.  97. 

•  Forster's  Statesmen,  Vol.  VI.  p.  81,  no/e. 


THE  PALATINE  FAMILY  19 

Bohemia's  household  was  a  singularly  lively  one,  abounding 
in  practical  jokes  and  wit  of  a  not  very  refined  nature, 
so  that  the  young  princes  and  princesses  had  to  "sharpen 
their  wits  in  self-defence."  ^  It  was  a  fashion  with  them  to 
run  about  the  Hague  in  disguise,  talking  to  whomever 
they  met.  - — Private  theatricals  were  a  favourite  form  of 
amusement,  and  the  Carnival — their  Protestantism  notwith- 
standing— was  kept  with  hilarious  rejoicing.  The  Dutch 
regarded  them  with  kindly  tolerance.  The  English  Puritans 
were  less  phlegmatic ;  and  a  deputation,  happening  to  come 
over  with  **  a  godly  condolence  "  to  Elizabeth,  in  1635,  retired 
deeply  disgusted  by  the  ''  songs,  dances,  hallooing  and 
other  jovialities"  of.  the  Princes  Charles,  Rupert,  Maurice 
and  Edward.  ^ 


*  Memoiren  der  Herzogin  Sophie,  pp.  36—37. 

2  Memoirs  of  the  Princess  Palatine.  Blaze  de  Bury.  p.    112. 

=»  Strickland,  Elizabeth  Stuart,  p.  174. 


CHAPTER    II 

RUPERT'S   EARLY    CAMPAIGNS.     FIRST  VISIT  TO   ENGLAND. 
MADEMOISELLE  DE  ROHAN 

At  the  age  of  thirteen  Rupert  made  his  first  campaign. 
Prince  Henry  of  Orange  had  succeeded  his  brother  Maurice 
as  Stadtholder,  and  under  his  Generalship,  the  Protestant 
states  of  Holland  still  carried  on  the  struggle  against  Spain 
and  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  which  had  raged  since  the 
days  of  William  the  Silent.  The  close  alliance  of  Spain 
with  the  Empire,  and  of  Holland  with  the  Palatines,  connected 
this  war  with  the  religious  wars  of  Germany ;  young  Rupert 
was  full  of  eagerness  to  share  in  it,  and  the  Stadtholder, 
with  whom  the  boy  was  a  special  favourite,  begged  Eliza- 
beth's leave  to  take  him  and  his  elder  brother  on  the 
campaign  of  1633.  The  Queen  consented,  saying,  '*He 
cannot  too  soon  be  a  soldier  in  these  active  times."  ^  But 
hardly  was  the  boy  gone,  than  she  was  seized  with  fears 
for  his  morals,  and  recalled  him  to  the  Hague.  Rupert 
submitted  reluctantly,  but  the  remonstrances  of  the  Stadt- 
holder, ere  long,  procured  his  return  to  the  army. 

A  brief  campaign  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Rhynberg, 
which  triumph  Prince  Henry  celebrated  with  a  tournament 
held  at  the  Hague.  On  this  occasion  Rupert  greatly  dis- 
tinguished himself,  carrying  off  the  palm,  '*with  such  a 
graceful  air  accompanying  all  his  actions,  as  drew  the 
hearts  and  eyes  of  all  spectators  towards  him  . . .  The  ladies 
also  contended  among  themselves  which  should  crown  him 
with  the  greatest  and  most  welcome  glory."  " 


1  Domestic  State  Papers.  Elizabeth  to  Roe,  12/22  April,  1634. 

2  Lansdowne  MSS.  817.  Fol.  157—168. 


>     >  J     J  J  J     > 

'  >      >'       >       J        >       3 

»  J  J  >       J  3  J 


rhoto  t:  Dotteter. 

Portrait  du  jeune  Prince  Ruprecht. 

From  the  Engraving-  in  Gniffrey's  "  Antoine  Vandyke T  after  the 
Portrait  by  Vandyke  in  the  Imperial  Museum  at  Vienna. 

Face  page  zd. 


RUPERT'S  EARLY  CAMPAIGNS  21 

After  all  this  excitement,  the  boy  found  his  life  at  Leyden 
irksome,  and  *'his  thoughts  were  so  wholly  taken  up  with 
the  love  of  arms,  that  he  had  no  great  passion  for  any 
other  study."  He  was  therefore  allowed  to  return  to  active 
service,  and  on  the  next  campaign  he  served  in  the  Stadt- 
holder's  Life  Guards.  With  eager  delight,  he  "  delivered 
himself  up  to  all  the  common  duties  and  circumstances  of 
a  private  soldier;"  ^  in  which  capacity  he  witnessed  the 
sieges  of  Lou  vain,  Schenkenseyan,  and  the  horrible  sack 
of  Tirlemont.  Even  thus  early  he  showed  something  of  the 
impatience  and  impetuosity  which  was  afterwards  his  bane. 
The  dilatory  methods  and  cautious  policy  of  the  Stadt- 
holder  fretted  him ;  "  an  active  Prince,  like  ours,  was  always 
for  charging  the  enemy."  His  courage  indeed  **  astonished 
the  eldest  soldiers,"  and  they  exerted  themselves  to  pre- 
serve from  harm  the  young  comrade  who  took  no  care  of 
himself.  -  Eventually  Rupert  returned  from  his  second  cam- 
paign, covered  with  glory,  and  not  a  little  spoilt  by  the 
petting  of  the  Stadtholder,  and  of  his  companions  in  arms. 
A  visit  to  England,  which  followed  soon  after,  did  not 
tend  to  lessen  his  good  opinion  of  himself. 

His  eldest  brother,  Charles  Louis,  had  just  attained  his 
eighteenth  year.  This  being  the  legal  age  for  Princes  of 
the  Empire,  he  assumed  his  father's  title  of  Prince  Elector 
Palatine,  and  was  thereupon  summoned  to  England  by  his 
uncle,  King  Charles,  who  hoped  to  accomplish  his  restoration 
to  the  Palatinate.  Elizabeth  suffered  the  departure  of  her 
favourite  with  much  misgiving.  *'  He  is  young  etfortnouveau, 
so  as  he  will  no  doubt  commit  many  errors/'  she  wrote 
to  Sir  Henry  Vane.  ''  I  fear  damnably  how  he  will  do  with 
your  ladies,  for  he  is  a  very  ill  courtier;  therefore  I  pray 
you  desire  them  not  to  laugh  too  much  at  him,  but  to  be 
merciful  to  him."  ^ 

1  Benett  MSS.  Warburtou.  Vol.  I.  p.  450. 

2  Lansdowne  MSS.  817.  British  Museum. 

3  Dom.  State  Papers.  Carl  I.  Vol.  300.  fol.  i.  l^/gg  May,  1635. 


22  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

In  October  1635  young  Charles  landed  at  Gravesend,  and 
was  well  received  by  his  relatives.  "The  King  received  him 
in  the  Queen's  withdrawing  room,  using  him  extraordinarily 
kindly.  The  Queen  kissed  him.  He  is  a  very  handsome 
young  prince,  modest  and  very  bashful;  he  speaks  English," 
was  the  report  of  a  friend  to  Lord  Strafford.  ^  Neverthe- 
less the  Elector,  who  had  expected  to  be  restored  with  a 
high  hand,  was  somewhat  disappointed  in  his  uncle.  Ambas- 
sadors King  Charles  did  not  spare.  In  July  1636  he  de- 
spatched Lord  Arundel  on  a  special  mission  to  Vienna.  He 
endeavoured  to  league  together  England,  France  and  Hol- 
land in  the  interests  of  the  Palatines.  He  negotiated  with 
the  King  of  Hungary,  and  he  attempted  to  secure  the  King 
of  Poland  by  marrying  him  to  the  Elector's  eldest  sister, 
Elizabeth.  The  marriage  treaty  fell  through  because  the 
princess  refused  to  profess  the  Roman  Catholic  faith.  The 
other  negotiations  proved  equally  fruitless;  and  armies, 
fleets  and  money  it  was  not  in  the  King's  power  to  furnish. 
"  All  their  comfort  to  me  is  *to  have  patience '  1"  -  complained 
the  young  Elector  to  his  mother. 

In  other  respects  he  had  nothing  to  complain  of;  the 
impression  he  made  was  excellent,  and  the  King  showed 
him  all  the  kindness  in  his  power.  The  old  diplomat.  Sir 
Thomas  Roe,  who  watched  over  the  boy  with  a  fatherly 
eye,  wrote  enthusiastically  to  his  mother,  Elizabeth :  *'  The 
Prince  Elector  is  so  sweet,  so  obliging,  so  discreet,  so  sens- 
ible of  his  own  affairs,  and  so  young  as  was  never  seen, 
nor  could  be  seen  in  the  son  of  any  other  mother.  And 
this  joy  I  give  you :  he  gains  upon  his  Majesty's  affection, 
by  assiduity  and  diligent  attendance,  so  much  that  it  is  ex- 
pressed to  him  by  embracings,  kissings,  and  all  signs  of 
love."  ' 


1  Letters  and  Despatches  of  Thomas  Wentworth,  Earl  Strafford.  Ed.  1739. 
Vol.  I.  p.  489. 

2  Bromley  Letters,  p.  73. 

5    Dom.  State  Papers.  Carl  I.  320.  2  j  i  May,  1636. 


FIRST  VISIT  TO  ENGLAND  23 

Thus  encouraged,  Elizabeth  resolved  to  send  her  second 
son  to  join  his  brother;  though  with  little  hope  that  "Ru- 
pert le  Diable "  would  prove  an  equal  success  with  the 
young  Elector.  ''  For  blood's  sake  I  hope  he  will  be  wel- 
come," she  wrote;  "though  I  believe  he  will  not  trouble 
your  ladies  with  courting  them,  nor  be  thought  a  very  beau 
gar  con,  which  you  slander  his  brother  with."  And  she  en- 
treated Sir  Henry  Vane  "  a  little  to  give  good  counsel  to 
Rupert,  for  he  is  still  a  Httle  giddy,  though  not  so  much  as 
he  has  been.  Pray  tell  him  when  he  does  ill,  for  he  is 
good-natured  enough,  but  does  not  always  think  of  what 
he  should  do."  '  But  the  mother's  judgment  erred,  for  the 
despised  Rupert  won  all  hearts  at  the  English  Court,  so 
completely  as  to  throw  his  brother  into  the  shade.  Doubt- 
less the  jeers  of  his  mother  had  helped  to  render  him  shy 
and  awkward  at  the  Hague;  now,  for  the  first  time,  he 
found  himself  free  to  develop  unrestrained,  in  a  congenial 
atmosphere.  The  natural  force  of  his  character  showed 
itself  at  once,  and  his  quick  wit  and  vivacity  charmed  the 
grave  King.  "I  have  observed  him,"  reported  Sir  Thomas 
Roe,  "full  of  spirit  and  action,  full  of  observation  and 
judgment;  certainly  he  will  reussir  un  grand  homme  (sic); 
for  whatsoever  he  wills  he  wills  vehemently,  so  that  to  what 
he  bends  he  will  in  it  be  excellent .  . .  His  Majesty  takes 
great  pleasure  in  his  unrestfulness,  for  he  is  never  idle; 
in  his  sports  serious,  in  his  conversation  retired,  but  sharp 
and  witty  when  occasion  provokes  him."  " 

In  his  love  for  the  arts  King  Charles  found  another 
point  of  sympathy  with  his  nephew.  The  English  Court 
was  then  the  most  splendid  in  Europe ;  Charles's  collections 
of  pictures,  sculptures,  and  art  treasures  were  the  finest  of 
the  times.  He  was  himself  so  proficient  a  musician  that 
an    enemy    remarked   later,  that  he  might  have  earned  his 


1    Dom.  State  Papers. -Kliz.  to  Vane,  Feb.  2,  1636.  Carl  I.  Vol.  313.  f.  12. 
•2    Dom.  State  Papers.  Roe  to  Elizabeth,  July  20, 1636.  Carl  L  Vol.  339.  f.  21. 


24  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

living  by  his  art.  ^  Rubens,  Van  Dyke  and  other  famous 
artists,  sculptors  and  musicians  were  familiar  figures  at  the 
Court.  In  a  word,  the  society  which  Charles  gathered 
round  him  was  cultivated  and  intellectual  to  the  highest 
degree.  To  a  boy  like  Rupert,  sensitive,  excitable,  and  in- 
tensely artistic  in  feeling,  there  was  something  intoxicating 
in  this  feast  of  the  senses  and  intellect,  so  suddenly  offered 
to  him.  Nor  was  this  all.  The  Queen  and  her  ladies,  so 
famous  for  their  wit  and  beauty,  marked  him  for  their  own ; 
and  before  he  had  been  many  days  in  England,  the  boy 
found  himself  the  chief  pet  and  favourite  of  his  fascinating 
aunt.  Queen  Henrietta,  who  had  a  passion  for  proselytising, 
soon  saw  in  her  handsome  young  nephew  a  hopeful  subject 
for  conversion  to  the  Roman  Church ;  and  Rupert,  on  his 
part,  was  not  a  little  drawn  by  the  artistic  aspect  of  her 
religion. 

The  young  Elector  watched  his  brother's  prosperous 
course  with  dismay.  Rupert,  he  lamented,  was  "always 
with  the  Queen,  and  her  ladies,  and  her  Papists."  Nor  did 
he  look  more  favourably  on  Rupert's  affection  for  Endymion 
Porter,  a  poet,  and  a  connoisseur  in  all  the  arts,  whose  wife 
was  as  ardent  a  Roman  Catholic  as  was  the  Queen  herself. 
"Rupert  is  still  in  great  friendship  with  Porter,"  he  wrote 
to  his  mother.  "I  bid  him  take  heed  he  do  not  meddle 
with  points  of  religion  among  them,  for  fear  some  priest 
or  other,  that  is  too  hard  for  him,  may  form  an  ill  opinion 
in  him.  Mrs.  Porter  is  a  professed  Roman  Cathohc.  Which 
way  to  get  my  brother  away  I  do  not  know,  except  myself 
go  over."  -  Roe  also  hinted  that  Elizabeth  would  do  well 
to  recall  her  second  son.  "His  spirit  is  too  active  to  be 
wasted  in  the  soft  entanglings  of  pleasure,  and  your  Majesty 
would  do  well  to  recall  him  gently.  He  will  prove  a  sword 
for  all  his  friends  if  his  edge  be  set  right.  There  is  nothing 
ill   in  his  stay  here,  yet  he  may  gather  a  diminution  from 

1  Lilly.  Character  of  Charles  I. 

2  Bromley  Letters,  p.  86. 


FIRST  VISIT  TO  ENGLAND  25 

company  unfit  for  him."  '  It  was  enough.  Elizabeth  took 
alarm,  and  from  that  time  made  desperate  but  vain  efforts 
to  recover  her  giddy  Rupert,  who,  said  she,  "spends  his 
time  but  idly  in  England."  -  But  Rupert  was  far  too  happy 
to  return  home  just  then ;  nor  were  his  uncle  and  aunt  willing 
to  part  with  him.  The  Queen  loudly  declared  that  she 
would  not  let  him  go,  and  Elizabeth  was  obliged  to  resign 
herself,  saying,  *'  He  will  not  mend  there."  ' 

It  was  not  fears  for  her  son's  Protestantism  alone  that 
moved  her.  She  was  aware  that  he  and  the  King  were 
concocting  between  them,  a  scheme  of  which  she  thoroughly 
disapproved.  This  was  a  wild  and  utterly  unfeasible  plan 
for  founding  a  colony  in  Madagascar,  of  which  Rupert  was 
to  be  leader,  organiser,  and  ruler.  He  had  always  taken 
a  keen  interest  in  naval  affairs,  and  now  he  devoted  him- 
self eagerly  to  the  study  of  ship-building.  But  his  unfor- 
tunate mother  was  frantic  at  the  idea.  In  her  eyes,  the 
boy's  only  fit  vocation  was  ''to  be  made  a  soldier,  to  serve 
his  uncle  and  brother,"  '  and  she  entreated  her  friend  Roe 
to  put  such  ** windmills"  out  of  this  new  Don  Quixote's 
head.  No  son  of  hers,  she  declared,  fiercely,  should  **  roam 
the  world  as  a  knight-errant ;"'' not  foreseeing,  poor  woman, 
that  such  was  precisely  her  children's  destined  fate.  From 
Roe  at  least  she  had  full  sympathy:  "I  will  only  say,"  he 
wrote  to  her,  '*  that  it  is  an  excellent  course  to  lose  the 
Prince  in  a  most  desperate,  dangerous,  unwholesome,  fruit- 
less action."  °  But  to  mockery  and  exhortation  Rupert  turned 
a  deaf  ear.  His  mother,  finding  her  letters  treated  with 
indifference,  sent  her  agent,  Rusdorf,  to  represent  to  the 
boy  his  exalted  station  as  a  Prince  of  the  Empire,  the 
grief  he  was  causing  to  his  grandmother,  mother  and  sisters, 

1  Dom.  State  Papers.  Carl  I.  320.  f.  2.   i  May,  1636. 

-  Dom.  State  Papers.  Carl  I.  318.  f.  16.  4  April,  1636. 

s  Ibid.  325.  f.  47.  4  June,  1636. 

4  Ibid.  318.  f.  16.  April  4,  1636. 

•'  Howell's  Letters,  p.'  257,  4  Jan.   1636. 

'■•  Dom.  State  Papers.  Roe  to  Eliz.  Carl  I.  350.    16.  17  March,  1637. 


26  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

and  the  necessity  of  his  remaining  in  Europe  to  combat 
his  ancestral  enemies.  Rupert  Hstened  in  absolute  silence, 
and  remained  unmoved  at  the  end.  Nor  could  his  brother 
Charles  make  the  least  impression  on  him.  "  When  I  ask 
him  what  he  means  to  do  I  find  him  very  shy  to  tell  me 
his  opinion,"  ^  was  the  young  Elector's  report.  Rupert 
probably  knew  Charles  well  enough  to  guess  that  anything 
he  did  tell  him  would  be  at  once  repeated  to  his  mother, 
and  he  was  always  good  at  keeping  his  own  counsel. 

Both  boys  had  broken  loose  from  their  home  restraints. 
They  were  now  ** quite  out  of  their  mother's  governance", 
and  resolved  to  go  their  own  way,  heeding  neither  her  nor 
her  agents,  present  or  absent.  -  The  state  of  affairs  was 
not  improved  by  the  interference  of  one  of  EHzabeth's 
ladies,  who  was  also  on  a  visit  to  England.  Between  the 
boys  and  this  Mrs.  Crofts  there  was  no  love  lost.  She 
told  tales  of  their  doings  to  their  mother,  and  carried 
complaints  of  their  rudeness  to  their  mentor.  Lord  Craven. 
The  Princes  were  furious,  believing  that  she  had  been  sent 
to  spy  upon  them,  and,  at  the  same  time,  they  betrayed 
evident  terror  lest  her  stories  should  gain  credence  rather 
than  their  own.  '*l  am  sure  your  Majesty  maketh  no 
doubt  of  my  civil  carriage  to  Mrs.  Crofts,  because  she  was 
your  servant,  and  you  commanded  it,"  declared  Charles, 
"yet  I  hear  she  is  not  pleased,  and  hath  sent  her  com- 
plaints over  seas.  I  do  not  know  whether  they  are  come 
to  your  Majesty's  ears,  but  I  easily  believe  it,  because  she 
told  my  Lord  Craven  that  I  used  her  like  a  stranger  and 
would  not  speak  to  her  before  her  King  and  Queen.  Yet 
I  may  truly  say  that  I  have  spoken  more  to  her,  since 
she  came  into  England,  than  ever  I  did  in  all  my  life 
before."  '*     Rupert   also   had   insulted  the  lady,     "  He  told 


^  Bromley  Letters,  p.  86. 

2  Hausser,  Geschichte  der  Rheinischen  Pfalz.     Vol.  II.  p.  546, 

3  Bromley  Letters,  p.  85. 


FIRST  VISIT  TO  ENGLAND  27 

me  she  would  not  look  upon  him,"  ^  wrote  his  brother 
indignantly. 

After  all  this  agitation,  a  visit  to  Oxford,  in  the  company 
of  the  King,  proved  a  welcome  diversion.  This  was  a 
great  event  in  the  University,  and  the  scholars  were 
admonished  **to  go  nowhere  without  their  caps  and  gowns, 
and  in  apparel  of  such  colour  and  such  fashion  as  the 
statute  prescribes.  And  particularly  they  are  not  to  wear 
long  hair,  nor  any  boots,  nor  double  stockings,  rolled  down, 
or  hanging  loose  about  their  legs,  as  the  manner  of  some 
slovens  is."  '  On  the  night  of  the  Royal  Party's  arrival 
a  play  was  performed  by  the  students  of  Christ  Church, 
which  Lord  Carnarvon  reported  the  worst  he  had  ever 
seen,  except  one  which  he  saw  at  Cambridge.  On  the 
following  day  Rupert,  clad  in  a  scarlet  gown,  was  presented 
for  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  by  the  Warden  of  Merton 
College.  The  University  bestowed  on  him  a  pair  of  gloves ; 
and  from  Archbishop  Laud,  then  Chancellor  of  Oxford, 
he  received  a  copy  of  Caesar's  Commentaries.  Subsequently 
the  Royal  guests  dined  with  Laud,  at  St.  John's  College, 
and  in  the  evening  they  were  condemned  to  witness  a 
second  play  at  Christ  Church,  which  happily  proved  "most 
excellent."  ^ 

Elizabeth  remained,  in  the  meantime,  far  from  satisfied ; 
and  in  February  1637,  King  Charles  thought  it  well  to 
ascertain  her  serious  intentions  with  regard  to  Rupert. 
To  this  end,  young  George  Goring,  then  serving  in  the 
Stadtholder's  army,  was  commissioned  to  sound  her.  Thus 
he  reported  to  his  father : — **  I  found  she  had  a  belief  he 
would  lose  his  time  in  England,  and  for  that  reason  had 
an  intention  to  recall  him.  I  saw  it  not  needful  to  give 
her  other  encouragement  from  His  Majesty,  than  that  I 
heard   the  King  profess  that  he  did  believe  Prince  Rupert 

1  Bromley  Letters,  p.  88. 

-  Dom.  S.  P.  Decree  of  University,  Aug.  12,  1636. 

5  Ibid.  5  Sept.  1636. 


28  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

would  soon  be  capable  of  any  actions  of  honour,  and  if 
he  were  placed  in  any  such  employment  would  acquit 
himself  very  well;  and  I  persuaded  Her  Majesty  to  know 
what  the  Prince  of  Orange  would  think  fit  for  him  to  do, 
which  she  did  on  their  next  meeting,  and  His  Highness 
wished  very  much  that  there  were  some  employment  in 
the  way  worthy  of  him.  But  this  business  is  silenced 
since  upon  a  letter  the  Queen  has  received  from  the 
Prince  Elector,  where  he  mentions  the  sending  of  some  land 
forces  into  France,  which  he  judges  a  fit  command  for 
him  . . .  Only  that  which  His  Highness  spoke  to  Dr.  Gosse, 
concerning  Prince  Rupert,  would  joy  me  much,  being  I 
might  hope  for  a  liberty  of  attempting  actions  worthy  of 
an  honest  man."  ^ 

Plans  for  the  recovery  of  the  lost  Palatinate  were  now 
indeed  maturing.  The  cause  was  one  very  near  the  hearts 
of  the  English  Puritans,  who  regarded  it  as  synonymous 
with  the  cause  of  Protestantism,  and  they  showed  them- 
selves willing  to  subscribe  money  in  aid  of  it.  The  King 
promised  ships,  and  tried  to  win  the  help  of  France ;  while 
young  English  nobles  eagerly  offered  their  swords  to  the 
exiled  Princes.  The  Elector  was  so  delighted  that  he 
could  scarcely  believe  his  good  fortune,  and  Rupert  aban- 
doned his  own  schemes  in  order  to  assist  his  brother. 
"The  dream  of  Madagascar,  I  think,  is  vanished,"  wrote 
Roe.  *'A  blunt  merchant  called  to  deliver  his  opinion, 
said  it  was  a  gallant  design,  but  one  on  which  he  would 
be  loth  to  venture  his  younger  son."  '" 

But  the  dream  of  Rupert's  conversion  was  not  over, 
and  his  mother  was  as  anxious  as  ever  to  recover  posses- 
sion of  him.  She  appealed  now  to  Archbishop  Laud  who 
had  shown  great  interest  in  the  boys,  often  inviting  them 
to   dine   with   him.     ''The   two   young   Princes   have  both 

1  Dom.  State  Papers.    Geo.  Goring  to  Lord  Goring,    4  Feb.  1637.    Carl  I. 

346.  f.  33. 

2  Ibid.  Roe  to  Elizabeth,  May  8,   1637. 


FIRST  VISIT  TO  ENGLAND  29 

been  very  kind  and  respective  of  me,"  he  said.  "It  was 
little  I  was  able  to  do  for  them,  but  I  was  always  ready 
to  do  my  best."  ^  To  him  therefore  Elizabeth  declared 
that  she  was  about  to  send  Maurice  with  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  *'to  learn  that  profession  by  which  I  believe  he 
must  live," "'  and  that  she  desired  Rupert  to  bear  his 
brother  company.  '*  I  think  he  will  spend  this  summer 
better  in  an  army  than  idly  in  England.  For  though  it 
be  a  great  honour  and  happiness  to  him  to  wait  upon  his 
uncle,  yet,  his  youth  considered,  he  will  be  better  employed 
to  see  the  war."''  Laud  replied  in  approving  terms:  **  If 
the  Prince  of  Orange  be  going  into  the  field,  God  be  his 
speed.  The  like  I  heartily  wish  to  the  young  Prince  Maurice. 
You  do  exceedingly  well  to  put  him  into  action  betimes."  * 
Still  he  offered  no  real  assistance,  and  Elizabeth  fell  back 
on  the  sympathetic  Roe,  repeating  how  she  had  sent  for 
Rupert,  and  adding — **  You  may  easily  guess  why  I  send 
for  him ;  his  brother  can  tell  you  else.  I  pray  you  help 
him  away  and  hinder  those  that  would  stay  him."  * 

Her  untiring  solicitations  and  Rupert's  own  martial  spirit, 
combined  with  the  fact  that  the  Elector,  having  completed 
his  negotiations,  was  now  ready  to  return  with  his  brother, 
prevailed.  The  King  at  last  consented  to  let  them  go, 
and  in  June  1637  they  embarked  at  Greenwich,  arriving 
safely  at  the  Hague,  after  a  stormy  passage  in  which  both 
suffered  severely.  The  parting  in  England  had  been  reluc- 
tant on  both  sides.  "Both  the  brothers  went  away  very 
unwillingly,  but  Prince  Rupert  expressed  it  most,  for, 
being  a-hunting  that  morning  with  the  King,  he  wished 
he  might  break  his  neck,  and  so  leave  his  bones  in 
England."  ' 

1  Dom.  S.  P.  Laud  to  Eliz.  Aug.  7,  1637. 

2  Ibid.  Eliz.  to  Laud.  May  19,  1637. 
5  Ibid.  June  10,  1637.  Carl  I.  361. 

*  Ibid.  Laud  to  Eliz.  June  22,  1637. 

^>  Ibid.  Eliz.  to  Roe.  June  7,  1637. 

c  StraflFord  Papers.  Vol.  II.  p.  85.  June  24,  1637. 


30  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

But,  in  the  opinion  of  Elizabeth  and  Roe,  that  pleasant 
holiday  had  ended  none  too  soon.  **  You  have  your  desire 
for  Prince  Rupert,"  wrote  the  latter.  **I  doubt  not  he  re- 
turns to  you  untainted,  but  I  will  not  answer  for  all  designs 
upon  him.  The  enemy  is  a  serpent  as  well  as  a  wolf, 
and,  though  he  should  prove  impregnable,  you  do  well  to 
preserve  him  from  battery."  ^  Later  the  boy  confessed 
that  a  fortnight  more  in  England  would  have  seen  him  a 
Roman  Catholic.  Elizabeth  thereupon  poured  forth  bitter 
indignation  on  her  sister-in-law,  but  Henrietta  only  retorted, 
with  cheerful  defiance,  that,  had  she  known  Rupert's  real 
state    of  mind,  he  should  not  have  departed  when  he  did. 

So  far  as  Rupert  was  concerned,  the  visit  had  not  been, 
from  the  mother's  point  of  view,  a  success.  The  only  one 
of  her  brother's  schemes  for  the  boy's  advantage  of  which 
she  approved,  unhappily  commended  itself  very  little  to 
Rupert  himself;  this  was  no  less  than  the  time-honoured 
device  of  marrying  him  to  an  heiress.  The  lady  selected 
was  the  daughter  of  the  Huguenot  Due  de  Rohan,  and  in 
September  1636  the  Elector  had  written  to  his  mother: 
"  Concerning  my  brother  Rupert,  M.  de  Soubise  hath  made 
overture  that,  with  your  Majesty's  and  your  brother's  con- 
sent, he  thinks  M.  de  Rohan  would  not  be  unwilling  to 
match  him  with  his  daughter ....  I  think  it  is  no  absurd 
proposition,  for  she  is  great  both  in  means  and  birth,  and 
of  the  rehgion."  -  The  death  of  the  Due  de  Rohan  de- 
layed the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  which  dragged  on  for 
several  years.  In  1638  King  Charles  renewed  relations 
with  the  widowed  Duchess,  through  his  Ambassador  at 
Paris,  Lord  Leicester.  **For  Prince  Robert's  service,  I  re- 
presented unto  her  as  well  as  I  could,  how  hopeful  a  prince 
he  was,  and  she  said  she  had  heard  much  good  of  him, 
that  he   was  very  handsome,  and  had  a  great  deal  of  wit 


*    Dom.  State  Papers.  Roe  to  Eliz.  June  19,  1637. 
2    Bromley  Letters,  p.  56. 


MADEMOISELLE  DE  ROHAN  31 

and  courage,"  '  wrote  the  Ambassador.  But  Cardinal  Riche- 
lieu was  by  no  means  willing  to  let  such  a  fortune  as 
that  of  the  Rohans,  fall  to  a  heretic  foreigner,  and  without 
his  consent,  and  that  of  Louis  XIII,  nothing  could  be  done. 
The  difficulties  in  the  way  were  great,  and  though  the 
Duchess  was  well  inclined  to  Rupert,  both  on  account  of 
his  religion  and  of  his  Royal  blood,  she  was  not  blind  to 
the  fact  that  neither  of  these  would  support  either  himself 
or  his  family.  He  would,  she  supposed,  settle  down  in 
France,  but  great  though  her  daughter's  fortune  was,  it 
would  not,  she  declared,  maintain  a  Royal  prince  in  Paris ; 
and  she  desired  to  know  what  King  Charles  would  do  for 
his  nephew.  Leicester  could  only  reply  vaguely  that  the 
King  would  "take  care"  of  his  nephew,  and  of  any  future 
children.  He  was,  however,  admitted  to  an  interview  with 
the  young  lady,  whom  he  facetiously  told,  that  he  "came 
to  make  love  unto  her,  and  that,  if  it  were  for  myself,  I 
thought  she  could  hardly  find  it  in  her  heart  to  refuse  me, 
but  it  being  for  a  handsome  young  prince,  countenanced 
by  the  recommendation  of  a  great  king,  I  did  take  upon 
myself  to  know  her  mind ....  She  gave  me  a  smile  and 
a  blush,  which  I  took  for  a  sufficient  reply."  - 

Owing  to  the  opposition  of  the  Cardinal,  no  formal  be- 
trothal took  place,  but  Marguerite  de  Rohan  evidently  re- 
garded her  unwilling  lover  with  favour,  for  when  he  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Emperor  she  showed  herself  loyal  to 
him.  Leicester,  on  receiving  the  news  of  Rupert's  capture, 
hastened  to  interview  the  Duchess,  but  found  her  still  well 
inclined.  "I  cannot  find  that  she  is  at  all  changed,"  he 
reported.  '*  She  answered  also  for  her  daughter,  and  related 
this  passage  to  me.  Some  one  had  said  to  Mademoiselle 
de  Rohan :  *  Now  that  Prince  Rupert  is  a  prisoner,  you 
should  do  well  to  abandon  the  thought  of  him,  and  to  en- 
tertain the  addresses  of  your  servant,  the  Due  de  Nemours.' 

^    Collins  Sydney  Papers,  1746.  Vol.  II.  p.  549.  28  May,  1638. 

*    Collins  Sydney  Papers,  1746.  Vol.  II.  pp.  560  -561.  22  July,  1638. 


32  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

To  which  she  answered :  *  I  am  not  engaged  anywhere ;  but, 
as  I  have  been  inclined,  so  I  am  still,  for  it  would  be  a 
lachete  to  forsake  one  because  of  his  misfortunes,  and  some 
generosity  to  esteem  him  in  the  same  degree  as  before  he 
fell  into  it."  ^ 

Her  generosity  was  not  felt  as  it  deserved.  Rupert  did 
not  want  to  be  married;  he  had  already  plenty  of  interests 
and  occupations,  and  he  could  not  be  brought  to  regard 
the  matter  from  a  practical  point  of  view.  Eighty  thousand 
pounds  a  year,  united  to  much  other  valuable  property 
and  the  expectation  of  two  more  estates,  could  not  induce 
the  penniless  Palatine  to  sacrifice  his  liberty.  In  1643  Mar- 
guerite would  await  the  recalcitrant  suitor  no  longer,  and 
the  incident  closed  with  a  very  curious  letter,  written  by 
King  Charles  to  Maurice.  Evidently  the  King  was  loth  that 
such  a  fortune  should  be  lost  to  the  family,  after  all  his  trouble. 

"Nepheu  Maurice,"  he  wrote,  ''though  Mars  be  now 
most  in  voag,  yet  Hymen  may  sometimes  be  remembyred. 
The  matter  is  this :  Your  mother  and  I  have  bin  somewhat 
ingaged  concerning  a  marriage  between  your  brother  Rupert 
and  Mademoiselle  de  Rohan.  Now  her  friends  press  your 
brother  for  a  positive  answer,  which  I  find  him  resolved 
to  give  negatively.  Therefore  I  thought  fit  to  let  you  know, 
if  you  will,  by  your  ingagement,  take  your  brother  hand- 
somely off.  And  indeed  the  total  rejecting  of  this  alliance 
may  do  us  some  prejudice,  whether  ye  look  to  these,  or 
to  the  German  affairs ;  the  performance  of  it  is  not  expected 
until  the  times  shall  be  reasonably  settled,  but  I  desire 
you  to  give  me  an  answer,  as  soon  as  you  can,  having 
now  occasion  to  send  to  France,  because  delays  are  some- 
times as  ill  taken  as  denials.  So  hoping,  and  praying  God 
for  good  news  from  you, 

"I  rest,  your  loving  oncle, 

"C.  R."- 

1  Collins  Sydney  Papers.  Vol.  II.  p.  575.  12  Nov.  1638. 

2  Harleian  MSS.  6988.  fol.  149. 


MADEMOISELLE  DE  ROHAN  33 

But  Maurice  was  not  to  be  moved  by  his  uncle's  elo- 
quence, and  his  answer  was  as  positively  negative  as  that 
of  his  brother  had  been.  Subsequently  the  neglected  lady 
wedded  Henri  Chabot,  a  poor  gentleman  of  no  particular 
distinction,  with  whom  she  was,  possibly,  happier  than  any 
Palatine  would  have  made  her. 


#> 


'* 


CHAPTER    III 

THE  SIEGE  OF   BREDA.    THE  ATTEMPT  ON  THE  PALATINATE. 
RUPERT'S    CAPTIVITY 

Immediately  on  his  return  from  England  in  1637,  Rupert 
joined  his  brother  Maurice  in  the  army  of  the  Stadtholder. 
Prince  Henry  was  just  then  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Breda, 
a  town  which  was  oftener  lost  and  won  than  any  other  in 
the  long  wars  of  the  Low  Countries.  Many  Englishmen 
were  fighting  there,  in  the  Dutch  army:  Astley,  Goring, 
the  Lords  Northampton  and  Grandison,  with  whom  the 
Palatines  were  already  well  acquainted,  besides  others  whom 
they  were  to  meet  hereafter  in  the  English  war,  either  as 
friends  or  foes.  The  two  young  princes  acted  with  their 
usual  energy  and  'Met  not  one  day  pass  in  that  siege, 
without  doing  some  action  at  which  the  whole  army  was 
surprised."  ^  Once,  by  their  courage  and  ready  wit,  they 
saved  the  camp  from  an  unexpected  attack.  Waking  in 
the  night,  Rupert  fancied  that  he  heard  unusual  sounds 
within  the  city  walls.  He  roused  Maurice,  and  the  two 
crept  up  so  close  to  the  Spanish  lines  that  they  could 
actually  hear  what  the  soldiers  said  on  the  other  side. 
Thus  they  discovered  that  the  enemy  was  preparing  to  fall 
upon  them  at  mid-night,  and,  hastening  back  to  the  Stadt- 
holder, they  were  able  to  give  him  timely  warning.  Con- 
sequently, when  the  besieged  sallied  out,  the  besiegers 
were  ready  for  them,  and  forced  them  to  retire  with  great 
loss.  "  On  another  occasion  Rupert's  love  of  adventure  led 
him   into   flat    insubordination.     Monk,  afterwards  Duke  of 


1  Lansdowne  MSS.  817.  fol.  157 — 168. 
3  Benett  MSS.  Warburton,  Vol.  I.  p.  450. 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BREDA  35 

Albemarle,  was  about  to  make  an  attack  upon  the  enemy's 
works,  which  was  considered  so  dangerous  that  the  Stadt- 
holder  expressly  forbade  Rupert  to  take  part  in  it.  But 
Rupert  no  sooner  heard  the  Stadtholder  give  the  order  to 
advance,  than  he  dashed  away,  anticipating  the  aide-de- 
camp, himself  delivered  the  order  to  Monk,  and,  slipping  into 
his  company  as  a  volunteer,  took  his  share  in  the  exploit. 
The  Prince  came  off  unhurt,  but  many  of  his  comrades 
fell,  and  both  Goring  and  Wilmot  were  severely  wounded. 
The  fight  over,  Rupert  and  some  other  officers  threw  themselves 
down  on  a  hillock  to  rest;  they  had  been  there  some  time, 
when,  to  their  surprise,  a  Burgundian,  whom  they  had  taken 
for  dead,  suddenly  started  up,  crying:  *•  Messieurs,  est-il 
point  de  quartier?"  The  English  officers  burst  out  laughing, 
and  immediately  dubbed  him  ''Jack  Falstaff",  which  name 
he  bore  to  his  dying  day.  *  What  the  Stadtholder  thought 
of  Rupert's  mutinous  conduct  is  not  recorded. 

Eventually  Breda  fell  to  the  Dutch  arms,  and  Maurice 
was,  immediately  after,  sent  to  school  in  Paris,  with  his 
younger  brothers,  Edward  and  Philip.  He  must  have  gone 
sorely  against  his  will,  especially  as  Charles  and  Rupert 
were  proceeding  to  levy  forces  for  their  own  attempt  on 
the  Palatinate.  But  Elizabeth  was  inexorable.  She  was 
resolved  not  to  blush  for  the  manners  of  her  younger  sons, 
as  she  declared  she  did  for  those  of  Rupert;  and  she  was, 
besides,  anxious  to  have  Maurice  in  safety,  seeing  that  the 
two  elder  boys  were  about  to  risk  their  lives  in  so  rash  a 
venture. 

Since  the  death  of  their  King  Gustavus  the  Swedes  had 
continued  the  war  in  Germany,  though  without  any  such 
brilliant  successes  as  had  been  theirs  before.  Still  many 
towns  were  in  their  hands,  and  doubtless  the  young  Elector 
hoped  for  their  cooperation  in  his  own  venture.  He  had  been 
joined  by  many  English  volunteers;  and  by  means  of  English 

1  Benett  MSS.  Warburton.  Vol.  I.  p.  451. 


36  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

money  he  was  able  to  raise  troops  in  Hamburg  and  Westphalia. 
As  a  convenient  muster-place,  he  had  purchased  Meppen 
on  the  Weser,  from  a  Swedish  officer,  to  whom  the  place 
had  been  given  by  Gustavus.  But  ere  the  Elector's  levies 
were  completed,  the  negligence  of  the  Governor  suffered 
the  town  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Imperialists.  Charles 
took  this  mischance  with  praiseworthy  philosophy:  *'A 
misty  morning,"  quoth  he,  ''often  makes  a  cheerfuller 
day."  ^  And  thanks  to  the  kindness  of  the  Stadtholder,  and 
the  connivance  of  the  States,  he  was  enabled  to  continue 
his  levies,  quartering  his  men  about  Wesel. 

In  the  midst  of  their  labours,  both  he  and  Rupert  found 
time  to  attend  a  tournament  at  the  Hague.  Dressed  as 
Moors,  and  mounted  on  white  horses,  they,  as  usual,  out- 
shone all  others.  Indeed  so  pleased  were  they  with  their 
own  prowess,  that  they  issued  a  printed  challenge  for  a 
renewal  of  the  courses.  Balls  also  were  in  vogue,  and  the 
Hague  was  unusually  gay;  yet  Elizabeth  retired,  early  in 
the  season,  to  her  country  house  at  Rhenen.  Feeling  between 
mother  and  sons  was  still  somewhat  strained.  The  Queen 
found  the  boys  far  less  submissive  to  her  will  than  they 
had  been  before  their  year  of  liberty  in  England,  and  Lord 
Craven,  who  acted  as  mediator,  found  the  post  no  sinecure. 

But  to  Lord  Craven  no  task  came  amiss  in  the  service 
of  the  Palatines.  The  history  of  his  life-long  devotion 
to  the  exiled  Queen  is  well  known,  and  it  is  doubtful 
whether  his  unparalleled  generosity,  or  the  boundless  wealth 
which  made  such  generosity  possible,  be  the  most  astonish- 
ing. His  father,  a  son  of  the  people,  had  made  in  trade, 
the  enormous  fortune  which  he  bequeathed  to  his  children. 
The  eldest  son,  fired  by  military  ambition,  had  entered 
the  service  of  the  Palatine  Frederick,  and,  at  the  siege 
of  Kreuznach,  had  attracted  the  notice  and  approbation 
of  the   great  Gustavus.     His  wealth  and  his  military  fame 

1  Green's  Princesses,  Vol.  V.  p.  558. 


tkoto  E.  Doueter. 

Charles  Louis,  Elector  Palatine. 

From  the  Engraving  in  the  British  Museum  after  a  Portrait  by  Vandyke. 

Face  page  36. 


THE  ATTEMPT  ON  THE  PALATINATE      37 

won  him  an  English  peerage,  but,  after  Frederick's  death. 
Lord  Craven  continued  to  reside  at  the  Hague,  fiUing  every 
imaginable  office  in  the  impoverished  Palatine  household, 
and  lavishing  extravagant  sums  on  the  whole  family.  "  He 
was  a  very  valuable  friend,  for  he  possessed  a  purse  better 
furnished  than  my  own!  "  ^  confessed  Sophie.  In  later  years, 
when  the  good  Prince  of  Orange  was  dead,  and  Charles  I 
no  longer  in  a  position  to  aid  his  sister,  Elizabeth  was 
almost  entirely  dependent  on  this  loyal  friend ;  but  the 
English  Parliament  at  last  confiscated  his  estates,  and  so 
deprived  him  of  the  power  to  assist  her.  The  young  Pala- 
tines were  doubtless  attached  to  him,  but  it  must  be 
admitted  that  they  showed  themselves  less  grateful  than 
might  have  been  desired.  His  follies  and  his  eccentricities 
impressed  them  more  than  did  his  virtues,  and  "the  Httle 
mad  my  lord"  afforded  them  much  matter  for  mirth. 
Possibly  he  was,  as  Sophie  said,  lamentably  lacking  in  com- 
mon-sense, -  but  the  family  would  have  fared  far  worse 
without  him.  On  the  present  occasion  he  had  contributed 
i?io,(X)0  to  the  support  of  the  Elector's  army,  and,  at 
Elizabeth's  request,  undertook  the  special  care  of  the  rash 
young  Rupert,  whose  senior  he  was  by  ten  years. 

By  October  1638  Charles  Louis'  little  army  was  ready 
for  action.  Rupert  had  the  command  of  a  regiment  of 
Horse,  and  Lord  Craven  led  the  Guards ;  the  other  principal 
officers  were  the  Counts  Ferentz  and  Konigsmark.  Anything 
more  wild  and  futile  than  this  expedition  it  is  hard  to 
conceive.  There  seems  to  have  been  no  cooperation  with 
the  Protestant  princes  of  the  Empire,  nor  with  the  Swedish 
army.  On  the  contrary,  at  the  very  moment  of  the  Elector's 
attack,  there  was  a  cessation  of  hostilities  elsewhere.  Ban- 
ier,  the  chief  of  the  Swedish  commanders,  lay  with  his  forces 
in  Munster,    and   he    made   no  movement  to  join  with  his 

1   Memoirea  der  Herzogin  Sophie,  pp.  42 — 43. 

■2   Briefwechsel  der  Herzogin  Sophie  mit  Karl  Ludwig  von  der  Pfalz.  Ed. 
Bodemann.  p.  184.  Preussischen  Staats  Archiven. 


38  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

young  ally;  all  that  he  did  was  to  send  his  second  in 
command,  a  Scot,  named  King,  to  direct  the  Elector's 
operations.  To  the  advice  of  King,  Rupert,  at  least,  attri- 
buted the  disasters  that  followed ;  but  it  would  have  been  a 
miracle  indeed  had  the  two  boys,  with  their  four  thousand 
men,  dashed  themselves  thus  wildly  against  the  number- 
less veteran  troops  of  the  Emperor  with  any  better  result. 
To  the  Lower  Palatinate,  which  was  always  loyal  at 
heart,  Charles  Louis  turned  his  eyes.  Accordingly  he 
marched  from  Wesel,  eastward,  through  the  Bishopric  of 
Munster.  On  the  march,  Rupert,  with  his  usual  eagerness 
to  fight,  succeeded  in  drawing  out  upon  his  van  an 
Imperial  garrison.  But  the  vigorous  charge  with  which  he 
received  it  drove  it  back  into  the  town,  whither  Rupert 
nearly  succeeded  in  following  it.  ^  On  this  occasion  a 
soldier  fired  at  him  from  within  ten  yards,  but,  as  so 
often  happened  when  the  Prince  was  threatened,  the  gun 
missed  fire.  After  this  adventure  the  army  proceeded 
steadily  towards  the  river  Weser,  resolving  to  lay  siege 
to  Lemgo,  which  lies  south  of  Minden  in  Westphalia.  But 
hardly  had  the  Elector  sat  down  before  the  town,  when 
he  heard  that  the  Imperial  forces,  led  by  General  Hatz- 
feldt,  were  advancing  to  cut  off  his  retreat.  To  await 
Hatzfeldt's  onslaught  was  madness,  and  instant  retreat  to 
Minden,  then  held  by  the  Swedes,  was  the  only  course 
for  the  Palatines.  Two  routes  lay  open  to  them,  that  by 
Vlotho  on  the  west,  or  by  Rinteln  on  the  east.  Following 
the  advice  of  General  King,  they  chose  the  way  of  Vlotho 
and  thus  fell  "into  the  very  mouth  of  Hatzfeldt."  -  They 
were  still  between  Lemgo  and  Vlotho  when  they  encoun- 
tered eight  regiments  of  Imperialist  Cuirassiers,  a  regiment 
of  Irish  Dragoons,  and  a  force  of  eighteen  thousand  foot. 
General   King   at   once   sent   away   his   baggage,    *'an  act 


1  Benett  MSS.  Warburton.  Vol.  I.  p.  453. 

2  Ibid. 


THE  ATTEMPT  ON  THE  PALATINATE      39 

which  received  a  very  ill  construction,"  *  and  then  coun- 
selled the  Elector  to  draw  up  his  troops  on  the  top  of  a 
neighbouring  hill.  Field- marshal  Ferentz  complied  with 
the  suggestion ;  but  Konigsmark  who  commanded  the  hired 
Swedes,  so  much  disliked  the  position,  that  Rupert  oflfered 
to  follow  him  wherever  he  pleased.  Thereupon  Konigs- 
mark drew  the  horse  down  again,  into  an  enclosed  piece 
of  land,  courteously  giving  the  van  to  the  Elector.  King, 
in  the  meantime,  went  to  bring  up  the  foot  and  cannon. 
The  Imperialists  fell  first  upon  the  Elector  and  Ferentz, 
who  were  both  beaten  back.  Rupert  withstood  the  third 
shock,  and  beat  back  the  enemy  from  their  ground.  Lord 
Craven  then  brought  his  Guards  to  Rupert's  assistance, 
and  a  second  time  they  beat  back  the  Imperialists  with 
loss.  They  were,  however,  far  outnumbered.  Calling  up 
another  regiment,  under  Colonel  Lippe,  and  sending  eight 
hundred  Horse  to  attack  Rupert's  rear,  the  enemy  charged 
him  a  third  time,  with  complete  success.  The  young 
Elector,  who  had  hitherto  fought  bravely,  now  took  to 
flight,  with  General  King,  and  both  narrowly  escaped 
drowning  in  the  flooded  Weser.  Rupert  might  also 
have  escaped;  cut  off  from  his  own  troops  by  the  very 
impetuosity  of  his  charge,  he  rode  alone  into  the  midst  of 
the  enemy,  but,  by  a  curious  chance,  he  wore  in  his  hat 
a  white  favour,  which  was  also  the  badge  of  the  Austrians, 
and  thus,  for  a  time,  escaped  notice.  While  he  looked 
out  for  some  chance  of  escape,  he  perceived  his  brother's 
cornet  struggling  against  a  number  of  Imperial  troopers. 
Rupert  flew  to  the  rescue,  and  thus  betrayed  himself.  The 
Austrians  closed  round  him;  he  tried  to  clear  the  enclos- 
ure, but  his  tired  horse  refused  the  jump.  Colonel  Lippe 
caught  at  his  bridle,  but  Rupert,  struggling  fiercely,  made 
him  let  go  his  hold.  Lord  Craven  and  Count  Ferentz 
rushed   to   the   rescue   of  their   Prince,   but  all  three  were 

^  Warburton,  I.  p.  453. 


40  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

speedily  overpowered.  Then  Lippe  struck  up  Rupert's 
visor,  and  demanded  to  know  who  he  was.  *' A  Colonel l" 
said  the  boy  obstinately.  "SacrementI  It  is  a  young  one!" 
cried  the  Austrian.  A  soldier,  coming  up,  recognised  the 
boy  and  identified  him  as  *'the  Pfalzgraf",  and  Lippe, 
in  great  joy,  confided  him  to  the  care  of  a  trooper.  Rupert 
immediately  tried  to  bribe  the  man  to  let  him  escape, 
giving  him  all  the  money  he  had,  *' five  pieces",  and 
promising  more.  But  the  arrival  of  Hatzfeldt  frustrated 
the  design,  and  the  Prince  was  carried  off,  under  a  strict 
guard,  to  Warrendorf.  On  the  way  thither  a  woman,  won 
by  the  boy's  youth  and  misfortunes,  would  have  helped 
him  to  escape,  but  no  opportunity  offered  itself.  At 
Warrendorf,  Rupert  was  allowed  to  remain  some  weeks, 
until  Lord  Craven,  who,  with  Ferentz,  was  also  a  prisoner, 
had  somewhat  recovered  from  his  wounds.  The  Prince 
was  also  permitted  to  despatch  Sir  Richard  Crane  to  Eng- 
land, with  a  note  to  Charles  I,  written  in  pencil  on  a  page 
of  his  pocketbook,  for  pen  and  ink  were  denied  him.  ^ 

News  of  the  disaster  had  been  received  with  dismay  in 
England,  where  it  was  reported  with  much  exaggeration. 
"Prince  Rupert,"  it  was  said,  'Ms  taken  prisoner,  and  since 
dead  of  his  many  wounds ;  he  having  fought  very  bravely, 
and,  as  the  gazette  says,  like  a  Hon."  -  His  fate  remained 
doubtful  for  some  days,  and  it  was  even  rumoured  that 
he  had  been  seen  at  Minden,  two  days  after  the  battle. 
But  his  mother  gave  little  credence  to  such  flattering  re- 
ports; in  her  opinion  the  boy's  death  would  have  been 
preferable  to  his  capture.  "If  he  be  a  prisoner  I  confess 
it  will  be  no  small  grief  to  me,"  she  wrote  to  her  faith- 
ful Roe,  "  for  I  wish  him  rather  dead  than  in  his  enemies* 
hands."  *  And  when  her  worst  fears  had  been  realised, 
she    wrote    again:    "I    confess    that    in   my   passion    I  did 

1  Benett  MSS.  Warburton.  Vol.  I.  pp.  454—455 

2  Dom.  S.  P.  Nicholas  to  Pennington,  Nov.  14,  1638. 
s  D.  S.  P.  Eliz.  to  Roe,  Oct.  2.  1638. 


RUPERT'S  CAPTIVITY  41 

rather  wish  him  killed.  I  pray  God  I  have  not  more  cause 
to  wish  it  before  he  be  gotten  out.  All  my  fear  is  their 
going  to  Vienna;  if  it  were  possible  to  be  hindered!... 
Mr.  Crane,  one  that  follows  My  Lord  Craven,  is  come  from 
Rupert,  who  desired  him  to  assure  me  that  neither  good 
usage  nor  ill  should  ever  make  him  change  his  religion 
or  his  party.  I  know  his  disposition  is  good,  and  that 
he  will  never  disobey  me  at  any  time,  though  to  others 
he  was  stubborn  and  wilful.  I  hope  he  will  continue  so, 
yet  I  am  born  to  so  much  affliction  that  I  dare  not  be 
confident  of  it.  I  am  comforted  that  my  sons  have  lost 
no  honour  in  the  action,  and  that  him  I  love  best  is  safe."  ' 
**Him  I  love  best"  was  of  course  the  Elector  Charles,  and 
thus,  even  in  the  moment  of  Rupert's  peril,  his  mother 
confessed  her  preference  for  his  elder  brother. 

In  January  1639  EHzabeth's  fears  about  Vienna  seemed 
justified,  for  an  English  resident  wrote  thence  to  Secretary 
Windebank:  "Prince  Rupert  is  daily  expected,  and  will 
be  well  treated,  being  likely  to  be  liberated  on  parole. 
Hatzfeldt  praises  him  for  his  ripeness  of  judgment,  far 
beyond  his  years."  -  And  to  Rupert  himself  Hatzfeldt  gave 
the  assurance  that  he  should  see  the  Emperor — **  Then  the 
Emperor  shall  see  me  also!"  ^  exclaimed  the  boy,  in  angry 
scorn.  But  the  interview  did  not  take  place.  In  February 
Rupert  was  lodged,  not  at  Vienna,  but  at  Linz  on  the 
Danube,  under  the  care  of  a  certain  Graf  Kuflfstein.  Craven 
and  Ferentz  soon  ransomed  themselves.  They  had  not 
been  permitted  to  accompany  the  Prince  further  than  Bam- 
berg, though  Lord  Craven,  who  paid  c£'20,ooo  for  his  own 
liberty,  offered  to  pay  more  still  for  permission  to  share 
Rupert's  captivity.  But  the  Emperor  was  resolved  to  isolate 
the  boy  from  all  his  friends,  as  a  first  step  towards  gain- 
ing him  over  to  the  Imperial  politics,  and  the  Roman  faith. 

1  Dom.  State  Papers,  Eliz.  to  Roe,  Nov.  6,  1638. 

2  Clarendon  State  Papers,  f.  1171.  Taylor  to  Windebank,  Jan.  12,  1638-9. 
^  Green's  Princesses  of  England.  Vol.  V.  p.  570. 


42  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

The  Elector  therefore  attempted  in  vain  to  send  some 
companion  to  his  brother.  "I  must  tell  Your  Majesty," 
he  wrote  to  his  mother,  "that  it  will  be  in  vain  to  send 
any  gentleman  to  my  brother,  since  he  cannot  go  without 
Hatzfeldt's  pass,  for  which  I  wrote  long  ago.  But  I  have 
received  from  him  an  answer  to  all  points  in  my  letter, 
except  to  that,  which  is  as  much  as  a  modest  denial. 
Essex  ^  should  have  gone,  because  there  was  no  one  else 
would,  neither  could  I  force  any  to  it,  since  there  is  no 
small  danger  in  it ;  for  any  obstinacy  of  my  brother  Rupert, 
or  venture  to  escape,  would  put  him  in  danger  of  hanging. 
The  Administrator  of  Magdeburg  was  suffered  to  have  but 
a  serving-boy  with  him.  Therefore  one  may  easily  imagine 
that  they  will  much  less  permit  him  (i.e.  Rupert)  to  have 
anybody  with  him  that  may  persuade  him  to  anything 
against  their  ends."  - 

As  Charles  surmised,  Rupert's  confinement  was,  at  first, 
very  vigorous.  All  the  liberty  that  he  enjoyed  was  an  oc- 
casional walk  in  the  castle  garden ;  all  his  entertainment  an 
occasional  dinner  with  the  Governor.  Graf  Kuffstein,  him- 
self a  convert  from  Lutheranism,  was  commissioned  by  the 
Emperor  to  urge  his  desires  on  the  young  prisoner.  "  And 
very  busy  he  was  to  get  the  prince  to  change  his  religion.'* 
At  first  he  urged  him  to  visit  some  Jesuits,  but  this  Rupert 
refused  to  do  unless  he  might  also  go  elsewhere.  Then 
Graf  Kuffstein  offered  to  bring  the  Jesuits  to  the  Prince, 
but  Rupert  would  only  receive  their  visits  on  condition 
that  other  people  might  visit  him  also.  '^  To  the  promise 
of  liberal  rewards  if  he  would  but  serve  in  the  Imperial 
army,  the  boy  proved  equally  impervious ;  and  though  de- 
prived of  all  society  he  found  interests  and  occupations 
for  himself.  His  artistic  talents  stood  him  in  good  stead, 
and  he  devoted  himself  much  to  drawing  and  etching.    At 

1  Probably  ColoDel  Charles  Essex,  killed  1642,  at  Edgehill. 

2  Bromley  Letters,  p.  103. 

*  Benett  MSS,  Warburton.  Vol.  I.  p    457. 


RUPERT'S  CAPTIVITY  43 

this  period  also  he  perfected  an  instrument  for  drawing 
in  perspective,  which  had  been  conceived,  but  never  ren- 
dered practical,  by  Albert  Durer.  This  instrument  was  in 
use  in  England  after  the  Restoration  of  1660.  Military 
exercises  Rupert  also  used,  as  far  as  his  condition  would 
permit.  He  was  allowed  to  practise  with  "  a  screwed  gun," 
and,  after  some  time,  he  obtained  leave  **  to  ride  the  great 
horse,"  and  to  play  at  tennis.  Naturally,  constant  efforts 
were  made  to  procure  his  release.  In  July  1640  Lord  Craven 
wrote  to  Secretary  Windebank  on  the  subject :  "  Mr.  Webb 
has  informed  me  that  His  Majesty  has  imposed  upon  you 
the  putting  him  in  mind  of  pressing  on  the  Spanish  Am- 
bassador the  delivery  of  Prince  Rupert.  I  know  you  will, 
of  yourself,  be  willing  enough  to  perform  that  charitable  ac- 
tion, however,  the  relation  I  have  to  that  generous  prince 
is  such  that  I  should  fail  of  my  duty  if  I  did  not  entreat 
your  vigilance  in  it." '  King  Charles  sent  Ambassadors  ex- 
traordinary, not  only  to  the  Emperor,  but  also  to  Spain, 
whose  intercession  he  entreated.  The  Cardinal  Infant  pro- 
mised to  plead,  at  least,  for  Rupert's  better  treatment,  and 
King  Charles  next  turned  to  France.  France,  then  at  war 
with  the  Empire,  held  prisoner  Prince  Casimir  of  Poland 
who,  it  seemed  to  Charles,  might  be  a  fit  exchange  for  his 
nephew.  Through  Leicester  he  urged  Prince  Casimir*s 
detention  until  Rupert's  Hberty  were  promised.  But  the 
scheme  failed;  Rupert,  it  was  answered,  was  '* esteemed 
an  active  prince,"  -  and  would  not  be  released,  so  long  as 
danger  threatened  the  Empire.  So  early  had  he  acquired 
a  warlike   reputation. 

Owing  perhaps  to  the  intercession  of  the  Cardinal  Infant 
of  Spain,  he  was  at  last  permitted  the  attendance  of  a  page 
and  groom,  who  might  be  Dutch  or  English,  but  not  Ger- 
man.    "I  have  sent  Kingsmill  his  pass,"  wrote  the  Elector 

^  Dom.  State  Papers,  Craven  to  Windebank,  July  6,  1640. 
2  Clarendon   State   Papers,   Sir   A.    Hopton   to   Windebank,  18—28  July, 
1640.  fol.  1397. 


44  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

in  August  1640,  ''he  will  be  fit  enough  to  pass  my  brother 
Rupert's  time,  and  I  do  not  think  he  will  use  his  counsel 
in  anything."  ^  Of  Kingsmill's  arrival  at  Linz  we  hear 
nothing,  but  two  other  companions  now  relieved  Rupert's 
solitude. 

Susanne  Marie  von  Kuffstein,  daughter  of  Rupert's  gaoler, 
was  then  a  lovely  girl  of  about  sixteen.  She  was,  says 
the  writer  of  the  Lansdowne  MS.,  "  one  of  the  brightest 
beauties  of  the  age,  no  less  excelling  in  the  beauty  of  her 
mind  than  of  her  body."  On  this  fair  lady  the  young 
prisoner's  good  looks,  famous  courage,  and  great  mis- 
fortunes made  a  deep  impression.  She  exerted  herself  to 
soften  her  father's  heart,  and  to  persuade  him  to  gentler 
treatment  of  the  captive.  In  this  she  succeeded  so  well 
''that  the  Prince's  former  favours  were  improved  into  fa- 
miliarities, as  continual  visits,  invitations  and  the  like." 
Thus  Rupert  was  enabled  to  enjoy  Susanne's  society, 
and  that  he  did  enjoy  it  there  is  very  little  doubt,  "for 
he  never  named  her  after  in  his  life,  without  demonstration 
of  the  highest  admiration  and  expressing  a  devotion  to 
serve  her."  -  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  memory 
of  Susanne  von  Kuffstein  was  the  cause  of  Rupert's 
rejection  of  Marguerite  de  Rohan.  There  is,  however,  little 
ground  for  crediting  him  with  such  constancy.  Maurice, 
it  must  be  remembered,  rejected  the  unfortunate  Margue- 
rite with  equal  decision.  Moreover,  Susanne  herself  married 
three  times,  and  Rupert's  sentiment  towards  her  seems  to 
have  been  nothing  more  passionate  than  a  chivalrous  and 
grateful  admiration. 

Besides  Susanne  the  Prince  had  at  Linz  another  friend, — 
his  white  poodle  "  Boye."  This  dog  was  a  present  from  Lord 
Arundel,  then  English  Ambassador  at  Vienna ;  it  remained 
Rupert's  inseparable  companion  for  many  years,  and  met 
at  last  a  soldier's  death  on  Marston  Moor.    The  Prince  also, 

1  Bromley  Letters,  p.  116. 

2  Lansdowne  MSS.  817. 


RUPERT'S  CAPTIVITY  45 

for  a  short  time,  made  a  pet  of  a  young  hare,  which  he 
trained  to  follow  him  like  a  dog,  but  this  he  afterwards 
released,  fearing  that  it  might  find  captivity  as  irksome  as 
did  he  himself. 

Thus  passed  a  two  years'  imprisonment,  after  which  the 
Emperor  deigned  to  offer  terms  to  his  captive.  In  the  first 
place  he  required  that  Rupert  should  embrace  the  Roman 
faith.  But  the  boy  was  a  Palatine,  and,  though  he  had 
listened  willingly  to  the  persuasions  of  his  aunt,  Henrietta, 
the  least  hint  of  compulsion  rendered  him  staunchly  Pro- 
testant. He  answered  the  Emperor,  somewhat  grandilo- 
quently, *'  that  he  had  not  learnt  to  sacrifice  his  religion  to 
his  interest,  and  he  would  rather  breathe  his  last  in  prison, 
than  go  out  through  the  gates  of  Apostacy."  The  Emperor 
then  consented  to  waive  the  question  of  religion,  only  in- 
sisting that  Rupert  must  ask  pardon  for  his  crime  of  rebel- 
lion against  the  Holy  Roman  Empire.  But  to  do  this  would 
have  been  to  deny  his  brother's  right  to  his  Electorate, 
and  Rupert  only  retorted  coldly  that  he  ** disdained"  to 
ask  pardon  for  doing  his  duty.  Finally,  he  was  invited  to 
take  service  under  the  Emperor,  and  to  fight  against  France, 
which  country  had  just  imprisoned  his  eldest  brother.  But 
here  also  the  boy  was  obdurate.  To  fight  under  the  Em- 
peror would  inevitably  involve  fighting  against  the  Swedes 
and  the  Protestant  princes.  Rupert  therefore  replied,  <*that 
he  received  the  proposal  rather  as  an  affront  than  as  a 
favour,  and  that  he  would  never  take  arms  against  the 
champions  of  his  father's  cause."  ^ 

After  such  contumacy  it  may  well  be  believed  that  the 
Emperor's  patience  was  exhausted.  His  brother-in-law  the 
Duke  of  Bavaria,  then  owner  of  the  Upper  Palatinate,  and 
of  the  ducal  title  which  was  Rupert's  birthright,  suggested 
that  the  boy's  spirit  was  not  yet  broken,  and  urged  the 
Emperor  to  deprive  him  of  his  privileges.    Accordingly,  Graf 

1  Lansdowne  MSS.  817. 


46  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Kuffstein  was  ordered  to  cease  his  civilities,  and  Rupert  was 
placed  in  a  confinement  rendered  stricter  than  ever,  guarded 
day  and  night  by  twelve  musketeers. 

For  this  severity  the  proximity  of  a  Swedish  army  was 
an  additional  reason.  Maurice  himself  was  serving  in  their 
ranks,  and  the  Emperor  feared  lest  Rupert  should  hold 
correspondence  with  them.  Against  these  Swedes  was  de- 
spatched the  Emperor's  brother,  the  Archduke  Leopold,  who, 
very  happily  for  Rupert,  passed,  on  his  way,  through  Linz. 
Being  at  Linz,  the  Archduke  naturally  visited  the  youthful 
prisoner  who  had  made  so  much  sensation,  and  was  forth- 
with captivated  by  him.  Leopold,  whose  gentle  piety  had 
won  him  the  name  of  "the  Angel",  was  but  a  few  years 
older  than  the  Palatine ;  the  two  had  many  tastes  in  common, 
and  in  that  visit  was  established  a  friendship  between  Rupert 
the  Devil  and  Leopold  the  Angel,  which  endured  to  the 
end  of  their  lives. 

The  Archduke's  intercession  with  the  Emperor  not  only 
restored  to  Rupert  his  former  privileges,  but  won  him  the 
additional  liberty  of  leaving  the  castle  on  parole  for  so  long 
as  three  days  at  a  time.  ^  As  soon  as  this  concession 
made  their  civilities  possible,  the  nobles  of  the  country 
showed  themselves  anxious  to  alleviate  the  tedium  of 
Rupert's  captivity.  They  **  treated  him  with  all  the  re- 
spects imaginable,"  invited  him  to  their  houses,  and  gave 
hunting  parties  in  his  honour.  The  house  most  frequented 
by  Rupert  was  that  of  Graf  Kevenheller,  who,  oddly 
enough,  had  been  one  of  Frederick's  bitterest  foes.  Yet 
Frederick's  son  found  this  Graf's  house  "a  most  pleasant 
place,"  at  which  he  was  always  *'very  generously  enter- 
tained." -  And  Rupert,  on  his  part,  seems  to  have  made 
himself  exceedingly  popular  with  his  friendly  foes.  He 
was,  as  they  said,  "  beloved  by  all,"  *  and,  wrote  an  Impe- 

1  Benett  MSS.  Warburton.  Vol.  I.  pp.  457—458. 

2  Warburton,  p.  458. 

*  Clarendon  State  Papers,  Leslie  to  Windebank,  July  19,  1640. 


RUPERT'S  CAPTIVITY  47 

rialist  soldier,  "his  behaviour  so  obligeth  the  cavaliers 
of  this  country  that  they  wait  upon  him  and  serve 
him  as  if  they  were  his  subjects."  ^  As  pleasant  a  captivity 
as  could  be  had  was  Rupert's  now,  but  yet  a  captivity; 
and  still,  in  spite  of  Susanne  von  Kuffstein,  in  spite  of  the 
Archduke  and  of  "all  the  cavaliers  of  the  country,"  his 
thoughts  turned  wistfully  to  the  Hague,  where,  for  him, 
was  home. 

>  Dom.  S.  P.  Leslie  to  Windebank,  July  29 — Aug.  8,  1640. 


CHAPTER    IV 

THE   PALATINES  IN  FRANCE.      RUPERT'S  RELEASE 

Elizabeth  had  imagined  that  by  sending  her  younger 
sons  to  school  in  Paris,  she  was  keeping  them  out  of  harm's 
way ;  great  was  her  surprise  and  annoyance  when  she  found 
their  position  to  be  almost  as  dangerous  as  was  that  of 
Rupert.  The  cause  of  this  new  disaster  was  the  imprudent 
conduct  of  the  elder  brother,  Charles  Louis.  Undaunted  by 
his  recent  defeat,  the  young  Elector  sought  new  means  for 
recovering  his  country,  and  he  now  bethought  him  of  Duke 
Bernhard  of  Saxe  Weimar.  The  alliance  of  this  Duke,  a 
near  neighbour  of  the  Palatinate,  was  very  important,  and 
in  January  1639  Lord  Leicester  had  proposed  a  marriage 
between  him  and  the  Princess  Elizabeth.  Further,  he  had 
suggested  to  King  Charles  that  Maurice  should  take  a 
command  in  Bernhard' s  army,  for  which,  young  though  the 
Prince  was,  he  believed  him  fitted.  "For,"  said  he,  ''besides 
that  he  has  a  body  well-made,  strong,  and  able  to  endure 
hardships,  he  hath  a  mind  that  will  not  let  it  be  idle  if 
he  can  have  employment.  He  is  very  temperate,  of  a  grave 
and  settled  disposition,  but  would  very  fain  be  in  action, 
which,  with  God's  blessing,  and  his  own  endeavours  will 
render  him  a  brave  man .  .  .  Being  once  entered  there,  if 
Duke  Bernhard  should  die,  the  army,  in  all  likelihood  would 
obey  Prince  Maurice ;  so  keep  itself  from  dissolving,  and 
bring  great  advantage  to  the  affairs  of  your  nephew "  ^ 
(z.  e.  to  the  Elector,  Charles  Louis). 

But   Charles  Louis,  full  of  impatience,  and  putting  little 
faith   in   the   negotiations   of  his   uncle,  set  off  in  October 

1  Collins  Sidney  Papers,  Vol.  II.  pp.  584—5,  28  Jan.  1639. 


THE  PALATINES  IN  FRANCE  49 

1639  to  join  Duke  Bernhard  in  Alsace.  Foolishly  enough, 
he  visited  Paris,  by  the  way,  "  en  primed  and  then  attempted 
to  depart  thence  incognito.  Now  it  so  happened  that  Cardinal 
Richelieu  had  uses  of  his  own  for  the  army  of  Duke  Bernhard. 
It  therefore  suited  him  to  detain  the  Elector  in  Paris,  and 
the  Elector's  irregular  conduct  gave  him  the  pretext  he 
required.  Declaring  that  so  serious  a  breach  of  etiquette 
was  capable  of  very  sinister  construction,  he  arrested  Charles 
Louis,  and  placed  his  three  brothers  under  restraint.  Lord 
Leicester  complained  loudly  of  this  treatment  of  the  Elector, 
and  though  Maurice  at  once  sent  a  servant  to  his  brother, 
the  man  was  only  allowed  to  speak  to  Charles  in  French, 
and  in  the  presence  of  his  guards.  The  distracted  mother 
flew  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  who  explained  to  her  that 
Richelieu  feared  her  son's  attachment  to  England,  which, 
however,  Richelieu  himself  denied. 

No  sooner  was  the  Weimarian  army  safely  committed  to 
the  charge  of  a  French  general  than  Charles  Louis  was 
permitted  to  take  up  his  residence  with  the  English  Am- 
bassador. After  this,  though  still  a  prisoner,  he  spent  a 
very  pleasant  time  in  Paris,  at  an  enormous  expense  to  the 
King,  his  uncle.  Maurice  was  allowed  to  return  home  in 
an  English  ship,  but  Edward  and  Philip  were  detained  as 
hostages.  Elizabeth  spared  no  pains  to  recover  them,  and, 
as  usual,  made  the  Prince  of  Orange  her  excuse,  "I  send 
for  Ned  out  of  France,  to  be  this  summer  in  the  army," 
she  wrote  to  Roe ;  '*  and,  finding  Philip  too  young  to  learn 
any  great  matters  yet,  I  send  for  him  also,  to  return  next 
winter ; — which  I  assure  you  he  shall  not  do''  ^ 

But  it  was  not  until  April  1640  that  her  boys  were 
restored  to  her,  and  the  Elector  did  not  recover  his  full 
Uberty  until  the  following  July.  In  the  autumn  of  the 
same  year  he  went  to  England,  to  attend  the  marriage 
of  his   cousin    Mary  with  the  little  William  of  Orange,  on 

1  Dom.  State  Papers.  Carl  I.  Vol.  539.  Eliz  to  Roe,  Jan.  7/i7)  1640. 

4 


5o  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

which  occasion  he  quarrelled  with  the  bridegroom  for 
precedence.  But  his  chief  object  in  this  visit  was  to 
obtain  money  either  from  King  or  ParHament.  Elizabeth 
urged  him  to  do  something  for  Maurice,  but  he  evidently 
regarded  his  third  brother  with  much  indifference.  "As 
for  my  brother  Maurice,"  he  wrote,  "your  Majesty  will 
be  pleased  to  do  with  him  as  you  think  fit.  It  will  be 
hard  to  get  the  money  of  his  pension  paid  him."  ^  His 
next  letter  was  a  little  more  encouraging.  "The  King 
says  he  will  seek  to  get  money  for  Maurice,  and  then  he 
may  go  to  what  army  he  pleases.  I  want  it  very  much 
myself,    and   it  is  very  hard  to  come  by  in  these  times."  ' 

The  army  which  Maurice  chose  was  that  of  the  Swedes, 
under  Banier;  perhaps  because  it  was  then  quartered  near 
to  the  captive  Rupert.  Ere  his  departure,  he  wrote  to 
King  Charles: 

"Sir, — Being  ready  to  tacke  a  journy  towards  Generall 
Banier,  I  may  not  neglect  to  aquaint  you  therewithal, 
et  to  recomend  myselfe  et  my  actions  to  Yor  Roial 
favour,  whiche  I  chal  strive  to  deserve  in  getting  more 
capacity  for  your  service.  Yt  is  the  greatest  ambition  of 
Yor  Majestie's 

"  Most  obedient  nephew  et  humble  servant, 

"Maurice."  ^ 
The  letter,    which   is   written   in    a  clear,  school-boy  hand, 
betrays  less  confusion  of  tongues,  the  curious  use  of  "et" 
notwithstanding,  than  do  most  epistles  of  the  Palatines. 

Maurice  remained  with  the  Swedes  some  months.  In 
January  1641  his  mother  informed  Roe  that  he  was  at 
Amberg  in  Bavaria.  In  the  next  month  she  was  able  to 
report  of  him  at  greater  length.  "  I  have  had  letters  from 
Maurice,    from  Cham  in  the  High  Palatinate.     He  tells  me 


^  Bromley  Letters,  p.  122. 

2  Ibid.  p.  124. 

3  Dom.  State  Papers.  Maurice  to  Charles  I,  Oct.  30,1640.  Carl  I.  Vol.  470. 
fol.  21. 


THE  PALATINES  IN  FRANCE  51 

that  Banier  has  intercepted  a  letter  of  the  Duke  of  Bavaria, 
to  the  Commander  of  Amberg.  He  writes  that  he  under- 
stands that  there  is  in  Banier's  army  a  young  Palatine ; 
and  he  should  take  good  heed  no  bailiffs,  or  other  officers, 
go  to  see  him  or  hold  any  correspondence  with  him  . . . 
Maurice  is  still  very  well  used  by  Banier,  who  now  makes 
more  of  Princes  than  heretofore,  since  he  has  married  the 
Marquis  of  Baden's  daughter."  ' 

In  June  1 64 1  Maurice  returned  to  Holland  where  he 
found  life  going  on  much  as  usual.  Hunting  and  acting 
continued  to  be  the  principal  Palatine  amusements.  "I 
did  hunt  a  hare,  last  week,  with  my  hounds ;  it  took  seven 
hours,  the  dogs  never  being  at  fault,"  wrote  Elizabeth 
triumphantly;  "I  went  out  with  forty  horse  at  least,  and 
there  were  but  five  at  the  death . .  .  Maurice,  Prince  Raven- 
ville,  the  Archduke,  and  many  another  knight,  were  en- 
treated by  their  horses  to  return  on  foot.  I  could  not 
but  tell  you  this  adventure,  for  it  is  very  famous  here."  ' 
In  another  letter  she  tells  how  her  daughters  acted  the 
play  of  **  Medea  and  Jason  ",  and  how  Louise,  who  played 
a  man,  looked  "so  like  poor  Rupert  as  you  would  then 
have  justly  called  her  by  his  name." '  It  is  not  unlikely 
that  Louise  impersonated  Jason  in  her  brother's  clothes, 
and  so  enhanced  the  likeness. 

The  family  had,  by  this  time,  almost  despaired  of  "poor 
Rupert's"  release;  but  it  was  nearer  than  they  thought. 
King  Charles,  after  labouring  for  three  years  in  vain,  had 
at  last  succeeded  in  rousing  the  sympathy  of  France,  and, 
when  he  despatched  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  in  1641,  to  plead 
Rupert's  cause  at  Vienna,  it  was  with  a  reasonable  hope 
of  success.  "I  hope,  by  the  solicitation  of  Sir  Thomas 
Roe,   we    shall   see    our    sweet    Prince    Rupert    here.     He 


^  Dom.  State  Papersj  Carl  I.  Vol.  477.  Feb.  22,  1641. 
2  Ibid.  Carl  I.  Vol.  539.  Jan.  7—17,  1641. 
»  Ibid.  Carl  I.  484.  f.  51.  Oct.   10,  1641. 


52  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

hath  been  so  long  a  prisoner!"^  wrote  one  of  Elizabeth's 
ladies. 

The  Emperor  had  long  had  a  secret  kindness  for  the 
gallant  boy  who  had  dared  to  defy  him,  and,  in  the  Arch- 
duke Rupert  had  a  warm  friend  and  advocate.  But  in 
the  old  Duke  of  Bavaria,  who  held,  as  before  said,  so 
much  of  the  Palatine  property,  he  had  a  bitter  foe.  His 
release  became  the  subject  of  fierce  family  discussion.  The 
Emperor  hesitated,  but,  moved  by  the  intercession  of 
France,  and  by  his  affection  for  his  brother,  decided  at 
last  to  show  mercy.  Thereupon,  his  sister,  the  Duchess 
of  Bavaria,  fell  on  her  knees  before  him,  and  passionately 
entreated  him  to  detain  Rupert  a  prisoner.  Again  the  Emperor 
wavered,  but  the  Empress,  siding  with  the  Archduke, 
carried  the  day  in  Rupert's  favour.  The  boy  was  offered 
his  liberty  on  the  single  condition  of  never  again  drawing 
sword  against  the  Imperial  forces.  The  peremptory  com- 
mands of  King  Charles  procured  Rupert's  submission  to  this 
condition,  which  he  would  fain  have  disputed.  But  when 
his  promise  was  required  in  writing  it  was  more  than  he 
could  endure.  "If  it  is  to  be  a  lawyer's  business  let  them 
look  well  to  the  wording  1"  said  he  scornfully.  .The  Em- 
peror took  the  hint,  and  declared  himself  satisfied  with  a 
simple  promise,  Rupert  giving  his  hand  upon  it,  accord- 
ing to  the  custom  of  the  country.  ' 

Though  France  had  been  the  principal  factor  in  Rupert's 
release,  Sir  Thomas  Roe  had  all  the  credit  of  it;  and  to 
Roe's  guidance  Elizabeth  exhorted  her  son  to  submit  him- 
self. Rupert  obeyed  her  meekly.  He  seems  indeed  to 
have  been  in  an  unusually  submissive  frame  of  mind, 
judging  by  the  letters  which  he  addressed  at  this  time 
to  Roe.  The  first  of  these  bears  the  date,  ''Linz,  21  Aug. 
1641." 


1  Fairfax  Correspondence.  Ed.  Johnson.  1848.  Vol.  I.  p.  322. 

2  Benett  MSS.  Warburton.  I.  pp.  102,  458. 


RUPERT'S  RELEASE  53 

**My  Lordl 

"  A  little  journe  a  had  towards  the  Count  of  Keven- 
heller  was  the  cause  that  thus  long  you  were  without  an 
answer.  But  now  I  could  not  let  another  occasion  pass 
without  giving  you  very  great  thanks  for  your  pains,  and 
the  affection  you  show  in  my  business,  and  to  tell  you 
that  I  leve  all  the  conditions  to  your  disposing,  since  I 
know  your  Lordshippe  is  my  frend,  and  am  assured  that 
you  would  do  nothing  against  my  honor. 
**And  so  I  rest 
''Your  Lordshippe's  most  affectioned  frend, 

'*  Rupert."^ 

The  next  letter,  written  a  month  later,  is  very  curiously 
humble,  coming  from  the  fiery  Rupert. 

"My  Lord! 

"According  your  demand  I  doe  send  you  this  an- 
swer with  all  possible  speed.  As  for  the  present  your 
Lordshippe  speks  of  I  am  in  greate  doubt  what  to  give, 
this  being  a  place  where  nothing  worth  presenting  is  to 
be  had;  besides  I  doe  not  knowe  what  present  he  would 
accept.  Therefore  I  must  heere  in  desire  your  Lordshippes 
consel,  desiring  you  to  let  Spina  take  what  you  shalle 
thinke  fitt,  both  for  the  Count,  and  for  the  Emperor's  — , 
who  deserves  it,  having  had  a  greate  dele  of  paines  with 
my  diet,  and  other  thinges.  Sir,  I  must  give  you  a  greate 
dele  of  thankes  for  the  reale  frendshipp  you  shewed  in 
remembering  me  of  my  faults,  whiche  I  confesse,  and 
strive,  and  shalle  the  more  heereafter,  to  mend.  But  I 
doubt  not,  according  to  the  manner  of  some  peple  heere, 
they  have  added  and  said  more  than  the  thinge  itselfe  is. 
I  beseech  you  not  to  hearken  to  them,  but  assure  your- 
selfe  that  it  has  been  only  from  an  evill  costum,  which  I 
hope    in   short   time    to   mend.      Desiring   you  to  continue 

I  Dom,  State  Papers.  Carl  I,  Vol.  483.  fol.  39. 


54  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

this    your   frendshippe  in  leting  me  knowe  my  faults,  that 
I  mai  have  to  mend  them, 

^'I  rest, 
"Your  Lordshippe's  most  afifecionat  frend, 

"Rupert."' 

The  third,  and  last  letter  is  dated  "  October"  and  docketed 
"  of  my  release." 

"My  Lord! 

"  Sence  you  have  happiely  broght  this  businesse  almost 
to  and  end,  I  mene  to  followe  your  Lordshippe's  consel  in 
alle.  At  your  coming,  alle  shalle  be  redie  for  our  journay 
to  Viena.  The  moyns  (moyens,  i.e.  money)  I  have  when 
alle  debts  are  paiet  woul  not  bee  moer  than  a  i  ,cx)0  ducats. 
Thefore  I  beseech  your  Lordshippe  to  hasten  our  journe 
from  Viena  as  much  as  possible.  If  you  think  fit,  I  mene 
to  take  my  wale  to  Inspruck  and  throgh  France,  whiche 
is  sertainely  the  best  and  saifest  wai  of  alle.  I  woul  desire 
a  sudain  answer  of  your  Lordshippe  that  I  mai  send  for 
bils  of  exchange  to  bee  delivered  at  Geneva  and  Paris.  Thys 
is  alle  I  have  at  this  time  to  troble  Yor  Lordshippe  withalle, 
and  so  I  rest, 

"  Your  most  affectioned  to  doe  you  service, 

"Rupert."  - 

It  may  here  be  noticed  that  Rupert,  throughout  his 
whole  life,  was  singularly  scrupulous  about  the  payment  of 
his  debts. 

When  all  negotiations  were  completed,  the  Emperor 
organised  "an  extraordinary  hunting"  in  Lower  Austria, 
at  which  Rupert  was  directed  to  appear,  as  if  by  chance. 
He  had  the  good  luck  to  kill  the  boar  with  his  spear,  an 
exploit  very  highly  accounted  in  the  Empire.  The  Emperor, 

1  Dom.  State  Papers.     Sept.  19—29.  1641.  Carl  I.  484.  f.  36. 

2  Ibid.  Oct.  1641.  Carl  I.  484  f.  61. 


RUPERT'S  RELEASE  55 

thereupon,  extended  his  hand  to  the  successful  hunter; 
Rupert  kissed  it,  and,  that  being  the  final  sign  of  release, 
was  thenceforth  free.  For  a  week  he  was  detained  as  a  guest 
at  Vienna,  while  every  effort  was  made  to  gain  his  adherence 
to  the  Emperor.  He  seems  to  have  been  as  popular  at 
Vienna  as  at  Linz.  **  There  were,"  says  the  Lansdowne 
MS.,  "few  persons  of  quality  by  whom  he  was  not  visited 

and  treated The  ladyes  also  vied  in  their  civilities,  and 

laboured  to  detain  him  in  Germany  by  their  charms." 
But  Rupert  refused  to  be  beguiled,  charmed  they  never  so 
wisely.  As  for  the  Emperor,  he  lavished  so  much  kindness 
on  his  quondam  prisoner,  **  that  the  modesty  of  the  Prince 
could  not  endure  it  without  some  confusion.  Yet  his  deport- 
ment was  composed,  and  his  answers  to  the  civilities  of  the 
Emperor  were  so  full  of  judgment  and  gratitude  that  they 
esteemed  him  no  less  for  his  prudence  than  for  his  bravery."  ^ 
At  last  he  was  suffered  to  depart.  Fain  would  the 
Emperor  have  sent  him  to  the  Archduke  at  Brunswick,  be- 
lieving that  the  influence  of  the  Angel  might  yet  win  him. 
But  Rupert  preferred  to  visit  Prague,  his  own  birthplace, 
and  the  scene  of  his  father's  brief  kingship.  With  a  kindly 
caution  not  to  venture  into  the  power  of  the  Duke  of 
Bavaria,  the  Emperor  bade  him  farewell.  From  Prague 
Rupert  went  to  Saxony,  where  he  astonished  the  reigning 
Elector  not  a  little  by  his  refusal  to  drink.  A  banquet 
had  been  arranged  in  his  honour,  but  the  Prince,  "always 
temperate ",  excused  himself  from  drinking  with  the  rest. 
**  *  What  shall  we  do  with  him  then,'  says  the  Elector,  '  if 
he  cannot  drink?' — and  so  invited  him  to  the  entertainment 
of  a  hunting."  -  After  this  Rupert  travelled  night  and  day, 
in  his  eagerness  to  be  the  first  to  bring  news  of  his  release 
to  his  family.  He  just  managed  to  anticipate  Roe's  letter, 
which  arrived  at  the  Hague  on  the  same  night  with  him- 
self.    Boswell,  then  English  Ambassador  in  Holland,  wrote 

'  Lansdowne  MSS.  817.  British  Museum. 
3  Warburton.  I.  p.  459. 


56  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

an  account  of  the  event  to  Roe.  '^Prince  Rupert  arrived 
here  in  perfect  health,  but  lean  and  weary,  having  come 
that  day  from  Swoll,  and  from  Hamburg  since  the  Friday 
noon.  Myself,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  coming  out 
of  the  court  gate,  had  the  good  luck  to  receive  him  first 
of  any,  out  of  his  waggon ;  no  other  creature  in  the  court 
expecting  his  coming  so  soon.  Whereby  himself  carried  the 
news  of  his  being  come  to  the  Queen,  newly  set  at  supper. 
You  may  imagine  what  joy  there  was ! "  ^  And  to  Roe 
wrote  the  Queen  also:  *'The  same  night,  being  the  20th 
of  this  month  (December),  that  Rupert  came  hither  I  received 
your  letter,  where  you  tell  me  of  his  going  from  Vienna. 
He  is  very  well  satisfied  with  the  Emperor's  usage  of  him. 
I  find  him  not  altered,  only  leaner,  and  grown.  All  the 
people,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  made  great  show 
of  joy  at  his  return.  For  me,  you  may  easily  guess  it,  and 
also  how  much  I  esteem  myself  obliged  to  you." 

Yet,  even  after  a  three  years'  separation,  Elizabeth  had 
no  notion  of  keeping  her  son  beside  her.  "  What  to  do 
with  him  I  know  not  I  "  she  lamented.  **  He  cannot  in  honour, 
yet  go  to  the  war;  here  he  will  live  but  idly,  in  England 
no  better.  For  I  know  the  Queen  will  use  all  possible 
means  to  gain  him  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Prince  Elector, 
and  of  his  religion.  For  though  he  has  stood  firm  against 
what  has  been  practised  in  his  imprisonment,  amongst  his 
enemies,  yet  I  fear,  by  my  own  humour,  that  fair  means 
from  those  that  are  esteemed  true  may  have  more  power 
than  threatenings  or  flattery  from  an  enemy."  ^  Doubtless 
the  Queen's  anxiety  for  her  son's  employment  was  justified ; 
there  was  no  money  to  maintain  him ;  and,  moreover,  the 
Hague  was  no  desirable  residence  for  an  idle  and  active- 
minded  young  Prince.  There  seems  to  have  been  some 
idea  of  sending  him  to  Ireland,  where  the  natives  had  risen 
against  the  English  Government.    The  King  approved  of  the 

1  Dom.  S.  Papers.     Boswell  to  Roe.  23  Dec.  1641.  Carl  I.  486.  f.  53. 
?  Dom.  State  Papers.    Carl  I.  486.  f.  51.  Elizabeth  to  Roe,  23  Dec.  1641, 


RUPERT'S  RELEASE  57 

suggestion:  ''But,"  wrote  the  Elector,  ''the  Parliament  will 
employ  none  there  but  those  they  may  be  sure  of.  I  shall 
speak  with  some  of  them  about  it,  either  for  Rupert,  or  for 
brother  Maurice.  This  last  might,  I  think,  with  honour, 
have  a  regiment  under  Leslie,  but  to  be  under  any  other 
odd  or  senseless  officer,  as  some  are  proposed,  I  shall  not 
advise  it."  '  Apparently  the  idea  failed  to  commend  itself 
to  the  English  Parliament,  which  perhaps  suspected  that 
the  younger  brothers  would  be  found  less  time-serving  than 
was  the  Elector. 

In  accordance  with  his  mother's  wishes,  and  doubtless 
with  his  own,  Rupert  went  over  to  England,  early  in  Fe- 
bruary 1642,  with  the  avowed  object  of  thanking  his  uncle 
for  his  release.  He  found  King  Charles  at  Dover,  whither 
he  had  accompanied  his  wife  and  eldest  daughter  on  their 
way  to  Holland.  Affairs  in  England  were  approaching  a 
crisis,  and  the  Queen,  under  the  pretext  of  taking  the 
Princess  Mary  to  her  husband,  was  about  to  raise  money 
and  men  for  the  King,  on  the  Continent.  The  visit  of  the 
warlike  Rupert  at  so  critical  a  juncture  roused  hostile  com- 
ment, and,  since  war  was  not  yet  considered  inevitable,  the 
King  desired  his  nephew  to  return  home  with  the  Queen. 
Therefore,  after  a  visit  of  three  days,  he  embarked  with 
the  Queen  and  Princess  on  board  the  Lyon,  and  sailed 
straight  for  Holland.  The  arrivals  were  met,  on  their  landing, 
by  Elizabeth,  two  of  her  daughters,  the  Prince  of  Orange 
and  his  son;  all  of  whom  proceeded  in  one  coach  to  the 
Court  of  Orange.  Rupert  remained  at  the  Hague  until 
August,  when  war  broke  out  in  England,  and  gave  him 
the  employment  desired  for  him   by  his  mother. 

At  this  point,  August  1642,  closes  what  we  may  consider 
as  the  first  period  of  Rupert's  life.  Probably  these  early 
years  were  his  best  and  happiest.  Marked  though  they 
were    by   poverty   and   misfortune,   they   were    yet   full   of 

I    Forster's  Statesmen,  Vol.  VI.  p.  74.  10  March,  1642, 


58  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

interests  and  adventure,  unmarred  by  the  struggles,  jeal- 
ousies, disappointments,  and  family  dissensions  which  were 
to  come.  Rupert  had  no  lack  of  friends ;  he  had  won  the 
hearts  of  his  very  enemies.  Not  the  least  among  a  brilliant 
group  of  brothers  and  sisters,  he  was  happy  in  their  com- 
panionship and  sympathy,  the  bond  of  which  was  so  soon 
to  be  severed;  happy  also  in  the  kindness  and  affection 
of  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  of  the  King  and  Queen  of 
England.  He  had  shown  himself  gifted  with  rare  abilities, 
capable  of  valiant  action,  and  of  loyal  and  patient  endur- 
ance;— a  generous,  high-souled  boy,  fired  by  chivalric 
fancies,  free  from  all  self-seeking,  earnest,  faithful,  strong- 
willed,  but  also,  alas,  opinionated,  and  impatient  of  contra- 
diction. 


CHAPTER    V 

ARRIVAL  IN  ENGLAND.     POSITION   IN  THE  ARMY. 
CAUSES   OF  FAILURE 

During  his  last  brief  visit  to  England  Rupert  had  pro- 
mised to  serve  his  uncle  whensoever  he  should  have  need 
of  him;  and  in  August  1642,  he  received,  through  Queen 
Henrietta,  his  Commission,  as  General  of  the  Horse.  Im- 
mediately upon  this  he  set  out  to  join  the  King  in  England. 
He  embarked  in  the  *'Lyon,"  the  ship  which  had  brought 
the  Queen  to  Holland;  but,  after  the  Prince  had  come  on 
board,  the  Commander,  who  was  of  Puritan  sympathies, 
received  a  warning  against  bringing  him  over.  Captain  Fox's 
anxiety  to  get  rid  of  his  passenger  was  favoured  by  the 
weather.  A  storm  blew  them  back  to  the  Texel,  and  there 
Fox  persuaded  the  Prince  to  go  ashore,  promising  to  meet 
him  at  Goree  so  soon  as  the  wind  should  serve.  Rupert 
thereupon  returned  to  the  Hague,  and  Fox,  after  quietly 
setting  the  Prince's  people  and  luggage  on  shore,  sailed 
away,  and  was  no  more  seen  in  Holland. 

Enraged  and  disappointed,  Rupert  appealed  to  the  Stadt- 
holder,  who  lent  him  another  ship,  commanded  by  Captain 
Colster.  This  time  Maurice  insisted  on  accompanying  his 
brother,  and  the  two  Princes,  having  provided  themselves 
with  an  engineer,  a  "fire  worker,"  and  a  large  store  of 
arms,  muskets,  and  powder,  set  sail  for  Scarborough.  Near 
Flamborough  Head  they  were  spied  by  some  ParHamentary 
cruisers,  and  a  ship  called  the  '*  London  "  came  out  to  hail 
them.  Colster  hoisted  the  Dunkirk  colours,  but  the  other 
Captain,  still  unsatisfied,  desired  to  search  the  small  vessel 
in  which  the  arms  were  stored.  Rupert,  who  had  been 
extremely,  and  even  dangerously,  ill  throughout  the  voyage, 


6o  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

struggled  on  deck  "in  a  mariner's  cap"  and  ordered  out 
the  guns,  saying  he  would  not  be  searched.  On  this  the 
** London"  shot  to  leeward,  and  two  other  ships  came  out 
to  her  aid.  But  Rupert  succeeded  in  running  into  Tynemouth, 
and,  anchoring  outside  the  bar,  landed  by  means  of  boats. 
His  little  vessel  also  escaped,  and  landed  her  stores  safely 
at  Scarborough  in  the  night.  ^ 

When  they  reached  Tynemouth  it  was  already  late,  but 
Rupert's  eagerness  would  brook  no  delay.  ''The  zeale  he 
had  speedily  to  serve  His  Majesty  made  him  think  diligence 
itself  were  lazy."  -  Accompanied  by  Maurice,  an  Irish  officer, 
Daniel  O'Neil,  and  several  others,  he  started  at  once  for 
Nottingham.  But  the  stars,  in  their  courses,  fought  against 
him.  As  ill  luck  would  have  it,  August  though  it  was,  a 
hard  frost  came  on,  and  Rupert's  horse  slipped  and  fell, 
pitching  him  on  to  his  shoulder.  The  shoulder  was  discovered 
to  be  out  of  joint,  but,  '*  by  a  great  providence,"  it  happened 
that  a  bone-setter  lived  only  half  a  mile  away.  This  man, 
being  sent  for  in  haste,  set  Rupert's  shoulder  in  the  road, 
and,  ''in  conscience,  took  but  one-half  of  what  the  Prince 
offered  him  for  his  pains."  Within  three  hours  the  indefatig- 
able Rupert  insisted  on  continuing  his  journey. 

Arrived  at  Nottingham,  he  retired  to  bed,  but  he  was 
not  destined  long  to  enjoy  hisw  ell-earned  rest.  A  curious 
dilemma  now  brought  him  into  contact  with  the  two  men 
who  were  to  prove,  respectively,  his  warmest  friend  and 
his  bitterest  foe,  in  the  Royal  Army, — namely.  Captain  Will 
Legge,  and  George,  Lord  Digby.  The  King,  who  was  at 
Coventry,  had  sent  to  Digby,  demanding  a  petard.  Odd 
though  it  may  appear,  a  petard  was  to  Digby  a  thing 
unknown — "a  word  which  he  could  not  understand."  He 
therefore  sought  out  the  weary  Prince  to  demand  an  explana- 
tion. Rupert,  at  once,  got  out  of  bed  to  search  the  arsenal ; 
but   no   such   thing   as   a  petard  was  to  be  found.     Then, 

1  Warburton.  Vol.  I.  pp.  460 — 462. 
3  Lansdowne  MSS.  817. 


POSITION  IN  THE  ARMY  6i 

Captain  Legge,  coming  to  the  rescue,  contrived  to  make 
one  out  of  two  mortars,  and  sent  it  off  to  the  King.  ' 
Rupert,  following  the  petard,  found  his  uncle  at  Leicester 
Abbey,  and  there  formally  took  over  charge  of  the  cavalry, 
which  then  consisted  of  only  eight  hundred  horse.  On  the 
next  day,  August  22nd,  they  all  returned  to  Nottingham, 
where  the  solemn  setting  up  of  the  Royal  Standard  took 
place. 

War  was  now  irrevocably  declared,  and  Rupert  found 
his  generalship  no  sinecure.  The  King,  in  these  early 
days,  relied  impHcitly  on  his  nephew's  advice,  and,  though 
Commander  of  the  Cavalry  only  in  name,  Rupert  had  in 
reality  the  whole  conduct  of  the  war  upon  his  hands.  The 
real  Commander-in-Chief  was  old  Lord  Lindsey,  but  Rupert's 
position  was  one  of  complete  independence.  He  was, 
indeed,  instructed  to  consult  the  Council  of  War,  but  was 
also  directed  **  to  advise  privately,  as  you  shall  think  fit, 
and  to  govern  your  resolution  accordingly."  -  Further,  he 
requested  that  he  might  receive  his  orders  only  from  the 
King  himself.  And  this  request  King  Charles  unwisely 
conceded,  thus  freeing  Rupert  from  all  control  of  the 
Commander-in-Chief,  dividing  the  army  into  two  independent 
parties,  and  establishing  a  fruitful  source  of  discord  between 
the  cavalry  and  infantry. 

Yet  Rupert  was  in  many  respects  well-fitted  for  his 
post.  Distinguished  by  his  dauntless  courage  and  resolute 
nature,  he  was  possessed  also  of  a  knowledge  of  war  such 
as  was  not  to  be  learnt  in  England.  He  was  really  the 
only  professional  soldier  of  high  rank  in  the  army,  and 
he  proved  himself  both  a  clever  strategist,  and  a  good 
leader  of  cavalry,  though  he  did  unfortunately  lack  the 
patience  and  discretion  necessary  to  the  making  of  a 
successful  general.  "  That  brave  Prince  and  hopeful  soldier, 
Rupert,"  wrote  the  gallant  Sir  Philip  Warwick,  ''though  a 

^  Warburton.  I.  p.  462. 

-  Rupert  Transcripts.  Instruction  to  the  Prince.  1642. 


62  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

young  man,  had  in  martial  afiairs  some  experience,  and  a 
good  skill,  and  was  of  such  intrepid  courage  and  activity, 
that, — clean  contrary  to  former  practice,  when  the  King 
had  great  armies,  but  no  commanders  forward  to  fight, —  ^ 
he  ranged  and  disciplined  that  small  body  of  men;— of  so 
great  virtue  is  the  personal  courage  and  example  of  one 
great  commander.  And  indeed  to  do  him  right,  he  put 
that  spirit  into  the  King's  army  that  all  men  seemed  re- 
solved, and  had  he  been  as  cautious  as  he  was  a  for- 
ward fighter,  he  had,  most  probably,  been  a  very  fortunate 
one.  He  showed  a  great  and  exemplary  temperance, 
which  fitted  him  to  undergo  the  fatigues  of  a  war,  so  as 
he  deserved  the  character  of  a  soldier.  //  etait  toujours 
soldatl  For  he  was  never  negligent  by  indulgence  to  his 
pleasures,  or  apt  to  lose  his  advantages."  - 

In  truth  Rupert's  cheerfulness  and  brilliant  courage  in- 
spired confidence  in  his  own  troops,  and  terror  in  those 
of  the  enemy.  **  There  was  no  more  consternation  in  the 
King's  troops  now.  Every  one  grew  assured.  The  most 
timorous  was  afraid  to  show  fear  under  such  a  general, 
whose  courage  was  increased  by  the  esteem  we  had  of 
him."  ^  And  throughout  the  war  Rupert  was  the  very  life  of 
the  Royalist  army ;  *' adored  by  the  hot-blooded  young  officers, 
as  by  the  sturdy  troopers,  who  cried,  when  they  entered  a 
fallen  city:    *D us  I    The  town  is  Prince  Rupert's!'  "* 

The  very  first  skirmish  of  the  war  established  his  repu- 
tation. The  terrified  Puritans  spread  abroad  reports  of  the 
'* incredible  and  unresistible  courage  of  Prince  Rupert,"'' 
which  grew  and  multiplied  as  the  war  proceeded,  until 
Rupert,  "exalted  with  the  terror  his  name  gave  to  the 
enemy,"  '   would   not   believe  that   any  troops  could  with- 

^  I.e.  in  the  Scottish  wars. 

2  Memoirs  of  Sir  Philip  Warwick,  pp.  226 — 228. 

3  Lansdowne  MSS.  817. 

*  A  Looking  Glass  etc.  Civil  War  Tract.  Brit.  Mus. 

5  Clarendon's  Hist,  of  the  Rebellion.  Ed.  1849.  Bk.  VI.  p.  46. 

6  Ibid.  Bk.  VI.  p.  109. 


POSITION  IN  THE  ARMY  63 

stand  his  charge.  "The  enemy  is  possest  with  so  strange 
and  senseless  a  feare  as  they  will  not  believe  any  place 
tenable  to  which  Your  Highness  will  march,"  ^  reported 
his  officers.  Nor  was  it  wonderful  that  the  Puritans  deemed 
him  something  more  than  human.  Conspicuous  always  by 
his  dress  and  unusual  height,  ever  foremost  in  the  charge, 
utterly  "prodigal  of  his  person,"  he  bore  a  charmed  life. 
Twice  pistols  were  fired  in  his  face,  without  doing  him 
the  slightest  harm.  Once  his  horse  was  killed  under  him, 
but  "  he  marched  off  on  foot  leisurely,  without  so  much  as 
mending  his  pace."  *  While  guarding  the  retreat  from 
Brentford  he  stood  alone  for  hours,  exposed  to  a  heavy 
fire,  and  yet  came  off  unscathed.  "  Nephew,  I  must  con- 
jure you  not  to  hazard  yourself  so  nedlessely,"  ^  wrote  his 
anxious  uncle;  but  the  King's  anxiety  was  uncalled  for, 
Rupert  remained  uninjured  till  the  end  of  the  war,  though 
Maurice  was  wounded  in  almost  every  action  in  which  he 
engaged. 

The  Austrians  at  Vlotho  had  called  Rupert  "  shot  free  ", 
and  so  he  seemed  now  to  Puritan  and  Cavalier. 

"Sir,  you're  enchanted!  Sir,  you're  doubly  free 
"  From  the  great  guns,  and  squibbing  poetry,"  " 

declared  a  Royalist  poet. 

Rupert,  moreover,  seemed  to  be  in  all  places  at  once. 
"  This  prince,  like  a  perpetual  motion. .  . .  was  in  a  short 
time,  heard  of  in  many  places  at  great  distances,"  ^  says 
the  Parliamentary  historian.  May.  And  again:  "The  two 
young  princes,  and  especially  Prince  Rupert,  the  elder 
brother,  and  most  furious  of  the  two,  within  a  fortnight 
after   his   arrival   commanded    a   small    party. . . .    Through 


1  Mr.  Firth's  Transcripts.  Geo.  Porter  to  Rupert,  March  24,  1644. 

2  Warburton.  II.  p.  250.  Journal  of  Siege  of  Bristol. 

»  Pythouse  Papers.  Ed.  Day.  1879.  p.  46.  16  Nov.  1642. 

*  Rupertismus.  Cleveland's  Poems.  Ed.  1687.  p.  $1. 

•"'  May.  Hist,  of  Long  Parliament.  Ed.  1854.  p.  249. 


64  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

divers  parts  of  Warwickshire,  Nottinghamshire,  Leicester- 
shire, Worcester  and  Cheshire  did  this  young  prince  fly 
with  those  troops  he  had."  ^  Nowhere  did  the  adherents 
of  the  Parliament  feel  safe  from  his  attack,  and  the  magical 
rapidity  of  his  movements  enhanced  the  terror  inspired  by 
his  prowess.     Wrote  his  admirer,  Cleveland : 

"Your  name  can  scare  an  atheist  to  his  prayers, 
"And  cure  the  chincough  better  than  the  bears; 
"Old  Sybils  charm  toothache  with  you;  the  nurse 
"Makes  you  still  children;  and  the  pondrous  curse 
"The  clown  salutes  with  is  derived  from  you; 
"'Now  Rupert  take  thee,  Rogue!  How  dost  thou  do?'"  - 

Yet  Rupert,  in  spite  of  this  reputation  was  neither  ruffianly 
nor  cruel.  The  News  Letters  called  him  "  a  loose  wild  gen- 
tleman", '*  and  many  accused  him  of  hanging  Roundheads  at 
their  own  doors,  and  plundering  villages  wholesale ;  '  but 
such  rumours  were  libels.  ''Where  are  these  men  that  will 
affirm  it?  In  what  country  or  town  stood  those  houses 
betrayed  by  me,  or  by  my  sufferance,  to  that  misery  of 
rapine?"  demanded  the  Prince,  in  answer  to  one  of  his 
accusers.  "He  will  answer  '•  they^  said  it.  But  who  ' M^j ' 
were  he  knows  not;  in  truth,  nor  I  neither,  nor  no  man 
else."  *  And  said  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  who  was  not  all  inclined 
to  approve  the  part  Rupert  had  taken:  "I  cannot  hear 
anything,  credibly  averred,  which  can  be  blamed  by  those 
who  know  the  liberty  of  wars."  "  But  the  English  did  not 
know  "the  liberty  of  the  wars,"  and  they  were  naturally 
inclined  to  judge  the  young  Prince  harshly.  Severe  Rupert 
undoubtedly  could  be,  if  necessary.  When  the  Puritans  began 
a  wholesale  massacre  of  the  King's  Irish  soldiers,  the  Prince 
promptly  retaliated  by  executing  an  equal  number  of  Puritan 

1  May.  Hist,  of  Long  Parliament.  Ed.   1854.  p.  243-4. 

"-  Rupertismus. 

8  Webb.  Civil  War  in  Herefordshire.  Vol.  I.  p.  129. 

*  May.  p.  244. 

5  Prince  Rupert:  His  Reply.  Brit.  Mus. 

^  Webb.  Civil  War  in  Hereford.  I.  p.  149. 


POSITION  IN  THE  ARMY  65 

prisoners.  But  the  stern  act,  coupled  with  the  assurance 
that  for  the  life  of  every  Royalist  that  of  a  Roundhead 
should  pay,  effectually  checked  the  barbarities  of  the  Par- 
liament. The  nickname  of  "Prince  Robber"^  was  certainly 
unjustly  bestowed ;  yet  the  Royal  Army  had  to  be  sup- 
ported, and  the  only  way  to  support  it  was  by  levying 
contributions  on  the  country.  **The  Horse  have  not  been 
paid,  but  live  upon  the  country,"  -  wrote  a  Cavalier  to 
his  wife. 

It  is  possible  that  Rupert  was  not  over-scrupulous  when 
the  persons  taxed  happened  to  be  Puritans,  yet  he  always 
maintained  what  he  considered  a  proper  degree  of  dis- 
cipline; and  the  frequent  apologies  of  his  officers  prove 
that  the  Prince  did  not  permit  indiscriminate  plunder.  "Our 
men  are  not  very  governable,  nor  do  I  think  they  will  be, 
unless  some  of  them  are  hanged.  They  fall  extremely  to 
the  old  kind  of  plundering,  which  is  neither  for  their  good, 
nor  for  His  Majesty's  service,"  '  wrote  Lord  Wentworth. 
And,  after  a  high-handed  capture  of  some  arms  at  Swan- 
bourne,  the  same  officer  again  apologised :  **  If  your  Highness 
think  it  too  great  a  cruelty  in  us  I  hope  you  will  pardon 
us.  You  shall  consider  that  we  could  not  have  done 
otherwise."  ' 

Another  Colonel  denied  strenuously  an  accusation  of 
oppression  which  had  excited  Rupert's  anger  against  him. "' 
That  the  failure  at  Edgehill  was  due  to  the  greed  of 
Rupert's  men  in  plundering  the  baggage  waggons,  was  an 
imputation  which  the  Prince  hotly  resented.  To  his  announce- 
ment that  he  could,  **at  least,  give  a  good  account  of 
the  enemy's  horse,"  a  bystander  retorted:  **And  of  their 
carts  tool"  '^    Whereupon   the  Prince  drew  his  sword,  and 

1  Gardiner's  Civil  War,  I.  p.  15. 

2  Sydney  Papers.  Spencer  to  Lady  Spencer.  II,  p.  667. 

3  Rupert  Correspondence.  Warburton.  II.  p.  191. 
*  Ibid.  p.  193. 

3  Rupert  Transcripts,  Colonel  Blagge  to  the  Prince,  2  March,  1643. 
«  Verney  Memoirs,  Vol.  II.  p.  115. 

5 


66  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

there  was  nearly  a  duel  in  the  King's  presence.  The  idea 
that  he  enriched  himself  by  plunder  is  too  absurd  to  need 
refutation ;  yet,  were  it  needed,  proof  to  the  contrary  might 
be  found  in  a  letter  written  at  the  end  of  the  war,  which 
draws  a  painful  picture  of  Rupert's  extreme  poverty.  ^ 

For  the  rest,  the  Prince  regarded  the  enemy  with  a  sol- 
dierly chivalry.  Instances  of  his  courtesy  are  not  wanting, 
and  in  all  matters  of  honour  he  was  most  punctilious. 
''The  Prince/'  said  one  of  his  officers,  "uses  to  make  good 
his  word,  not  only  in  point  of  honour,  but  as  a  matter  of 
religion  too."  -  Thus,  when  his  men  snatched  the  colours 
of  an  enemy  promised  a  safe  passage,  "  some  of  them  felt 
the  edge  of  his  sword,"  and  the  colours  were  courteously 
returned.  To  his  honourable  conduct,  under  similar  cir- 
cumstances at  Bristol,  the  Puritan  Governor  bore  generous 
testimony.  ^ 

But  personal  gallantry,  promptitude,  and  ubiquity  were 
far  from  being  Rupert's  only  qualifications  for  his  post.  He 
understood,  as  he  himself  phrased  it,  "what  belongs  to  war." 
His  tactics  were  of  the  school  of  the  great  Gustavus,  and 
he  abolished  the  absurd  custom  of  letting  the  cavalry 
halt  to  fire,  before  making  a  charge.  At  Edgehill  he  went 
from  rank  to  rank,  bidding  the  men  to  charge  at  the  first 
word,  and  thus  he  formed  an  irresistible  cavalry  which  never 
failed  to  sweep  all  before  it,  until  it  met  its  match  at  Marston 
Moor.  His  method  was  thus  described  by  the  son  of  one 
of  his  officers :  "  His  way  of  fighting  was  that  he  had  a 
select  body  of  horse  that  always  attended  him,  and,  in 
every  attack,  they  received  the  enemy's  shot  without  re- 
turning it,  but  one  and  all  bore  with  all  their  force  upon 
their  adversaries,  till  they  broke  their  ranks,  and  charged 
quite  through  them.  Then  they  rallied,  and,  when  the  enemy 
were  in  disorder,  fell  upon  their  rear  and  slaughtered  them, 

1    Dom.  State  Papers.  Nicholas  to  King,  Sept.  i8,  1645. 
'    Warburton.  II.  262. 
3    Warburton.  II.  267. 


CAUSES  OF  FAILURE  67 

into  scarce  any  opposition."  ^  And  says  Professor  Gardiner : 
"  Rupert  was  as  capable  of  planning  a  campaign  as  he 
was  of  conducting  a  charge."-  Until  November  1644,  at 
which  period,  it  should  be  noted,  Rupert's  power  was 
on  the  wane,  the  strategical  superiority  was  decidedly 
with  the  King.  The  operations  of  the  Royalist  army 
were  based  on  a  well-conceived  plan,  that  plan  was 
varied  and  supplemented  as  occasion  required.  This  skil- 
ful warfare  Professor  Gardiner  ascribes  to  Rupert's  genius. 
Why  then,  may  we  ask,  did  so  good  a  soldier  fail  so 
signally  ? 

The  reasons  for  failure  are  not  far  to  seek.  In  the 
first  place,  Rupert  was  too  complete  a  soldier  for  the  task 
he  had  undertaken.  His  common-sense,  soldierly  point  of 
view  quite  failed  to  embrace  the  political  and  constitutional 
sides  of  the  question.  He  could  no  more  comprehend  the 
King's  refusal  to  make  any  compromise,  than  he  could  have 
understood  the  moderate  Royalists'  dread  of  a  complete 
victory  for  their  own  side.  The  boyish  challenge  pur- 
porting to  be  sent  by  him  to  Essex,  shows,  if  genuine,  how 
absolutely  he  failed  to  grasp  the  points  at  issue.  **  My 
Lord,"  it  begins,  "  I  hear  you  are  a  general  of  an  army. 
...  I  shall  be  ready,  on  His  Majesty's  behalf,  to  give  you 
an  encounter  in  a  pitched  field  at  Dunsmore  Heath,  i8th 
October  next.  Or,  if  you  think  it  too  much  labour,  or  ex- 
pense, to  draw  your  forces  thither,  I  shall  be  as  willing, 
on  my  own  part,  to  expect  private  satisfaction  at  your  hands, 
and  that  performed  by  a  single  duel.  Which  proffer,  if 
you  please  to  accept,  you  shall  not  find  me  backward  in 
performing  what  I  have  promised.  .  . .  Now  I  have  said 
all,  and  what  more  you  expect  of  me  to  be  said,  shall  be 
delivered  in  a  larger  field  than  a  small  sheet  of  paper,  and 
that  by   my   sword,    and   not  by  my  pen.     In  the  interim 

1  Troubles   of  our   Catholic   Forefathers.    Ed.   Morris.  1872.    Sir  Edward 
Southcote's  Narrative,  i«t  Series,  p.  392. 

2  Gardiner's  Civil  War,  I.  p.  2. 


68  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

I  am  your  friend,  till  I  meet  you  next."  '  The  stories  of 
his  wandering  in  disguise  through  the  quarters  of  the  Par- 
liament may  be  somewhat  apocryphal,  but  they  show,  at 
least,  the  impression  he  made  on  his  contemporaries.  And 
there  is  nothing  doubtful  in  the  fact  that  he  and  Maurice 
laughed  aloud  in  the  face  of  the  Parliamentary  Commis- 
sioner who  proclaimed  them  solemnly,  ''traitors,  to  die  with- 
out mercy."  - 

Rupert,  notwithstanding  his  twenty-two  years  and  his 
unusual  experiences,  was  a  boy  still;  far  too  young  for 
the  position  he  held.  He  was  over-confident,  and  rash  with 
the  rashness  of  youth.  Frequently  his  victorious  charge  was 
but  the  prelude  to  disaster;  for  the  cavalry  were  apt  to 
pursue  too  eagerly,  leaving  the  foot  unsupported  on  the 
field.  Still,  it  should  be  remembered  that  it  must  have  been 
next  to  impossible  to  hold  back  those  gallant,  untrained 
troops;  though  probably  Rupert  did  not  try  very  hard 
to  do  it. 

In  truth  the  Royalist  army  was  as  hard  a  one  to  manage 
as  ever  fell  to  the  lot  of  a  general.  It  was  an  army  of 
volunteers,  supported  chiefly  by  the  private  means  of  nobles 
and  gentlemen,  who,  while  scorning  to  take  orders  from 
one  another,  showed  themselves  equally  averse  to  taking 
them  from  a  foreign  Prince.  It  was  small,  far  smaller  than 
that  of  Essex ;  undisciplined,  badly  armed,  and  continually 
on  the  verge  of  mutiny  for  want  of  pay.  "  It  is  e'en  being, 
for  the  most  part,  without  arms,  a  general  of  an  army  of 
ordnance  without  a  cure,  not  a  gun  too,  lesse  money, 
much  mutiny,""^  wrote  a  faithful  follower  of  Rupert,  atone 
period  of  the  war.  The  men  were  raw  recruits ;  the  ofificers 
were  full  of  complaints  and  discontents,  all  showing  a 
remarkable    willingness    to    do    anything    rather    than   that 


1  Civil  War  Pamphlets.  British  Museum.  "Prince  Rupert's  Message  to  my 
Lord  of  Essex." 

3  Whitelocke's  Memorials,  1732,  p.  114. 

3  Carte's  Ormonde,  VI.  p.  197,  20  Aug.  1644. 


CAUSES  OF  FAILURE  69 

which  they  were  required  to  do.  "The  officers  of  your 
troop  will  obey  in  no  kind  of  thing,  and,  by  their  example, 
never  a  soldier  in  that  company,"  lamented  Daniel  O'Neil, 
from  Abingdon.  *'  I  had  rather  be  your  groom  in  Oxford 
than  with  a  company  that  shall  assume  such  a  liberty  as 
yours  does  here!"'  From  Reading,  prptested  Sir  Arthur 
Aston,  "  I  wish  when  your  Highness  gave  your  consent  to 
leave  me  here  behind  you,  that  you  had  rather  adjudged 
me  to  lose  my  head."  '  And  from  Wales  came  the  striking 
declaration,  *'  If  your  Highness  shall  be  pleased  to  command 
me  to  the  Turk,  or  the  Jew,  or  the  Gentile,  I  will  go  on 
my  bare  feet  to  serve  you ;  but  from  the  Welsh  good 
Lord  deUver  me!"^  From  all  sides  came  complaints  of 
mutinies,  of  **  unbecoming  language,"  *' affronts,"  injuries 
and  violence.  "  In  spite  of  my  three  several  orders  to 
come  away,  Captain  Mynn  remains  at  Newent,"  declared 
Colonel  Vavasour.  The  garrison  of  Donnington  not  only 
defied  the  order  to  be  quiet,  "it  being  very  late  at  night," 
but  forcibly  released  one  of  their  number,  under  arrest, 
and  outraged  the  town  by  **  robbing,  and  doing  all 
villainy."  * 

Nor  was  it  with  insubordination  alone  that  Rupert  had 
to  deal.  Wrote  Louis  Dyves :  "  Our  men  are  in  extreme 
necessity,  many  of  them  having  neither  clothes  to  cover 
their  nakedness,  nor  boots  to  put  on  their  feet,  and  not 
money  enough  amongst  them  to  pay  for  the  shoeing  of 
their  horses."  '  And  declared  Sir  Ralph  Hopton:  *'It  is 
inconceivable  what  these  fellows  are  always  doing  with  their 
arms ;  they  appear  to  be  expended  as  fast  as  their  ammuni- 
tion." **  Another  officer  required  supplies  of  biscuits:  "For 
your  Highness  knows  what  want  of  victuals  is  among  com- 

^   Warburton,  II.  p.  82,  19  Dec.   1642. 

2  Ibid.  n.  p.  175. 

»  Ibid.  II.  p.  386.  II  Mar.  1644. 

*  Transcripts,  30  Jan.  1644. 

s  Warburton,  II.  p.  85. 

«   Ibid.  II.  p.  291,  17  Sept.   1643. 


70  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

mon  men.'*  ^  A  fourth  desired  a  change  of  quarters,  **  because 
the  country,  hereabouts,  is  so  heavily  charged  with  contri- 
butions, as  our  allowance  falls  short."  "  A  fifth  modestly 
requested,  "  to  be  put  into  the  power  of  a  thousand  horse, 
or  foot,  and  then  I  doubt  not,  by  God's  assistance,  to  give 
a  sufficient  account  of  what  is  committed  to  my  charge." ' 
Every  one  of  them  lacked  arms  and  ammunition,  and  all 
their  wants  were  poured  out  to  the  luckless  young  Prince, 
who  was  expected  to  attend  to  every  detail,  and  whose 
own  supplies  were  wretchedly  insufficient. 

Added  to  all  this,  there  were  private  quarrels  to  be 
appeased.  Wyndham  declined  to  serve  under  Hopton, 
who  had  •*  disobliged "  him.  *  Vavasour  complained  of 
"very  high  language"  used  towards  him  by  Sir  Robert 
Byron.  At  Lichfield  disputes  between  the  factions  of  Lord 
Loughborough  and  Sir  William  Bagot  raged  violently.  "  In 
all  places  where  I  come,  it's  my  misfortune  to  meet  with 
extreme  trouble,"  declared  the  brave  old  Jacob  Astley,  to 
whose  lot  the  pacifying  of  this  quarrel  fell ;  **  I  have  met, 
in  this  place  with  exceeding  great  trouble,  the  commanders 
and  soldiers  in  the  close  at  Lichfield,  having  shut  out  my 
Lord  Loughborough."  '  And  not  even  the  efforts  of  old 
Astley  could  bring  about  a  peace  between  the  contending 
officers;  "our  minds  being  both  too  high  to  acknowledge 
a  superiority,"  ®  confessed  Loughborough  candidly.  But 
even  more  serious  than  such  quarrels  as  these  were  the 
court  factions  which  divided  the  Royalist  army  against  itself. 
From  the  very  beginning,  the  attempts  of  the  King's 
Council  to  regulate  military  affairs  were  bitterly  resented 
by  the  soldiery.  Courtier  detested  soldier,  and  soldier  de- 
spised  courtier!    Nor  were  the  military   and  civil  factions 

1  Transcripts.  Blagge  to  Rupert.  1643. 

2  Rupert  Transcripts.  Dyves  to  the  Prince.  Sept.  21,  1642. 

*  Ibid.  Kirke  to  Prince.  22  Feb.  1644. 

*  Add  MSS.  18982.  Wyndham  to  the  Prince.  Jan.  6,  1644. 
5  Transcripts.  Astley  to  the  Prince,  Jan.  12,  1645. 

»  Ibid.  Loughborough  to  the  Prince,  July  25,  1645. 


CAUSES  OF  FAILURE  71 

the  only  ones  existent;  there  was  party  within  party,  in- 
trigue within  intrigue.  Wrote  the  shrewd  Arthur  Trevor, 
in  1643  :  "The  contrariety  of  opinions  and  ways  are  equally 
distant  with  those  of  the  elements,  and  as  destructive,  if 
there  were  not  a  special  providence  that  keeps  men  in 
one  mind  against  a  third  party,  though  they  agree  in  no 
one  thing  among  themselves."  ^  Equally  opposed  to  the 
military  party  of  Rupert,  and  to  the  constitutionalists  led 
by  Hyde  and  Falkland,  were  the  followings  of  the  Queen 
and  of  Lord  Digby.  Bitter,  private  jealousies  completed 
the  confusion,  and  the  vacillation  of  the  King,  who  lent 
an  ear  now  to  one,  now  to  another,  destroyed  all  consist- 
ency of  action.  With  such  a  state  of  affairs  a  young  man 
of  barely  three-and-twenty  was  called  upon  to  deal ! 

Obviously  the  position  was  one  requiring  the  greatest 
tact,  patience  and  circumspection,  which  were,  unhappily, 
the  very  qualities  most  lacking  in  the  young  Prince.  The 
circumstances  of  his  early  career  had  been  calculated  to 
inspire  him  with  an  exaggerated  sense  of  his  own  import- 
ance. Notwithstanding  his  position  as  fourth  child  among 
thirteen,  and  the  constant  snubs  of  his  mother,  he  had 
been  spoilt  by  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  by  the  English 
Court.  The  admiration  he  had  won,  during  his  captivity 
among  his  enemies,  added  to  his  self-esteem.  His  stead- 
fast refusal  to  renounce  either  his  faith  or  his  party,  in 
spite  of  flatteries,  threats,  promises  and  persuasions,  had 
raised  him  to  the  proud  position  of  a  Protestant  martyr. 
*^All  the  world  knows  how  deeply  I  have  smarted,  and 
what  perils  I  have  undergone,  for  the  Protestant  cause,"  ^ 
he  declared  to  the  English  Parliament.  Thus  conscious  of 
his  own  abilities  and  claims  to  distinction,  and  valuing 
to  the  full  his  previous  experience,  he  was  possessed  of  a 
not  unnatural   contempt  for  the  mihtary  views  of  civilians. 

1  Carte's  Ormonde.  Trevor  to  Ormonde.    Nov.  21,  1643.  ^ol.  V.  pp.  520-1. 

2  Prince  Rupert:  hi§  Declaration.  Pamphlet.  British  Museum.  SeeWarb.  II. 
p.  124.     ' 


72  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

The  overbearing  manner  which  he  permitted  himself  to 
assume  towards  Courtiers  and  Councillors  gave  great  offence. 
"We  hear  that  Prince  Rupert  behaves  himself  so  rudely, 
whereby  he  doth  himself  a  great  deal  of  dishonour,  and 
the  King  more  disservice,"  ^  was  the  report  of  a  Royalist 
to  his  friends.  "Prince  Rupert's  pleasure  was  not  to  be 
contradicted,"  and,  "Prince  Rupert  could  not  want  of  his 
will,"  says  the  contemporary  historian,  Sir  Edward  Walker. " 
Clarendon  complained  that  the  Prince  "too  affectedly" 
despised  what  was  said  of  him,  and  "  too  stoically  contemned 
the  affections  of  men."  ^  While  the  faithful  Sir  Philip  War- 
wick lamented  that,  "  a  little  sharpness  of  temper  and  un- 
communicableness  in  society,  or  council,  by  seeming,  with 
a  *  Pish  I '  to  neglect  all  that  another  said  and  he  approved 
not,  made  him  less  grateful  than  his  friends  could  have 
wished.  And  this  humour  soured  him  towards  the  Coun- 
cillors of  Civil  Affairs,  who  were  necessarily  to  intermix 
with  him  in  Martial  Councils."  *  Certainly  this  was  not  the 
spirit  calculated  to  recommend  him  to  the  English  nobles, 
men  who  served  their  sovereign  at  their  own  cost,  and 
who  considered  themselves  at  least  as  good  as  the  son  of 
a  dethroned  King. 

Nor  could  Rupert  atone  for  official  imperiousness  by 
geniality  in  private  life.  In  happier  days,  at  Heidelberg, 
Frederick's  faithful  steward  had  declared  that  the  morose 
manners  of  his  master  rendered  him  "afraid  and  ashamed" 
when  any  one  visited  the  castle. '"  Something  of  his  father's 
disposition  Rupert  had  inherited ;  and,  with  all  his  self-con- 
fidence, he  was  very  shy.  From  the  nobility  both  he  and 
Maurice  held  aloof  with  a  reserve  born  of  pride  and  an 
uncertain   position.     Princes  they  might  be,  but  they  were 

1  Hist.  MSS.  Commission.  5th  Report,  p.  162.  Ap.  I.  Sutherland  MSS.  Stephen 
Charlton  to  Robert  Leveson,  1642. 

2  Walker's  Historical  Discourses.  Ed.  1705.  p.  126. 
»  Clarendon  Hist.  Bk.  VII.  p.  279. 

*  Warwick  Memoirs,  p.  228. 
5  Green's  Princesses,  V.  p.  267. 


CAUSES  OF  FAILURE  73 

also  exiled  and  penniless,  dependent  on  their  swords,  or 
on  the  bounty  of  their  relatives.  '*  The  reservedness  of  the 
Prince's  nature,  and  the  little  education  he  then  had  in 
Courts  made  him  unapt  to  make  acquaintance  with  any  of 
the  Lords,  who  were  thereby  discouraged  from  applying 
themselves  to  him,"  says  Clarendon.  ''Whilst  some  officers 
of  the  Horse  were  well  pleased  to  observe  that  strangeness, 
and  fomented  it,  believing  that  their  credit  would  be  the 
greater  with  the  Prince."  '  Maurice,  of  whom  Clarendon 
confessed  he  had  **no  more  esteem  than  good  manners 
obliged  him  to,"  '  came  in  for  yet  stronger  censure.  **This 
Prince  had  never  sacrificed  to  the  Graces,  nor  conversed 
among  men  of  quality,  but  had  most  used  the  company 
of  inferior  men,  with  whom  he  loved  to  be  very  familiar. 
He  was  not  quaHfied  with  parts  by  nature,  and  less  with 
any  acquired ;  and  towards  men  of  the  best  condition,  with 
whom  he  might  very  well  have  justified  a  familiarity,  he 
maintained — at  least — the  full  state  due  to  his  birth."  •' 
Doubtless  Clarendon's  personal  disHke  of  the  Palatines  made 
him  a  severe  critic ;  but,  in  the  main,  his  censure  was  true 
enough.  Their  unfortunate  shyness  threw  them  almost 
entirely  upon  their  officers,  and  men  of  lesser  rank,  for 
friendship  and  companionship.  Nor  was  the  position  un- 
natural ;  for  many  of  these  men  were  already  well  known 
to  them  as  brother  officers  in  the  army  of  the  Stadtholder, 
and  familiar  guests  at  their  home  at  the  Hague. 

Thus  condemned  by  Statesmen,  distrusted  by  the  old- 
fashioned  officers,  and  disliked  by  the  nobility,  the  Princes 
became  the  acknowledged  leaders  of  the  military  faction. 
They  soon  had  a  devoted  following;  a  following  of  which 
every  member  was  a  very  gallant  soldier,  though  doubtless 
many  of  them  were  also  dissolute  and  reckless.  Even  Cla- 
rendon  was   forced   to   confess   that   Maurice,   "living  with 

1  Clarendon's  History.  Bk.  V.  p.  78. 

2  Clarendon's  Life.  Ed.  1827.  Vol.  I.  p.  197,  note. 
»  Clar.  Hist.  Bk.  VII.  p.  85. 


74  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

the  soldiers  sociably  and  familiarly,  and  going  with  them 
upon  all  parties  and  actions,"  ^  had  made  himself  exceedingly 
popular  amongst  them.  Rupert  they  adored ;  and  the  account 
of  him  handed  down  to  Sir  Edward  Southcote  by  his 
father  differs  widely  from  the  description  of  Clarendon. 
"  My  father,"  wrote  Sir  Edward,  "  still  went  with  the  King's 
army,  being  very  ambitious  to  get  into  Prince  Rupert's  favour, 
being,  he  was,  the  greatest  hero,  as  well  as  the  greatest 
beau,  whom  all  the  leading  men  strove  to  imitate,  as  well 
in  his  dress  as  in  his  bravery  . . .  The  Prince  was  always 
very  sparkish  in  his  dress,  and  one  day,  on  a  very  cold 
morning,  he  tied  a  very  fine  lace  handkerchief,  which  he 
took  out  of  his  coat  pocket,  about  his  neck.  This  appeared 
so  becoming  that  all  his  mimics  got  laced  pocket-handker- 
chiefs and  made  the  same  use  of  them ;  which  was  the 
origin  of  wearing  lace  cravats,  and  continued  till  of  late 
years. "  ^  There  was  in  fact  a  general  eagerness  to  serve 
directly  under  the  hero  Prince.  "  I  must  confess,  I  have  neither 
desire  nor  affection  to  wait  upon  any  other  general,"  wrote 
Sir  Arthur  Aston.  "^  *'  Tis  not  advance  of  title  I  covet,  but 
your  commission,"  *  protested  another  officer.  Such  letters 
indeed  are  numberless;  and  that  of  Louis  Dyves,  half- 
brother  to  Lord  Digby  himself,  may  serve  as  an  example 
of  all: — ''Amongst  the  many  discourses  which  I  receive 
daily  of  the  ill-success  and  unhappy  conduct  of  his  Majesty's 
affairs  here,  since  the  light  and  comfort  of  your  presence 
was  removed  from  us,  there  is  none  that  affects  me  more 
than  to  live  in  a  place  where  I  am  rendered  incapable  to 
do  you  service.  Which,  I  take  God  to  witness,  hath  been 
the  chief  bent  of  my  harte  from  the  first  hour  I  had  the 
honour  to  serve  under  your  command;  and  I  shall  never 
deem  myself  happy  until  I  be  restored  again  to  the  same 


1  Clar.  Life.  I.  p.  196,  note. 

-  Sir  Edward  Southcote's  Narrative,  p.  392. 

*  Rupert  Correspondence.  Aston  to  the  Prince.  Aug.  1643. 

*  Ibid.  Sandford  to  Prince.  No  date. 


CAUSES  OF  FAILURE  75 

condition.  If  your  Highness  therefore  shall  be  pleased  to 
command  my  attendance,  I  will  break  through  all  difficul- 
ties, and  come  to  you.  And  it  shall  be  my  humble  sute 
unto  His  Majesty  to  give  me  leave  to  go  where  I  know  I 
shall  be  best  able  to  serve  him,  which  can  be  nowhere 
so  well  as  under  your  command.  If  I  may  but  understand 
of  your  gratious  acceptance  of  the  fervent  desire  I  have 
to  sacrifice  my  life  at  your  feet,  there  shall  no  man  with  more 
cheerfulness  of  harte,  be  ready  to  expose  it  more  frankly, 
than  your  Highness's  most  humble,  most  faithful  servant, 
Louis  Dyves.  There  is  no  man  can  make  a  truer  character 
of  my  harte  toward  you,  than  the  bearer,  Mr.  Legge."  ^ 

In  a  strain  of  jesting  familiarity,  wrote  the  young  Lord 
Grandison:  **ahd,  by  this  light,  you  shall  be  unprinced,  if 
you  believe  me  not  the  most  humble  of  your  servants."  ^ 
And  the  gallant  George  Lisle  carried  his  devotion  to  such 
a  pitch  as  to  sign  himself  always,  **your  Highness's  most 
faithful  affectionate  servant,  and  obedient  sonne."  * 

But  this  cult  of  the  Prince  indulged  in  by  the  soldiery 
and  some  of  the  younger  nobility,  rather  aggravated  than 
healed  the  prevailing  dissensions.  It  was  indeed  impossible 
for  a  boy  of  Rupert's  age  and  passionate  temper  to  throw 
oil  on  the  troubled  waters.  He  loved  and  hated  with  equal 
vehemence,  and  '*  liked  what  was  proposed  as  he  liked  the 
persons  who  proposed  it."  *  Such  was  his  detestation  of 
Digby  and  Culpepper  that  he  never  could  refrain  from 
contradicting  all  that  they  said.  Wilmot  he  treated  in  like 
manner,  and  we  read :  •*  Whilst  Prince  Rupert  was  present . . . 
^  all  that  Wilmot  said  or  proposed  was  enough  slighted  and 
contradicted,"  but  that  during  the  Prince's  long  absence  in 
the    North,    he,    Wilmot,    *' became  marvellously  elated."'^ 

^  Rupert  Correspondence.  Add.  MSS.  British  Museum.  18981.  Louis  Dyves 
to  the  Prince.  Apr.  8,  1644. 
2  Rupert  Transcripts.  Grandison  to  Prince.  Feb-  7,  1645. 
'  Ibid.  Lisle  to  Prince.  Dec.  6-13,  1644. 
*  Clarendon.  Bk.  VIII.  168. 
''  Ibid.  Vni.  30. 


76  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Goring  the  Prince  loved  no  better,  and  that  general  com- 
plained loudly  that  he,  "denied  all  his  requests  out  of 
hand."  ^  And  Lord  Percy  was  also  distinguished  with  a 
particular  hatred. 

To  the  objects  of  his  affection,  Rupert  was,  on  the  con- 
trary, only  too  compHant;  a  failing  most  strongly,  and 
most  unfortunately,  exhibited  in  his  dealings  with  his  brother 
Maurice.  The  younger  Prince  had  none  of  his  brother's 
ability,  was  ignorant  of  English  manners  and  customs, 
''showed  a  great  aversion  from  considering  them,"  and 
"understood  very  little  of  the  war  except  to  fight  very 
stoutly  when  there  was  occasion."-  Yet  Rupert  "took  it 
greatly  to  heart "  ''  that  Maurice  held  no  higher  command 
than  that  of  lieutenant-general  to  Lord  Hertford.  Accordingly, 
he  persuaded  the  King  that  Maurice  ought  to  be  made 
general  in  the  West,  and,  the  promotion  being  conceded, 
Maurice  did  considerable  harm  to  the  cause  by  his  blunder- 
ing and  want  of  discipline.  But,  says  Professor  Gardiner, 
"Maurice  was  Rupert's  brother,  and  not  to  be  called  to 
account! " ^ 

Yet,  his  favouritism  admitted,  it  must  be  confessed  that 
Rupert's  friends  were  generally  well-chosen.  Chief  among 
them  was  Colonel  William  Legge,  a  man  so  faithful,  so 
unselfish,  and  so  unassuming,  that  he  contrived  to  remain 
on  good  terms  with  all  parties.  Best  known  to  his  con- 
temporaries as  "Honest  Will",  he  shines  forth,  amidst  the 
intriguing  courtiers  of  Oxford,  a  bright  example  of  dis- 
interestedness. In  spite  of  his  intimacy  with  Rupert,  he  con- 
trived to  remain  for  long  on  friendly  terms  with  Lord 
Digby,  though,  as  he  told  the  latter,  "  I  often  found  this 
a  hard  matter  to  hold  between  you."  '    To  Legge,  Rupert 


^  Rupert  Transcripts.  Goring  to  Prince.  Jan.  22,  1643. 

2  Clarendon.  Bk.  VII.  85,  note. 

»  Ibid.  144. 

*  Gardiner's  Civil  War.  Vol.  I.  197. 

*  Wm.  Legge  to  Lord  Digby.  Warburton.  Ill,  p.  129. 


CAUSES  OF  FAILURE  77 

was  wont  to  pour  out  the  indignation  of  his  soul  in  hastily 
scribbled  letters,  and  ^'Will"  pacified  both  the  Prince  and 
his  enemies,  as  best  he  could,  "conceiving  it,"  he  said,  "a 
matter  of  advantage  to  my  master's  service  to  have  a  good 
intelligence  between  persons  so  eminently  employed  in  his 
affairs."  '  At  the  same  time  he  never  hesitated  to  express  his 
opinion  in  ''plain  language",  and  from  him  the  fiery  Prince 
seems  to  have  accepted  both  counsel  and  reproof,  without 
resentment.  Even  Clarendon  could  find  nothing  worse  to  say 
of  Will  Legge  than  that  he  was  somewhat  diffident  of  his  own 
judgment. '  And  the  King  charged  the  Prince  of  Wales,  in  his 
last  message,  '*to  be  sure  to  take  care  of  Honest  Will  Legge, 
for  he  was  the  faithfuUest  servant  that  ever  any  Prince  had." 
Which  charge  ^  Charles  II  fulfilled  at  the  Restoration.  ' 

Next  to  Legge  among  Rupert's  friends  we  must  count 
the  grave  and  melancholy  Duke  of  Richmond.  As  a  Stuart 
he  was  Rupert's  cousin,  and  him  the  Prince  excepted  from 
his  general  dislike  of  the  English  nobility.  Like  Legge, 
Richmond  was  free  from  all  self-seeking,  honourable,  upright, 
irreproachable,  both  in  public  and  in  private  life.  His 
personal  devotion  to  the  King,  who  had  brought  him  up, 
was  intense,  and,  at  the  end  of  the  tragedy,  he  volunteered 
with  Southampton  and  Lindsey,  to  die  in  the  stead  of  his 
sovereign.  Like  the  King,  he  was  deeply  religious,  a  faithful 
son  of  the  Church.  He  was  courteous  to  all,  gentle  and 
reserved,  but  "of  a  great  and  haughty  spirit."  '  At  the 
beginning  of  the  troubles  he  had  been  almost  the  only  man 
of  the  first  rank  who  had  unswervingly  opposed  the  popular 
party;  and  he  valued  his  fidelity  at  the  rate  it  was  worth. 
He  gave  his  friendship  slowly,  and  only  with  the  approval, 
asked  and  received,  of  the  King.  "'  But  his  friendship,  once 


1  Wm.  Legge  to  Lord  Digby.  Warburton.  III.  p.  129. 

2  Clarendon.  Bk.  X.  p.  130. 

3  Collins  Peerage:  'Dartmouth'.  Vol.  IV.  p.  107  et  passim. 
*  Clarendon  Hist.  Bk.  VI.  p.  384. 

5  Clarendon  Life.  I.  p.  222. 


78  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

given,  was  absolute  and  unalterable.  He  had  in  his  character 
a  Stuart  strain  of  sensitiveness,  amounting  to  morbidness. 
Thus,  when  gently  warned  by  the  King  against  too  much 
correspondence  with  the  treacherous  Lady  Carlisle,  he  con- 
sidered his  own  loyalty  impugned,  and  for  weeks  held 
aloof  from  the  Committee  of  Secret  Affairs.  Hyde,  commis- 
sioned by  the  distressed  King  to  reason  with  the  Duke, 
speedily  discovered  the  true  source  of  trouble  to  be  Rich- 
mond's jealousy  of  his  master's  affection  for  Ashburnham. 
The  King  retorted  by  taking  exception  to  Richmond's 
secretary,  and  it  was  long  ere  the  hurt  feelings  of  both  King 
and  Duke  could  be  soothed.  Yet,  in  spite  of  his  own  super- 
sensitiveness,  Richmond  was  a  peacemaker.  His  letters  to 
Rupert,  long,  involved  and  incoherent,  are  full  of  soothing 
expressions  and  assurances  that  all  will  go  well.  He  also 
was  struggling,  and  struggling  vainly,  to  keep  the  peace 
between  Rupert  and  Digby.  But,  though  he  watched  over 
his  cousin's  interests  with  affectionate  care,  he  was  too 
honest  and  simple-minded  to  cope  successfully  with  Oxford 
intrigues. 

Among  Rupert's  other  friends  was  Sir  Charles  Lucas, 
who,  said  his  sister,  "  loved  virtue,  endeavoured  merit,  prac- 
tised justice,  and  spoke  truth;  was  constantly  loyal,  and 
truly  valiant."  ^  Also,  in  high  favour  with  the  Prince  was 
Sir  Marmaduke  Langdale,  "  a  person  of  g^eat  courage  and 
prudence",^  a  good  scholar,  and  a  good  soldier;  though 
Clarendon  found  him  "a  very  inconvenient  man  to  live 
with."  *  Less  estimable  was  the  hot-blooded  Charles  Ger- 
rard,  who,  though  as  valiant  a  soldier  as  any  of  the  others, 
reflected  too  many  of  Rupert's  own  faults;  was  rash,  hot- 
tempered,  and  addicted  to  "hating  on  a  sudden,  without 
knowing  why."  *  And  besides  these  there  were  others  too 


1  Life  of  Newcastle,  by  Duchess  of  Newcastle.  Ed.  Firth,  1886,  p.  280. 

2  Carte  Papers.  Trevor  to  Ormonde,  Sept.  13,  1644. 

5  Clarendon  State  Papers.  Hyde  to  Nicholas.  Febr.  7,  1653. 

*  Clar.  Hist.  Bk.  IX.  p.  121. 


CAUSES  OF  FAILURE  79 

numerous    to    mention,    valued   by  the  Prince  for  their  sol- 
dierly qualities,  or  for  the  frankness  of  their  dispositions. 

But  in  the  list  of  Rupert's  friends,  there  is  one  more 
who  must  not  be  forgotten:  one  who  was  his  inseparable 
companion  for  nearly  six  years,  who  shared  his  captivity 
in  Austria,  followed  him  to  England,  eat  with  him,  slept 
with  him,  accompanied  him  to  Council  and  to  Church, 
shared  all  his  dangers  and  hardships,  and  never  left  his 
side,  till  he  fell,  with  many  gallant  CavaHers,  on  the  field 
of  Marston  Moor; — this  was  the  Prince's  white  dog,  Boye. 
This  dog  attained  great  fame  in  England,  and  Rupert's 
fondness  for  it  was  the  subject  of  good-natured  jesting 
among  the  Cavaliers,  and  of  bitter  invective  from  the  Puri- 
tans. A  satirical  pamphlet,  preserved  in  the  Bodleian  library, 
describes  the  dog's  habits,  and  the  mutual  affection  sub- 
sisting between  him  and  his  master  I  From  it  we  learn  that 
Boye  was  always  present  at  Council,  that  he  was  wont  to 
sit  on  the  table  by  the  Prince,  and  that  frequent  kisses  and 
embraces  passed  between  them.  On  the  principle  of  **  Love 
me,  love  my  dog,"  the  King  also  extended  his  favour  to 
Boye :  *'  For  he  himself  never  sups  or  dines,  but  continually 
he  feeds  him.  And  with  what  think  you?  Even  with  sides 
of  capons,  and  such  Christian-like  morsels  ...  It  is  thought 
the  King  will  make  him  Serjeant-Major- General  Boye.  But 
truly  the  King's  affection  to  him  is  so  extraordinary  that 
some  at  court  envy  him.  I  heard  a  Gentleman-Usher  swear 
that  it  was  a  shame  the  dog  should  sit  in  the  King's  chair, 
as  he  always  does;  and  a  gp-eat  Lord  was  seriously  of 
opinion  that  it  was  not  well  he  should  converse  so  much 
with  the  King's  children,  lest  he  taught  them  to  swear." 
Boye  repaid  the  King's  affection  warmly:  "Next  to  his 
master,  he  loves  the  King  and  the  King's  children,  and 
cares  very  little  for  any  others."  We  are  told  further,  in 
a  paragraph  evidently  aimed  at  Rupert,  that  the  dog,  "in 
exercises  of  religion,  carries  himself  most  popishly  and 
cathedrally.  He  is  very  seldom  at  any  conscionable  sermons, 


8o  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

but  as  for  public  prayers,  he  seldom  or  never  misses 
them  .  .  .  But,  above  all,  as  soon  as  their  Church  Minstrel 
begins  his  arbitrary  jig,  he  is  as  attentive  as  one  of  us 
private  Christians  are  at  St.  Antholin's."  ^  Boye  is  generally 
supposed  to  have  been  a  poodle,  and  certainly  he  is  so 
represented  in  the  caricatures  preserved  of  him.  But  he 
must  have  been  in  truth  a  remarkable  one,  for  Lady  Sussex 
relates  in  one  of  her  letters,  that  when  Rupert  shot  five 
bucks,  "his  dog  Boye  pulled  them  down."-  To  this  "divill 
dog"  were  attributed  supernatural  powers  of  going  invisible, 
of  foretelling  events,  and  of  magically  protecting  his  master 
from  harm.  "The  Roundheads  fancied  he  was  the  Devil, 
and  took  it  very  ill  that  he  should  set  himself  against  them !  " 
says  Sir  Edward  Southcote.  ^  Many  of  the  Puritans  did,  in 
truth,  imagine  him  to  be  Rupert's  evil  spirit,  and  it  was 
reported  that  the  dog  fed  on  human  flesh.  Cleveland  refers 
to  their  general  fear  of  Boye  in  his  **  Rupertismus  "  : — 

"They  fear  the  giblets  of  his  train,  they  fear, 
"Even  his  dog,  that  four-legged  Cavalier, 
"He  that  devours  the  scraps  that  Lunsford  makes, 
"Whose  pictures  feeds  upon  a  child  in  stakes, 
"'Gainst  whom  they  have  these  articles  in  souse,— 
"First  that  he  barks  against  the  sense  o'  th'  House, 
"Resolved  'delinquent,'  to  the  Tower  straight, 
"Either  to  the  Lyons,  or  the  Bishop's  gate. 

^  ^  a;  «  «  1^  «  :!:  Hf 

"Thirdly  he  smells  intelligence,  that's  better, 
"And  cheaper  too,  than  Pym's,  by  his  own  letter; 
"Lastly  he  is  a  devil  without  doubt, 
"For  when  he  would  lie  down  he  wheels  about, 
"Makes  circles,  and  is  couchant  in  a  ring, 
"And  therefore,  score  up  one,  for  conjuring  I"  * 

With  the  Cavahers  the  dog  was  of  course  as  popular  as 
with  the  Puritans  he  was  the  reverse.    It  was  reported,  by 

^  Pamphlet.  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford.    "Observations  on  Prince  Rupert's 
White  Dog  called  Boye." 

-  Vemey  Memoirs.  Vol.  II.  p.  i6o, 

*  Sir  Edward  Southcote's  Narrative,  p.  392.  Pamphlet.  Brit.  Mus. 

*  Cleveland's  Poems,  p.  51.  Rupertismus. 


George  Digby,  Earl  of  Bristol. 

From  the  Engraving  by  H.  T.  Ryall,  frotn  the  Vandyke  in  the  Collection  of  the 
Right  Honourable  The  Earl  Spencer. 

Face  page  8r. 


CAUSES  OF  FAILURE  8i 

their  enemies,  that  the  Royalists,  after  their  capture  of 
Birmingham,  passed  the  night  in  "  drinking  healths  upon 
their  knees, — yea,  healths  to  Prince  Rupert's  dog!"  '  Finally, 
when  poor  Boye  had  fallen  on  the  field  of  battle,  the 
death  of  Prince  Rupert's*' witch"  was  recorded  with  exultation 
in  the  Parliamentary  journals:  "Here  also  was  slain  that 
accursed  cur,  which  is  here  mentioned,  by  the  way,  because 
the  Prince's  dog  has  been  so  much  spoken  of,  and  was 
valued  by  his  master  more  than  creatures  of  more  worth."  ' 
Having  said  so  much  of  Rupert's  friends,  it  may  be  well 
to  say  a  word  of  his  principal  enemies.  Chief  among  these 
was  George,  Lord  Digby,  the  eldest  son  of  the  Earl  of 
Bristol.  He  was  a  man  of  great  personal  beauty,  brilliant 
talents,  and  unrivalled  powers  of  fascination.  But  he  was 
unfortunately  afflicted  with  a  "volatile  and  unquiet  spirit ", 
and  an  over-active  imagination.  His  natural  charms  and 
great  plausibility  won  him  the  love  and  confidence  of  the 
King;  but  his  unparalleled  conceit  and  his  insatiable  love 
of  meddling  made  him  an  object  of  detestation  to  the  Palatine 
Prince.  '^  As  Secretary  of  State,  Digby  necessarily  came 
into  contact  with  Rupert,  and  the  result  was  disastrous.  No 
doubt  there  was  much  of  personal  jealousy  mingled  with 
Rupert's  more  reasonable  objections  to  Digby;  but  the 
fact  remains  that  Rupert  understood  war,  and  that  Digby 
did  not ;  that  Rupert's  schemes  were  reasonable  and  usually 
practicable,  and  that  Digby's  were  wild  and  fantastic  to  a 
degree.  Rupert  resented  Digby's  interference  and  incom- 
petence; Digby  resented  Rupert's  off-hand  manners  and 
undisguised  contempt  of  himself.  Both  were  equally  self- 
confident,  and  equally  intolerant  of  rivalry.  England  was 
not  large  enough  to  contain  the  two,  and  Digby,  by  his 
superior  powers  of  intrigue,  carried  the  day. 

^   I'amphlet.    Brit.  Museum.  London,  May  1643.  "Prince  Rupert's  Burning 
Love  to  England." 
•^  More  true  Relation;  also  Vicars'  Jehovah  Jireh,  p.  277. 
=*  See  Clarendon  State  Papers :  A  Character  of  the  Lord  Digby. 

6 


82  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

With  Lord  Percy,  in  whose  charge  were  all  the  stores 
of  arms  and  ammunition,  Rupert  was  not  on  much  better 
terms  than  with  Lord  Digby.  Powder,  bullets,  carts  and 
horses  proved  fruitful  sources  of  dissension.  Rupert  accused 
Percy  of  delaying  his  supplies,  and  Percy  resented  Rupert's 
staying  of  his  carts.  ^  In  proof  of  his  own  blamelessness 
Percy  appealed  to  the  testimony  of  others.  *'My  Lord 
Jermyn    knows  this  was  the  truth,   and  no  kind  of  fault  in 

me Give  me  leave  to  tell  you,  sir,  I  cannot  beHeve 

them,  your  real  servants,  that  do  give  you  jealousies  of  those 
that  do  not  deserve  them."  -  At  other  times  Percy  professed 
a  great  deal  of  devotion  to  Rupert,  but  always  with  a  touch 
of  sarcasm  in  his  manner.  His  letters  consequently  offended 
the  Prince,  and  Percy  treated  his  indignation  lightly :  "  Though 
you  seemed  not  to  be  pleased  that  I  should  hope  for  the 
taking  of  Bristol  before  it  was  done,  which  fault  I  confess 
I  do  not  understand,  I  hope  you  will  give  me  leave  to 
congratulate  you  now  with  the  rest.  .  . .  Your  best  friends 
do  wish  that,  when  the  power  is  put  absolutely  into  your 
hands,  you  will  so  far  comply  with  the  King's  affairs  as 
to  do  that  which  may  content  many  and  displease  fewest."  '* 
Such  phrases  were  not  calculated  to  soothe,  and  the  breach 
widened  steadily  until,  in  the  autumn  of  1644,  Percy  found 
himself  so  deeply  involved  in  the  disgrace  of  Wilmot  that 
he  sought  refuge  with  the  Queen  in  France. 

With  Lord  Goring  and  Lord  Wilmot,  Rupert  was  likewise 
at  daggers  drawn.  Both  these  men  had  been  his  comrades 
in  the  Dutch  army,  and  Goring  especially  had  been  on 
intimate  terms  with  the  Palatines  at  the  Hague.  Indeed 
it  seems  likely  that  he  had  carried  on  a  very  flourishing 
flirtation  with  the  Princess  Louise ;  and  a  beautifully  drawn 
picture  letter  which  she  addressed  to  him,  is  still  extant. 
Distinguished,    like    Digby,    for    his    personal    beauty    and 

^  Rupert  Transcripts,  July  30,  1643,  ^ilso  Aug.  17,  1641,  Percy  to  Rupert. 

2  Ibid.  Mar.  21,  1642. 

8  Rupert  Transcripts,  July  29,  1643. 


CAUSES  OF  FAILURE  83 

fascinating  manners,  Goring  was  also  justly  celebrated  for 
his  brilliant  courage.  Yet  it  was  no  wonder  that  Rupert 
did  not  share  his  sister's  friendship  for  him,  since  the  man 
was  as  false  and  treacherous  as  he  was  brave  and  plausible. 
He  had  promoted  and  betrayed  the  Army  Plot  of  1641 ; 
he  had  received  the  charge  of  Portsmouth  from  the  Par- 
liament, held  it  for  the  King,  and  then  surrendered  it 
without  a  struggle.  Yet  no  breath  of  suspicion  ever  suUied 
his  courage,  and  his  personal  attractions  and  undoubted 
ability  won  him  trust  and  confidence  again  and  again. 
Rupert  admired  him  for  his  talents,  hated  him  for  his  vices, 
and  feared  him  for  his  "master-wit",  which  made  him  a 
dangerous  rival  for  the  King's  favour.  Goring,  on  his  part, 
heartily  reciprocated  the  Prince's  aversion;  kept  out  of  his 
command  a"s  far  as  possible,  disobeyed  his  orders  as  often 
as  he  could,  and  amused  himself  by  writing  to  his  enemy 
in  terms  of  passionate  devotion.  **  I  will  hasard  eight 
thousand  lives  rather  than  leave  anything  undone  that  may 
conduce  to  his  Majesty's  service  or  to  your  Highness's  satis- 
faction; being  joyed  of  nothing  so  much  in  this  world  as 
of  the  assurance  of  your  favour,  and  that  it  will  not  be 
in  the  power  of  the  devil  to  lessen  your  goodness  to  me, 
or  to  alter  the  quality  I  have  of  being  your  Highness's 
most  humble,  faithful,  and  obedient  servant."  ^ 

Wilmot,  Lieutenant-General  of  the  Horse,  was  a  less 
fascinating  but  a  less  unprincipled  person  than  Goring.  That 
is  to  say  that,  while  Goring  would  betray  any  friend,  or 
violate  any  promise,  *'out  of  humour  or  for  wit's  sake," 
Wilmot  would  not  do  either,  except  "  for  some  great  benefit 
or  convenience  to  himself."  -  He  is  described  by  Clarendon 
as  "  a  man  of  a  haughty  and  ambitious  nature,  of  a  pleasant 
wit,  and  an  ill  understanding."  *  Like  Goring,  he  drank  hard, 

^  Rupert  Correspondence.  Goring  to  the  Prince,  May  12,  1645.  Add.  MSS. 
Brit.  Mus.  18982. 

2  Clarendon  Hist.  Bk.  VIIT.  169. 
■5  Ibid.  VIII.  30. 


84  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

but  not,  like  Goring,  to  the  neglect  of  his  mihtary  duties. 
With  the  dissolute  wits  of  the  army  he  was  exceedingly 
popular,  but  Rupert,  always  so  temperate  himself,  had  no 
sympathy  with  the  failings  of  Wilmot.  As  early  as  November 
1642  he  had  conceived  '*  an  irreconcilable  prejudice"  ^  against 
his  lieutenant-general.  Possibly  the  seed  of  this  prejudice 
had  been  sown  at  Edgehill,  where  Wilmot  refused  to  make 
a  second  charge,  saying:  *'We  have  won  the  day;  let  us 
live  to  enjoy  the  fruits  thereof."  -  And  justly  or  unjustly, 
the  combined  hatred  of  Rupert,  Digby,  and  Goring  accom- 
plished Wilmot's  overthrow  in   1644. 

1  Clar.  Hist.  Bk.  VI.  126,  note. 

2  Ibid.  VI.  p.  79,  note. 


CHAPTER   VI 

THE  BEGINNING  OF   THE  WAR.    POWICK   BRIDGE.    EDGEHILL. 
THE   MARCH  TO  LONDON 

The  setting  up  of  the  Royal  Standard  was  a  depressing 
ceremony.  The  weather  was  so  bad  that  the  very  elements 
seemed  to  fight  against  the  Royalists;  and  the  standard 
was  blown  down  the  same  night,  which  was  regarded  as 
a  very  evil  portent.  Moreover,  the  Royal  forces  were  still 
so  lamentably  small  that  Sir  Jacob  Astley  openly  expressed 
a  fear  that  the  "King  would  be  captured  in  his  sleep.  ^  The 
arms  and  ammunition  were  not  yet  come  from  York,  and 
a  general  sadness  pervaded  the  whole  company.  In  this 
state  of  affairs,  the  King  made  another  futile  attempt  at 
treating  with  the  Parliament ;  an  attempt  so  distasteful  to 
Rupert  and  his  officers  "that  they  were  not  without  some 
thought — or  at  least  discourses — of  offering  violence  to  the 
principal  advisers  of  it."  -  The  abortive  treaty  proved, 
however,  to  the  King's  advantage,  for  its  failure  turned  the 
tide  in  his  favour,  and  brought  recruits  to  his  banner. 

During  the  delay  at  Nottingham,  Rupert  was  created  a 
Knight  of  the  Garter,  and,  at  the  same  time,  he  contrived 
to  fall  out  with  Digby.  Even  as  early  as  September  loth, 
we  find  Digby  protesting  against  the  Prince's  prejudice 
towards  himself.  Evidently  he  had  indulged  in  remarks 
upon  Rupert's  love  of  ''inferior"  company,  which  he  now 
endeavoured  to  explain  away.  '  His  apology  was  accepted ; 
and  for  a  short  time  he  served  under  the  Prince. 


1  Clar.  Hist.  Bk.  VI.  p.  i. 

2  Ibid.  VL  21. 

^  Rupert  Transcripts.  Digby  to  Prince,  Sept.  lo,  1642. 


86  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Already  Rupert  was  scouring  the  country  in  search  of 
men,  arms  and  money.  On  September  6th  *'  that  diabolical 
Cavalier,"  ^  as  a  Puritan  soldier  called  him,  had  surrounded 
Leicester  and  summoned  the  Mayor  to  confer  with  him. 
That  worthy  cautiously  declined  the  interview,  whereupon 
he  received  a  peremptory  letter,  demanding  ^2,000  to  be 
paid  on  the  morrow  '*  by  ten  of  the  clock  in  the  forenoon." 
He  was  assured  that  the  King's  promise  would  prove  a 
better  pledge  for  repayment  than  the  *' Public  Faith"  of  the 
Parliament ;  and  the  letter  concluded  with  the  characteristic 
assurance  that,  in  case  of  contumacy,  the  Prince  would 
appear  on  the  morrow,  ''  in  such  a  posture  as  shall  make 
you  to  know  it  is  wiser  to  obey  than  to  resist  His  Majesty's 
command."  -  Five  hundred  pounds  were  forthwith  paid, 
but  a  complaint  was  despatched  to  the  King,  who  hastened 
to  disavow  his  nephew's  arbitrary  proceedings. 

An  attack  on  Caldecot  House  proved  more  to  the  Prince's 
credit.  This  house  belonged  to  a  Warwickshire  Puritan, 
a  Mr  Purefoy,  then  absent  with  the  troops  of  the  Parliament. 
Early  on  a  Sunday  morning  Rupert  appeared  before  the 
house,  with  five  hundred  men,  and  summoned  it  to  surrender. 
The  summons  was  defied,  and  he  ordered  an  assault.  The 
defenders  consisted  only  of  Mrs.  Purefoy,  her  two  daughters, 
her  son-in-law,  Mr.  Abbot,  three  serving-men,  and  three 
maids ;  yet  the  fight  was  continued  for  some  hours,  and  with 
serious  loss  to  the  Cavahers.  At  last  Rupert  forced  the 
outer  gates,  fired  the  barns,  and  advanced  to  the  very  doors. 
Then  Mrs.  Purefoy  came  out  and  threw  herself  at  the  vic- 
tor's feet.  Rupert  asked  her  what  she  would  have  of  him. 
She  answered,  the  lives  of  her  little  garrison.  Rupert 
then  raised  her  to  her  feet,  **  saluted  her  kindly,"  and 
promised  that  not  one  of  them  should  be  hurt.  But  when 
he  had  entered  the  house  and  discovered  how  small  was 
the  garrison,  his  pity  was  changed  to  admiration.  He  com- 

1  Dom.  State  Papers.  Wharton  to  Willingham,  13  Sept.  1642. 

2  Rupert  to  Mayor  of  Leicester.  Warburton,  I.  p.  393. 


POWICK  BRIDGE  87 

plimented  Mr.  Abbot  on  his  skill  and  gallantry,  and  offered 
him  a  command  in  his  own  troop,  which  was,  however,  re- 
fused. Finally  he  drew  off  his  forces,  promising  that  nothing 
upon  the  place  should  suffer  injury.  "  And  the  Prince  faith- 
fully kept  his  promise,  and  would  not  suffer  one  penny- 
worth of  goods  in  the  house  to  be  taken."  ^  Such  is  the 
testimony  of  a  fanatical  enemy;  nor  is  it  the  only  instance 
of  Rupert's  chivalry.  ''  Sir  Edward  Terrell  was  a  little 
fearful.  Prince  Rupert  had  been  hunting  at  his  Park," 
wrote  the  Puritan  Lady  Sussex;  '^ dut  he  took  him  nmchy 
zuith  his  courtesy  to  him.''  - 

On  September  13th  the  King  left  Nottingham  for  Derby, 
and  Rupert  joined  his  march  at  Stafford.  There  it  was  that 
the  Prince  fired  -a  remarkable  shot,  to  prove  his  skill  as  a 
marksman.  Standing  in  a  garden  about  sixty  yards  dis- 
tant from  the  church  of  St.  Mary,  he  shot  clean  through 
the  tail  of  the  weathercock  on  the  steeple,  "with  a  screwed 
horseman's  pistol,  and  a  single  bullet."  '*  The  King  declared 
that  the  shot  was  but  a  lucky  chance;  whereupon  Rupert 
fired  a  second  time,  with  the  same  result. 

From  Stafford,  Rupert  proceeded  by  night  to  Bridgnorth, 
and  from  there  he  went,  on  September  21st,  to  secure 
Worcester.  Finding  Worcester  quite  indefensible,  he  re- 
solved to  go  on  to  Shrewsbury,  but,  in  the  meantime,  he 
led  his  small  troop  into  a  field  near  Powick  Bridge  to  rest. 
The  officers,  among  whom  were  Maurice,  Digby,  Wilmot, 
Charles  Lucas,  and  the  Lords  Northampton  and  Crawford, 
threw  themselves  down  on  the  grass,  divested  of  all  armour. 
In  this  position  they  were  surprised  by  a  troop  of  Essex's 
horse,  under  Sandys  and  Fiennes,  which  advanced,  fully 
armed,  down  a  narrow  lane.  In  the  confusion  there  was 
scarcely  time  to  catch  the  horses,  and  none  to  consult  as 
to    methods   of  defence.    Rupert  shouted   out  the  order  to 

1   Vicars'  God  in  the  Mount,  pp.  155 — 157. 

-  Veraey  Memoirs,  Vol.  II.  p.  160. 

'^  Plot's  Hist,  of  Staffordshire,  Ch.  9,  p.  336.  Hudibras,  ed.  1810. 1,  p.  156,  note. 


88  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

charge,  and  vaulted  on  to  his  horse.  Maurice  threw  him- 
self next  his  brother;  and  the  other  officers,  seeing  that 
it  would  be  useless  to  rejoin  their  men,  followed  the 
Princes.  Thus,  with  the  officers  in  the  van  and  the  men 
straggling  behind  as  best  they  could,  the  Royalists 
charged.  The  Puritans,  well-armed  and  well-commanded 
though  they  were,  could  not  stand  against  that  sudden  fierce 
assault.  Two  of  their  officers  fell,  and  in  a  very  few 
moments  the  whole  body,  nearly  a  thousand  in  number, 
broke  and  fled,  the  *' goodness  of  their  horses"  making  it 
impossible  to  overtake  them.  The  number  of  the  slain 
was  between  forty  and  fifty;  six  or  seven  colours  were 
captured,  and  a  few  Scottish  officers  taken  prisoners.  The 
loss  on  the  King's  side  was  small,  and  though  all  the 
officers,  Rupert  excepted,  were  wounded,  none  were  killed. 
Maurice  had  received  so  dangerous  a  wound  in  the  head 
that  he  was  reported  killed,  but  it  was  not  long  before 
he  was  again  ''abroad  and  merry."  ^  The  slight  loss  suffered 
by  the  Cavaliers  was  the  more  remarkable  since  they  had 
had  neither  armour  nor  pistols,  and  had  fought  only  with 
their  swords. " 

The  moral  advantage  of  this  skirmish  was  very  great. 
It  gave  increased  courage  to  Rupert's  troops  and  it  ''ex- 
ceedingly appalled  the  adversary,"  to  whom  the  Prince's 
name  was  henceforth  "very  terrible."  To  the  Elector,  and 
to  some  of  the  friends  of  his  family,  such  a  reputation 
was  less  gratifying  than  it  was  to  Rupert  himself.  Depen- 
dent upon  the  English  Parliament  as  the  Palatines  were, — 
for  King  Charles  could  no  longer  help  them,  and  the 
Stadtholder  was  old  and  failing, — Rupert's  zeal  in  his  uncle's 
cause  was  a  serious  disadvantage  to  them.  "I  fear,"  wrote 
Roe  to  the  Elector,  "the  freshness  of  his  spirit  and  his 
zeal  to  his  uncle  may  have  drawn  from  him  some  words, 
if  not   deeds,   that  have  begot  a  very  ill  odour;  insomuch 

1  Warburton,  I.  p.  409.  Falkland,  28  Sept.  1642. 

2  Clarendon.  Hist.  Bk.  VI.  44—46.  Dom.  S.  P.  13  Sept.  1642. 


POWICK  BRIDGE  89 

that  nothing  is  so  much  cried  out  against  as  his  actions, 
which  do  reflect  upon  your  whole  family  and  cause,  and 
there  may  be  more  need  of  a  bridle  to  moderate  him  than 
of  spurs.  They  will  never  forgive  me  the  ill-fortune  to 
have  procured  his  liberty."  '  To  this  the  Elector  replied 
indignantly:  **It  is  impossible  either  for  the  Queen — my 
mother,  or  myself  to  bridle  my  brother's  youth  and  fiery- 
ness,  at  so  great  a  distance,  and  in  the  employment  he 
has.  It  were  a  great  indiscretion  in  any  to  expect  it,  and 
an  injustice  to  blame  us  for  things  beyond  our  help." ' 
He  did  his  best  to  appease  the  Parliament  by  exhibiting 
his  own  ingratitude  towards  his  uncle.  "  The  Prince  Elector 
doth  write  kindly — others  might  say  basely — to  the  Round- 
head Parliament,"  "^  reported  Sir  George  Radcliffe.  Further, 
Charles  Louis  published  a  manifesto  in  the  names  of  him- 
self and  his  mother,  deprecating  Rupert's  actions,  and  dis- 
claiming all  sympathy  with  them.  And  in  1644  he  came 
himself  to  London,  and  took  the  Covenant;  in  reward  for 
which  hypocrisy  the  Parliament  lodged  him  in  Whitehall, 
and  granted  him  a  large  pension.  *  Elizabeth  was  less 
time-serving,  and  her  intercepted  letters  to  Rupert  gave 
great  offence  to  the  Parliament.  She  tried  to  pacify  the 
indignation  she  had  roused,  writing  to  the  Speaker:  ** Albeit 
I  cannot  at  present  remember  what  I  then  particularly  writ, 
yet  if  anything  did  perchance  slip  from  my  pen  in  the 
private  relation  between  a  mother  and  son,  which  might 
give  them  the  least  distaste,  I  entreat  them  to  make  no 
worse  construction  of  it  than  was  by  me  intended."  "'  But 
she  could  not  disguise  her  real  sentiments,  and  her  pension 
was  stopped  by  the  Parliament.  **Our  gracious  Mistress 
hath  her  part,  as  who  hath  not,  in  these  public  sufferings," 


1   Webb,  Civil  War  ia  Herefordshire.  Vol.  I,  p.  131.  20  Sept.  1642. 
-  Dom.  State  Papers.  Carl  I.  Vol.  492.  fol.  31.  6  Oct.  1642. 
^  Carte,  Original  Letters.  Vol.  I.  p.  47.  8  Mar.  1643. 
*  Whitelocke.  p.  loi. 
5  Green.  VI.  11. 


90  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

wrote  one  of  her  gentlemen  in  1643.  *'It  is  upon  a  full 
year  that  her  entertainments  have  been  stopped,  and  I 
believe  that  she  fareth  the  worse  for  the  impetuousness  of 
Prince  Rupert  her  son,  who  is  quite  out  of  her  govern- 
ment." ^ 

Directly  after  the  skirmish  of  Powick  Bridge,  Rupert  fell 
back  upon  Ludlow,  and  it  was  while  quartered  there  that 
he  was  supposed  to  have  made  his  first  expedition  into 
Essex's  camp.  The  stories  of  his  disguises  are  told  by 
Puritans,  and  are,  as  before  said,  very  probably  apocry- 
phal; but  they  are  given  here  for  what  they  are  worth. 
The  Puritan  army  was  encamped  on  Dunsmore  Heath, 
and  Rupert,  riding  as  near  to  it  as  he  dared,  overtook  a 
man  driving  a  horse  which  was  laden  with  apples.  The 
man,  on  being  interrogated,  informed  the  Prince  that  he 
was  going  to  sell  the  apples  to  the  soldiers  of  the  Parliament. 
"Why  dost  thou  not  go  to  the  King's  army?"  asked  the 
Prince ;  "I  hear  they  are  generous  sparks  and  will  pay 
double!"  **0h,"  said  the  man,  "they  are  Cavaliers,  and 
have  a  mad  Prince  amongst  them.  Devil  a  penny  could  I 
get  in  the  whole  army."  Rupert  thereupon  purchased  the 
whole  load  for  ten  shillings,  changed  coats  and  horses  with 
the  man,  and  himself  sold  the  apples  to  the  forces  of 
Essex.  On  his  return,  he  gave  the  man  a  second  piece  of 
gold,  with  the  command  to  "go  to  the  army,  and  ask  the 
commanders  how  they  liked  the  fruit  which  Prince  Rupert 
did,    in    his    own    person,    but   this    morning   sell   them."  - 

During  this  time  the  King  had  lain  at  Shrewsbury,  whither 
he  now  summoned  all  his  forces,  and  on  October  12th  he 
began  his  march  towards  London.  This  was  in  accordance 
with  Rupert's  scheme  of  concentrating  all  forces  on  the 
centre  of  disaffection.  The  three  brigades  of  foot  were  com- 
manded respectively  by  Sir  Nicholas  Byron,  Colonel  Went- 
worth,  and  Colonel  Fielding.  Lord  Lindsey  was  Commander- 

1  Warburton.  II.  p.  196. 

-  Pamphlet.  Brit.  Museum.  Prince  Rupert:  his  Disguises. 


EDGEHILL  91 

in-Chief,  and  Sir  Jacob  Astley  was  his  Major-General ;  Ruth- 
ven,  though  a  Field-Marshal,  preferred  to  remain  entirely  with 
the  cavalry.  The  dragoons  were  under  Sir  Arthur  Aston, 
and  most  of  the  nobles  and  richer  gentry  enlisted  in  Lord 
Bernard  Stuart's  regiment  of  gentlemen,  nicknamed  ''The 
Show  Troop."  ''Never,"  says  Clarendon,  "did  less  baggage 
attend  a  royal  army,  there  being  not  one  tent,  and  very 
few  waggons,  in  the  whole  train  "  ^  This  being  the  case, 
it  is  singular  that  the  place  where  the  King's  tent  was 
pitched  is  still  pointed  out  at  Edgehill. 

The  Royalists  advanced  slowly,  by  way  of  Birmingham, 
halting  at  several  places  on  the  march.  On  October  22nd 
the  King  reached  Edgecot,  and  Essex  arrived  the  same 
day  at  Kineton,  ready  to  bar  his  way.  Rupert  advanced 
to  Lord  Spencer's  house  at  Wormleighton,  where  his  quarter- 
master had  a  skirmish  with  the  quarter-master  of  Essex, 
who  had  also  been  sent  to  take  possession  of  the  house. 
Rupert's  men  captured  twelve  of  Essex's  soldiers,  from  whom 
they  learnt  the  unexpected  proximity  of  the  enemy.  Rupert 
thereupon  made  his  men  take  the  field,  and  sent  the  intelli- 
gence to  the  King.  The  King  responded  in  a  brief  note : 
"  I  have  given  order  as  you  have  desyred ;  so  I  dout  not 
but  all  the  foot  and  cannon  will  bee  at  Edgehill  betymes 
this  morning,  where  you  will  also  find  your  loving  Oncle."  ' 

Early  in  the  morning  of  October  23rd,  Rupert  advanced 
his  forces  to  the  summit  of  Edgehill,  where,  as  he  had 
expected,  he  was  joined  by  the  King.  A  council  of  war 
was  then  held.  But,  alas,  dissension  was  already  beginning 
in  the  army,  the  mutual  jealousy  of  the  officers  having 
grown  on  the  march  to  "a  perfect  faction"^  between  the 
foot  and  horse.  On  this  occasion  Rupert's  bold  and  rapid 
tactics  were  strenuously  opposed  by  the  cautious  old  Lindsey. 
But  the  King  strongly  supported  his  nephew,  and  thereupon 

1  Clarendon.  Bk.  VI.  75. 

2  King  to  Rupert.  W&rburton.  II.  p.  12. 
»  Clarendon.  Bk.  VI.  p.  78. 


92  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Lindsey  resigned  his  generalship,  preferring  to  fight  as  a 
mere  colonel  rather  than  to  nominally  command  a  battle 
over  which  he  had  no  control.  Then  his  son,  Lord  Wil- 
loughby, — deeply  resenting  the  slight  on  his  father, — refused 
to  charge  with  Rupert,  and  elected  to  fight  on  foot  at  his 
father's  side.  Ruthven  (afterwards  Lord  Brentford)  was 
hastily  appointed  in  Lindsey's  place,  and  as  he  had  fought 
under  Gustavus,  he  readily  gave  his  support  to  the  Prince 
who  followed  the  great  Swede's  tactics. 

It  was  one  o'clock  before  the  King's  foot  could  be  brought 
up  to  the  rest  of  the  army ;  and  though  Essex  was  in 
order  by  eight  in  the  morning,  he  was  in  no  hurry  to 
begin  the  battle.  His  numbers  were  already  greater  than 
those  of  the  King,  but  he  hoped  still  that  three  more  regi- 
ments might  join  him.  Not  till  three  o'clock  did  the  fight 
begin,  and  this  was  considered  so  late  that  some  of  the 
Royalists  would  have  willingly  postponed  it  till  the  mor- 
row. But  it  was  to  the  King's  advantage  to  hasten  the 
attack,  since  he  had  no  provisions  for  his  army,  and  he 
hoped  also  to  anticipate  the  arrival  of  Essex's  reinforcements. 
The  history  of  the  battle  is  an  oft-told  tale.  Rupert  com- 
manded the  right  wing,  and  he  committed  a  serious  error 
at  the  outset  by  permitting  the  ''Show  Troop"  to  charge  in 
the  van.  This  troop  had  been  irritated  by  the  scoffs  of 
blunter  soldiers,  and  it  seemed  but  courtesy  to  accede  to 
its  request,  yet  it  was  most  unwise  to  do  so,  for  it  left  the 
King  unguarded  on  the  field.  ''Just  before  we  began  our 
march,"  says  Bulstrode,  "the  Prince  passed  from  one  wing 
to  the  other,  giving  positive  orders  to  the  horse  to  march 
as  close  as  possible,  keeping  their  ranks,  sword  in  hand; 
to  receive  the  enemy's  shot  without  firing  either  carbine 
or  pistol  till  we  broke  in  among  them,  and  then  to  make 
use  of  our  firearms  as  need  should  require."  ^  The  charge 
thus  made,  swept  Essex's  horse  from  the  field,  and  Rupert's 

1  Bulstrode's  Memoirs.  Ed.  1721,  p.  81. 


EDGEHILI.  93 

horse  followed  far  in  the  pursuit.  "  Our  horse  pursued  so 
eagerly  that  the  commanders  could  not  stop  them  in  the 
chase,"  said  the  Royalists.  ^  The  King's  foot,  left  unsup- 
ported on  the  field,  suffered  great  damage.  Then  it  was 
that  Lord  Lindsey  fell,  and  his  gallant  son  was  captured 
in  the  attempt  to  save  his  father.  Then  Sir  Edmund  Verney 
died,  and  the  standard  was  taken,  but  subsequently  regained. 
Only  the  enemy's  own  want  of  skill  and  experience  saved 
the  King  himself  from  capture.  Thus  the  advantage  won 
by  the  first  charge  was  lost,  and  when  Rupert  returned  he 
found  the  King  with  a  very  small  retinue,  and  all  chance 
of  a  complete  victory  gone.  Nor  could  the  cavalry  be 
rallied  for  a  sec6nd  charge.  Where  the  soldiers  were  col- 
lected together  the  officers  were  absent,  and  where  the 
officers  were  ready  the  soldiers  were  scattered.  Conse- 
quently the  result  of  the  battle  was  indecisive,  and  both  sides 
claimed  the  victory ;  the  advantage  really  lay  with  the  King, 
insomuch  as  he  held  the  field,  and  had  opened  the  way  to 
London.  But  the  Royalist  losses  had  been  very  great. 
Besides  Lindsey  and  Verney,  had  fallen  Lord  Aubigny, 
brother  of  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  and  many  other  officers. 
Moreover,  the  Cavaliers  were  in  a  hostile  country,  unable  to 
obtain  either  food  or  shelter,  and  the  night  was  terribly 
cold.  Towards  daybreak  the  King  retired  to  his  coach 
to  rest;  and  the  morning  found  the  two  armies  still  facing 
one  another.  Thus  they  remained  throughout  the  day,  but 
towards  evening  Essex  drew  off  to  Warwick.  No  sooner 
did  Essex  begin  his  retreat  than  Rupert  started  in  pursuit. 
At  Kineton  he  captured  the  rear  guard  of  dragoons,  with 
their  convoy  of  money,  plate  and  letters.  The  taking  of 
the  letters  proved  of  no  slight  importance,  for  among  them 
Rupert  discovered  a  circumstantial  report  of  his  own  pro- 
ceedings, furnished  to  Essex  by  his  own  secretary.  There 
was    found    also    the   secretary's  demand   for  an   increase 

^  Carte's  Original  Letters,  Vol.  I.  p.  lo. 


94  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

of  pay  from  the  Parliament,  which  already  paid  him 
£$0  a  week.  The  man  was  of  course  tried,  and  hanged 
at  Oxford. ' 

Rupert  was  now  anxious  to  push  on  to  London  before 
the  enemy  could  rally.  '*He  proffered,  if  His  Majesty 
would  give  him  leave,  to  march  with  three  thousand 
horse  to  Westminster,  and  there  dissolve  the  Parliament."  - 
Very  likely  this  plan  might  have  succeeded,  for  the  panic 
in  London  was  great,  but  the  old  Earl  of  Bristol  declared 
that  Rupert,  once  let  loose  on  London,  would  plunder 
and  burn  the  city.  This  fear  so  worked  on  the  King  that 
he  refused  to  countenance  the  design.  It  is  only  fair  to  add 
that  Rupert  indignantly  repudiated  the  intentions  attributed 
to  him.  *'  I  think  there  is  none  that  take  me  for  a  coward, — 
for  sure  I  fear  not  the  face  of  any  man  alive, — yet  I  shall 
repute  it  the  greatest  victory  in  the  world  to  see  His  Majesty 
enter  London  in  peace  without  shedding  one  drop  of  blood."  ^ 
The  tales  spread  abroad  of  his  ''barbarousness  and  in- 
humanity" caused  him  real  annoyance,  and  he  endeavoured 
to  refute  them  in  a  pubUshed  "  Declaration."  After  retorting 
on  the  Parliament  various  instances  of  Puritan  plundering 
and  violence,  he  continued:  "I  must  here  profess,  that  I 
take  that  man  to  be  no  soldier  or  gentleman  that  will 
strike,  much  less  kill,  a  woman  or  a  child . . .  And  for 
myself,  I  appeal  to  the  consciences  of  those  lords  and 
gentlemen  who  are  my  daily  witnesses,  and  to  those  people 
wheresoever  our  army  hath  been,  what  they  know,  or 
have  observed  in  my  carriage  which  might  not  become 
the  son  of  a  king."  ^  Doubtless  the  boast  was  made  in 
all  good  faith,  but  doubtless  also  the  views  of  Rupert  and 
his  enemies  as  to  what  was  ''becoming"  differed  widely, 
especially    in    regard    to    plunder.    True   the   Puritans  not 


1  Warburton,  II.  pp.  4,  47. 

2  Ibid.  I.  p.  465. 

'  Prince  Rupert:  his  Declaration.  Pamphlet.  British  Museum. 

*  PrinQe  Rupert:  his  Declaration.  Pamphlet.  Brit.  Mus.  Warburton,  II.  124. 


THE  MARCH  TO  LONDON  95 

infrequently  plundered  Royalists,  just  as  the  Royalists  plun- 
dered Puritans;  but  the  Parliament  had  the  less  need  to 
do  it,  seeing  that  all  the  King's  revenue  was  in  its  hands. 
The  hapless  King  could  not,  in  consequence,  pay  his  ca- 
valry, and  it  was  Rupert's  task  to  raise  supplies  from  the 
country.  He  was  authorised  to  requisition  daily  provisions 
from  the  inhabitants  of  the  places  where  the  horse  were 
quartered.  For  all  such  supplies  a  proper  receipt  was  to 
be  given,  and  the  officers  were  not  permitted,  "upon  pain 
of  our  high  displeasure,"  to  send  for  greater  quantities  of 
provision  than  would  actually  supply  the  men  and  horses.  ^ 
To  Rupert,  used  as  he  was  to  continental  warfare,  such  a 
state  of  affairs  seemed  natural  enough.  ''Was  I  engaged 
to  prohibit  them  making  the  best  of  their  prisoners?"  he 
retorted  in  answer  to  a  later  charge  made  against  his  men.  ' 
And,  among  the  State  Papers,  there  is  to  be  found  an  engage- 
ment of  a  certain  John  van  Haesdonck  to  bring  over  to 
Rupert,  two  hundred  expert  soldiers  from  Holland  who 
were  to  be  permitted  to  divide  their  booty,  "  according 
to  the  usual  custom  beyond  seas."  *'' 

But  if  Rupert  understood  **  the  law  of  arms  "  as  the  peace- 
ful English  citizens  did  not,  both  he  and  his  officers  re- 
spected its  limits,  and  fain  would  have  checked  the  excess- 
es of  their  men.  Whitelocke,  while  lamenting  the  wreck 
of  his  own  house,  honourably  acquitted  the  officers  in  com- 
mand of  any  share  in  it.  "  Sir  John  Byron  and  his  brothers 
commanded  those  horse,  and  gave  orders  that  they  should 
commit  no  insolence  at  my  house,  nor  plunder  my  goods." 
But,  in  spite  of  the  prohibition,  hay  and  corn  were  reck- 
lessly consumed,  horses  were  carried  off,  books  wantonly 
destroyed,  the  park  railings  broken  down,  and  the  deer 
let  out.  "Only  a  tame  young  stag  they  led  away  and 
presented  to   Prince   Rupert,   and  my  hounds,  which  were 

1  Rupert  Papers.  Order  of  King.  Warb.  II.  71. 

3  Prince  Rupert:  his  Reply. 

*  Dom.  State  Papers,  27  Nov.   1642. 


96  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

extraordinary  good."  ^  What  Rupert  did  with  the  tame 
young  stag  history  relates  not,  but  he  certainly  did  not 
countenance  such  outrages.  They  were  of  course  attributed 
to  his  influence,  but  he  could,  and  did,  retort  similar  in- 
stances— and  worse — upon  the  soldiers  of  the  Parliament : 
"I  speak  not  how  wilfully  barbarous  their  soldiers  were 
to  the  Countess  Rivers,  to  the  Lady  Lucas  in  Essex,  and 
likewise  to  many  persons  of  quality  in  Kent,  and  other 
places."  - 

Owing  to  the  fear  of  Rupert's  '*  downright  soldierism " 
such  advantage  as  might  have  been  gained  from  Edgehill 
was  lost.  Instead  of  pressing  on  for  London,  the  King 
wasted  valuable  time  in  the  siege  of  Banbury.  It  is  to 
this  period  that  the  story  of  Rupert's  visit  to  Warwick 
belongs.  To  this  town  Essex  had  retreated  after  the  battle, 
and  about  it  his  army  was  still  quartered.  "Within  about 
eight  miles  of  the  said  city,  Prince  Robert  was  forced  by 
excess  of  raine  to  take  into  a  little  alehouse  out  of  the 
way,  where  he  met  with  a  fellow  that  was  riding  to  Warwick 
to  sell  cabbage  nets,  but  stayed,  by  chance,  to  drink.  He 
bought  the  fellow's  nets,  gave  him  double  what  he  asked, 
borrowed  his  coat,  and  told  him  he  would  ride  upon  his 
horse  some  miles  off,  to  put  a  trick  upon  some  friends  of  his, 
and  return  at  evening.  He  left  his  own  nag  and  coat  be- 
hind, and  also  a  crown  for  them  to  drink,  while  waiting  his 
return.  When  he  came  to  Warwick  he  sold  his  nets  at 
divers  places,  heard  the  news,  and  discovered  many  passages 
in  the  town.  Having  done  this  he  returned  again,  and  took 
his  own  horse.  Then  he  sent  them  (z.  e.  the  citizens  of 
Warwick)  word,  by  him  he  bought  the  nets  of,  that  Prince 
Rupert  had  sold  them  cabbage  nets,  and  it  should  not  be 
long  ere  he  would  requite  their  kindness  and  send  them 
cabbages."  ^ 

1  Whitelocke's  Memorials,  p.  65.  Ed.  1732. 

2  Pamphlet.  Brit,  Mus.  Warb.  II.  p.  121. 

8  Prince  Rupert:  his  Disguises.  Pamphlet.  British  Museum. 


THE  MARCH  TO  LONDON  97 

On  October  27th  Banbury  fell,  and  two  days  later  the 
King  entered  Oxford,  where  he  was  enthusiastically  received. 
Rupert  advanced  to  Abingdon,  overran  the  country,  took 
Aylesbury,  cut  off  Essex's  communications  with  London, 
and  seized  arms  and  forage  for  the  King.  Essex  sent  Bal- 
four to  intercept  the  Prince  ;  Rupert  and  Sir  Louis  Dyves 
met  him  with  a  valiant  charge  across  a  swollen  ford,  but 
they  were  forced  back,  and  proceeded  through  Maiden- 
head to  Windsor,  **with  the  most  bloody  and  mischievous 
of  all  the  Cavaliers."  ^  The  taking  of  Windsor  Castle  would 
have  enabled  Rupert  to  stop  the  barges  on  the  Thames, 
and  cut  off  the  London  traffic  to  the  West.  But  his  sum- 
mons to  surrender  was  refused,  and  his  assault  repulsed. 
His  men  declared  that  they  would  follow  him  anywhere 
against  men^  but  not  against  stone  walls ;  and  though  he 
cheered  them  on  to  a  second  attack,  that  also  failed.  Con- 
sidering Windsor  hopeless,  he  fell  back  to  Kingston,  in- 
tending to  erect  there  a  fort  to  command  the  river.  But 
the  trained  bands  of  Berkshire  and  Surrey  were  ready  to 
receive  him.  **  About  two  of  the  clock,"  says  Whitelocke, 
"  on  the  seventh  of  November,  the  Cavaliers  came  on  with 
undaunted  courage,  their  forces  in  the  form  of  a  crescent. 
Prince  Rupert,  to  the  right  wing,  came  on  with  great  fury. 
In  they  went  pell-mell  into  the  heart  of  our  soldiers,  but 
they  were  surrounded  and  with  great  difficulty  cut  their 
way  through,  and  made  their  way  across  to  Maidenhead, 
where  they  held  their  quarters." " 

From  his  quarters  at  Maidenhead  Rupert  seized  on 
Colebrook;  an  exploit  reported  in  London  under  the  ex- 
citing title,  ''Horrible  news  from  Colebrook."  In  the  same 
pamphlets  the  already  terrified  citizens  were  cheered  by 
the  news:  **The  Prince  hath  deeply  vowed  that  he  will 
come  to  London;  swearing  he  cares  not  a  pin  for  all  the 
Roundheads  or  their  infant  works ;  and  saying  that  he  will 

1  Pamphlet.  British  Museum.  Warb.  II.  p.  50. 

2  Warburton,  II.  pp.  50 — 51.  Whitelocke's  Memorials. 


98  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

lay  their  city  and  inhabitants  on  the  ground."  '  On  Novem- 
ber  4th,    the   King   reached   Reading  with  the  bulk  of  his 
army,  and  the  Parliament,  thoroughly  frightened,  requested 
a  safe-conduct,  in  order  to  treat.    The  King's  objection  to 
one    of   their    emissaries    led   to   some   delay,    but   danger 
pressed ;  the  Parliament  yielded  and  sent  its  representatives. 
At  the  same  time  it  ordered  Essex,  who  had  also  reached 
London^  to  take  the  field.    The  King  on  his  part  advanced 
to    Colebrook    before     he    sent    his    answer; — which    was 
a   proposal   that  Windsor  should  be  given  up  to  him  as  a 
place    for   treaty,    and   avoided   all   mention  of  a  cessation 
of  arms.     On  the  same  night,  November  nth,  he  ordered 
Rupert   to   clear  the  way  by  an  attack  on  Brentford.     At 
the   same   time   he   wrote   to  the  Houses  that  he  intended 
to   be    in  London  next  evening  to  hear  what  they  had  to 
say.     The    Prince   received   the   King's   orders   at   Egham. 
There    he   had   captured   two   London   merchants,   and   he 
judged   it   wise  to    detain  them,  lest  they  should  be  spies. 
When    they    had    recovered    their    liberty    next   day,   they 
gave  the  following  account  of  their  adventures.    They  had 
been  taken   to   the    Prince,    who  was  **  in  bed  with  all  his 
clothes  on,"  from  which  it  was  inferred  that  he  had  vowed 
never   to    undress    **or   shift  himself  until  he    had  reseated 
King    Charles    at    Whitehall."     The    Prince   examined   the 
prisoners  himself,   and,  attracted  by  a  bunch  of  ribbons  in 
the  hat  of  one  of  them,  ''he  took  the  pains  to  look  them 
over   himself,   and   turned   and  tossed  them  up  and  down, 
and    swore    there   was   none    of  the   King's   favours  there. 
The   gentleman  replying  that  they  were  the  favours  of  his 
mistress,   the   Prince    smiling,    without  any  word  at  all,  re- 
turned  him   his   favours  and  his  hat  again."     On  the  next 
morning  they  saw  the  King  and  Prince  together  on  Hounslow 
Heath.     •*  Prince    Rupert  took   off  his   scarlet  coat,   which 
was   very   rich,   and   gave   it   to   his  man;  and  he  buckled 

1  Horrible  News  from  Colebrook.  London,  Nov.  ii,  1642.  Pamphlet.  Brit. 
Museum. 


THE  MARCH  TO  LONDON  99 

on  his  arms  and  put  a  grey  coat  over  it  that  he  might 
not  be  discovered.  He  talked  long  with  the  King,  and 
often  in  his  communications  with  His  Majesty,  he  scratched 
his  head  and  tore  his  hair,  as  if  in  some  grave  discontent."  ^ 

The  discontent  was  soon  allayed  by  a  successful  dash 
upon  Brentford.  The  town  was  taken,  though  not  without 
hard  fighting,  and  there  was  captured  also  a  good  supply 
of  guns  and  ammunition.  The  question  as  to  whether  this 
advance,  pending  negotiation,  was  or  was  not  a  breach  of 
faith  on  the  King's  part  has  been  much  debated.  No  ces- 
sation of  arms  had  been  agreed  on,  but  the  Parliament, 
thinking  it  a  mere  oversight,  had  sent  again  in  order  to 
arrange  it.  At  the  same  time  Essex  was  warned  to  hold  all 
his  forces  ready  for  battle,  but  to  abstain  from  acts  of  hos- 
tility. Essex  having  advanced  towards  him,  the  King  would 
have  been  completely  surrounded,  had  he  not  seized  upon 
Brentford.  Therefore,  from  the  military  point  of  view,  the 
advance  was  altogether  justifiable ;  from  the  political,  it  was 
unwise,  for  it  lost  Charles  the  hearts  of  the  Londoners. 
"Charles's  error,"  says  Professor  Gardiner,  'May  in  forget- 
ting that  he  was  more  than  a  victorious  General."  - 

The  King's  triumph  was  short-lived.  The  citizens  and 
the  Parliamentary  troops  rallied  to  the  defence  of  the  capital. 
An  army,  twice  as  large  as  that  of  Charles,  barred  his  way 
on  Turnham  Green.  Essex  advancing  on  Brentford,  forced 
Rupert  to  retire.  This  he  did  in  excellent  order,  entrusting 
the  conduct  of  the  retreat  to  Sir  Jacob  Astley.  The  Prince 
himself  stood  his  horse  in  the  river  beside  the  bridge  that 
he  might  watch  his  men  pass  over.  And  there  he  remained 
for  hours,  exposed  to  a  heavy  fire,  and  all  the  while 
"cheering  and  encouraging  the  retiring  ranks  to  keep 
order,  and  to  fire  steadily  on  the  advancing  foe."  *  His 
troops   passed   that  night   drawn  up  on  Hounslow  Heath; 

1  Relation  of  Two  London  Merchants.  Pamphlet.  British  Museum. 
-  Gardiner's  Civil  War,  Vol.  I.  p.  60. 
»  Rupert  MSS.  Warburton,  II.  p.  67. 


loo  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

thence  Rupert  conducted  them  to  Abingdon,  himself  return- 
ing, November  22nd,  to  the  King  at  Reading. 

At  Reading  they  were  detained  some  days  by  the  illness 
of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  but  on  Tuesday,  the  29th,  the  King 
took  up  his  winter  quarters  in  Oxford.  Rupert  continued  to 
hover  about  Essex's  army,  and  ordered  Wilmot  to  take 
Marlborough.  This  duty  Wilmot  accompHshed,  but  with 
evident  reluctance.  **  Give  me  leave  to  tell  your  Highness 
that  I  think  myself  very  unhappy  to  be  employed  upon 
this  occasion,"  he  wrote,  "being  a  witness  that  at  other 
times,  in  the  like  occasions,  troops  are  sent  out  without  any 
manner  of  forecast  or  design,  or  care  to  preserve  or  quarter 
them  when  they  are  abroad."  ^  It  is  not  remarkable  that 
Rupert  did  not  love  an  officer  who  addressed  him  in  such 
a  strain.  Sir  John  Byron  also  wrote  with  ill-concealed  im- 
patience to  demand  his  instant  removal  from  Reading,  where, 
he  said,  the  want  of  accommodation  was  ruining  his  regi- 
ment. And  Daniel  O'Neil  sent  pathetic  accounts  of  his 
struggles  with  the  Prince's  own  troop,  in  the  absence  of 
their  leader.  "They  say  you  have  given  them  a  power  to 
take  what  they  want,  where  they  can  find  it.  This  is  so 
extravagant  that  I  am  confident  you  never  gave  them  any 
such.  That  the  rest  of  the  troop  (not  only  of  your  own 
regiment,  but  that  of  the  Lieutenant- General)  may  be 
satisfied,  declare  in  what  condition  you  will  have  your 
company,  and  how  commanded.  And  let  me,  I  beseech 
you,  have  in  writing  the  orders  I  shall  give  to  that  party 
you  sent  into  Buckinghamshire."  -  Already  numberless  such 
complaints  were  pouring  in.  Even  then  the  Royalists,  as 
Byron  said,  "abounded  in  nothing  but  the  want  of  all 
things  necessary;"  and  Rupert  was  well-nigh  distracted  by 
his  efforts  to  supply  their  needs,  quash  their  mutinies,  and 
soothe  their  discontents.    So  closed  the  year  1642. 

1  Rupert  Transcripts.  Wilmot  to  the  Prince,  Dec.  ist,  1642- 

2  Warburton,  II.  p.  82.  Rupert  Correspondence.  O'Neil  to  the  Prince, 
Dec.  19,  1642. 


CHAPTER    VII 

THE  WAR  IN    1643.   THE   QUARREL   WITH  HERTFORD. 
THE  ARRIVAL   OF  THE   QUEEN 

From  Christmas  Eve,  1642,  till  January  6th,  1643,  Rupert 
remained  quietly  at  Oxford.  His  attempt  to  concentrate  his 
forces  on  London  had  failed,  and  he  was  now  resolved  on 
a  new  strategy.  'The  King  was  to  hold  Essex  in  check 
from  Oxford;  Lord  Newcastle,  who  had  raised  an  army 
in  the  north,  was  to  push  through  the  midlands  towards 
Essex;  and  Hopton,  marching  from  Cornwall  to  Kent,  was 
to  seize  on  the  banks  of  the  Thames  below  London  and  so 
stop  the  city  trade.  Thus  the  enemy  would  be  completely 
surrounded  and  overwhelmed.  For  his  own  part,  Rupert  had 
resolved  on  the  capture  of  Cirencester.  With  this  end  he 
started  from  Oxford,  January  6th.  His  march,  which  continued 
all  day  and  all  night,  seems  to  have  been  lighted  by 
meteors.  ''This  night  we  saw  the  strange  fire  falling  from 
Heaven,  like  a  bolt,  which,  with  several  cracks,  brake  into 
balls  and  went  out,  about  steeple  height  from  the  ground."  ' 
Early  on  the  morning  of  the  7th,  they  faced  Cirencester, 
but,  owing  to  the  late  arrival  of  Lord  Hertford,  who  was 
to  act  with  Rupert,  the  attack  failed.  Rupert  therefore 
retreated,  and  occupied  himself  in  circhng  round  Oxford 
until  the  end  of  the  month.  On  February  2nd,  he  renewed  the 
attempt  on  Cirencester.  A  successful  feint  towards  Sudely 
drew  off  the  attention  of  the  town  and  enabled  him  to  enter 
it  with  comparative  ease.  But  the  garrison  of  Cirencester 
kept  up  a  brave  resistance  for  an  hour  after  the  Royalists 
were   in   possession  of  the  place,  which  unhappily  resulted 

1   Clar.  State  Papers,  f.  2254.  Priace  Rupert's  Journal  in  England.  Jan.  6,  1643. 


T02  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

in  much  bloodshed.  Moreover,  the  town  was  sacked  by  "  the 
undistinguishing  soldiers,"  ^  and  over  a  thousand  prisoners 
were  carried  oft  to  Oxford.  The  actual  facts  were  bad 
enough,  for  Rupert's  men  were  not  yet  disciplined  and  had 
broken  loose,  but  the  report  of  the  Parliament  was  embellished 
with  the  usual  exaggerations.  "  The  enemy  entered  the  town 
and,  being  much  enraged  with  their  losses,  put  all  to  the 
sword  they  met  with;  men,  women  and  children;  and  in 
a  barbarous  manner  murdered  three  ministers,  very  godly 
and  religious  men."  " 

This  success  cooled  the  King's  desire  for  agreement 
with  the  Parliament,  which  had  just  sent  Commissioners 
to  Oxford  to  treat.  **The  welcome  news  of  your  High- 
ness taking  of  Cirencester  by  assault,  with  admirable 
dexterity  and  courage,  came  this  morning  very  seasonably 
and  opportunely,  as  His  Majesty  was  ready  to  give 
an  answer  to  the  Parliamentary  Committee,  and  will,  I 
believe,  work  better  effects  with  them  and  with  those  that 
sent  them  than  the  gracious  reception  they  had  here  from 
His  Majesty,"  ^  wrote  the  Secretary  Nicholas  to  the  Prince. 
After  reconnoitring  Warwick  and  Gloucester,  Rupert  return- 
ed to  Oxford,  where  he  composed  the  elaborate  defence 
of  his  conduct  already  quoted,  entitled  ''Prince  Rupert, 
his  Declaration." 

By  February  22nd  he  had  resumed  his  wanderings.    Only 
a   study   of  his  journal   can   give   any  idea  of  his  restless 
activity,  and  therefore  a  few  entries  from  March  1643,  are 
here  quoted. 
March     4.  Satterday,  to  Cirencester. 

„         5.  To  Malmesbury  in  Wiltshire. 

„         6.  Mundaye,  to  Chipping  Sodburye  in  Glostershire. 

„         7.  Tuesday  night,  on  Durdan  Down  by  Bristol. 


1  Clarendon.  Hist.  Bk.  VI.  238. 

2  Pamphlet.    British   Museum,    Relation  of  the  taking  of  Cirencester,  Feb. 
[642—3. 

8  Rupert  Correspondence.  Nicholas  to  the  Prince,  Feb.  3,  1643. 


THE  WAR  IN  1643  103 

March  8.  Wednesday  morning,  advancing  towards  Bristol, 
we  heard  how  Mr.  Bourcher  and  Mr.  Yeoman's 
plot  was  discovered,  and  we  instantly  faced 
about  to  Chipping  Sodbury. 

„         9.  Thursday,  to  Malmesbury. 

,.       10.  Friday,  home  to  Oxford. 

,,        18.  Satterday,  to  Abingdon. 

„        19.  Sunday,  to  Tetsworth. 

„       20.  Monday,  to  Denton  in  Buckinghamshire. 

„  2  1.  Tuesday,  the  little  Skirmish  before  Aylesbury. 
That  night  to  Oxford. » 
The  entry  of  March  8th  alludes  to  a  Royalist  plot  by 
which  it  had  been  intended  to  surrender  Bristol  to  Rupert. 
But  the  plot  was  betrayed,  and  the  two  merchants  who 
had  been  the  prime  movers  of  it  were  executed. 

Meanwhile  the  King's  party  was  prospering  in  the  North. 
Some  time  previously  the  Queen  had  despatched  Goring 
to  the  aid  of  the  Earl  of  Newcastle  in  Yorkshire;  and  in 
March  she  landed  there  herself,  bringing  supplies  and  re- 
inforcements. In  Lancashire  and  Cheshire  Lord  Derby 
was  struggling  valiantly,  but  he  felt  himself  out-numbered, 
and  earnestly  implored  Rupert  to  come  to  his  assistance. 
The  Countess  of  Derby,  Charlotte  de  La  Tremouille,  who 
had  been  brought  up  at  the  Hague  in  intimate  relations 
with  the  Palatines,  added  her  entreaties  to  those  of  her 
husband:  "Je  ne  sais  ce  que  je  dis,  mais  ayez  pitie  de 
mon  mari,  mes  enfans,  et  moi."  '  Moved  by  this  urgent 
appeal,  Rupert  resolved  to  go  northward,  and  Digby  vo- 
lunteered to  accompany  him. 

In  the  beginning  of  April  they  set  forth,  with  twelve 
hundred  horse  and  about  six  hundred  foot.  Marching  through 
Stratford-on-Avon,  they  came  to  Birmingham,  a  place  famous 
for  its  active  disloyalty;  it  had  seized  upon  Royal  plate, 
intercepted    Royal   messengers,   and  now  boldly  refused  to 

1  Clar.  State  Papers.  Rupert's  Jouraal. 

-  Rupert  Transcripts,  April  i,  1643,  *^so  Warburton,  II.  p.  149. 


I04  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

admit  Rupert  within  its  walls.  The  Prince  resolved  on  an 
assault,  and,  on  Easter  Monday,  he  took  and  entered  the 
town.  The  conduct  of  the  Cavaliers  here  was  as  much 
debated  as  it  had  been  at  Cirencester.  *'The  Cavaliers 
rode  through  the  streets  like  so  many  furies  or  bedlams; 
Lord  Denbigh  in  the  front,  singing  as  he  rode,"  says  the 
Puritan  account.  **They  shot  at  every  door  and  window 
where  they  could  espy  any  looking  out.  They  hacked, 
hewed,  or  pistolled  all  they  met  with;  blaspheming,  curs- 
ing, and  damning  themselves  most  hideously .  . .  Nor 
did  their  rage  cease  here ;  but  when,  on  the  next  day,  they 
were  to  march  forth  out  of  the  town,  they  used  every 
possible  diligence  to  set  fire  in  all  the  streets,  and,  lest 
any  should  save  any  of  the  goods  they  had  left,  they 
stood  with  drawn  swords  about  all  the  houses,  endeavour- 
ing to  kill  anyone  that  appeared  to  quench  the  flames."  ^ 
The  Royalist  version  was  very  different.  After  relating 
the  excessive  provocation  suffered  by  the  soldiers,  it  admits 
that,  in  order  to  force  his  entrance,  the  Prince  did  fire  some 
houses,  but  that  as  soon  as  the  entrance  was  effected,  he 
ordered  the  fire  to  be  extinguished.  And  on  the  next  day, 
when  he  was  about  to  leave  the  town,  *'  fearing  the  exas- 
peration of  his  men,  he  gave  express  orders  that  none 
should  attempt  to  fire  the  town;  and,  after  his  departure, 
hearing  that  some  soldiers  had  fired  it  in  divers  places,  he 
sent  immediately  to  let  the  inhabitants  know  that  it  was 
not  done  by  his  command,  and  he  desired  it  might  be 
quenched."  ^  This  last  account,  being  found  in  a  private 
letter,  is  probably  more  worthy  of  credit  than  the  Puritan 
pamphlet  written  to  excite  the  populace. 

On  April  8th,  Rupert  summoned  Lichfield  to  surrender, 
but  that  town,  well  garrisoned  and  well  commanded,  answered 
him  with  defiance.    Rupert  perceived  that  the  siege  would 

1  Pamphlet.    British    Museum.    Prince  Rupert's   Burning  Love  to  England 
discovered  in  Birmingham's  flames. 

2  Letter  from  Walsall  to  Oxford.     Warb.  II.  p.   154,  note. 


THE  WAR  IN  1643  105 

be  a  matter  of  some  time,  and  he  acted  with  great  pru- 
dence. Withdrawing  his  cavalry  from  its  perilous  position 
before  the  town,  he  managed  to  obtain  fifty  miners  from 
the  neighbouring  collieries.  Then  he  asked  his  men  and 
officers  to  volunteer,  as  foot-soldiers,  to  the  aid  of  the  miners; 
with  which  request  they  "  cheerfully  and  gallantly  "  complied. 
On  this  occasion  George  Digby  especially  distinguished 
himself,  working  in  the  trenches  "  up  to  his  waist  in  mud  " 
until  he  was  disabled  by  a  shot  in  the  thigh.  But  this 
was  the  last  time  that  he  served  under  Rupert,  for 
very  soon  afterwards  he  quarrelled  with  the  Prince,  threw 
up  his  commission  in  a  rage,  and  fought  thenceforth  as  a 
volunteer.  ^ 

In  ten  days  the  moat  was  dry,  two  bridges  made,  and 
the  miners  engaged  on  the  walls.  Harassed  by  continual 
appeals  for  his  presence  elsewhere,  Rupert  made  an  effort 
to  hasten  matters  by  storming  the  town.  But  the  attempt 
failed,  and  the  garrison  hanged  one  of  their  prisoners  over 
the  wall,  bidding  the  Prince  in  derision,  to  shoot  him  down. 
Rupert  thereupon  swore  deeply  that  not  one  man  should 
have  quarter,  but  on  the  following  day  he  repented  of  his 
resolve,  and  sent  to  offer  it.  His  overtures  were  rejected; 
and  he  resumed  his  operations.  That  same  evening  his 
mine  was  sprung — the  first  ever  sprung  in  England — and 
the  besiegers  rushed  into  the  city.  But  so  fierce  was  the 
opposition  of  the  garrison  at  the  barricades,  that  Rupert 
recalled  his  storming  party,  and  fired  on  the  breach,  until 
the  enemy  at  last  hoisted  the  white  flag.  Colonel  Hastings 
was  then  sent  into  the  city  with  powers  to  treat,  but  he 
was  detained  all  night,  and  the  Prince,  fearing  treachery, 
ordered  the  attack  to  be  renewed  at  daybreak.  Fortunately, 
with  the  light,  came  Hastings ;  the  garrison  had  surrendered, 
and  was  permitted  to  march  out,  **  colours  flying,  trumpets 
sounding,    and    matches    lighted ; "  -    an    honour    scarcely 

^  Clar.  State  Papers,  A  character  of  Lord  Digby. 
-  Warburtoiij  II.  p.  169. 


io6  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

deserved  after  the  horrible  manner  in  which  it  had  desecrated 
the  Lichfield  Cathedral. 

No  sooner  was  the  city  taken  than  Rupert  unwillingly 
turned  back  to  Oxford.  During  the  siege  he  had  received 
letters  from  the  King,  urging  him  to  hasten  northward,  but 
ere  its  completion  the  state  of  affairs  was  changed.  Reading 
was  in  dire  peril,  and  its  Governor,  Sir  Arthur  Aston, 
protested  desperately  to  the  Prince :  **  I  am  grown  weary 
of  my  life,  with  perpetual  trouble  and  vexation."  In  his 
garrison  he  seemed  to  have  no  confidence :  "I  am  so  ex- 
tremely dejected  with  this  business  that  I  do  wish,  with 
all  my  heart,  I  had  some  German  soldiers  to  command,  or 
that  I  could  infuse  some  German  courage  into  them.  For 
your  English  soldiers  are  so  poor  and  base  that  I  could 
never  have  a  greater  afldiction  light  upon  me  than  to  be 
put  into  command  of  them."  ^  The  report  of  the  Secretary 
Nicholas  was  not  more  comforting :  '*  I  assure  your  Highness 
it  is  the  opinion  of  many  here  that,  if  Prince  Rupert  come 
not  speedily,  Reading  will  be  lost  I"  -  And  finally,  a 
peremptory  command  from  the  King  for  his  instant  return 
left  the  Prince  no  room  for  hesitation. 

But  with  all  his  haste  Rupert  came  too  late.  Aston 
had  been  incapacitated  by  a  severe  wound,  and  the  com- 
mand had  fallen  to  his  subordinate.  Colonel  Fielding. 
Ignorant  of  the  King's  long  delayed  advance  to  his  relief, 
Fielding  made  a  truce  with  Essex,  in  order  to  treat; 
consequently,  when  the  King  and  Rupert  arrived  and  fell 
upon  Essex,  Fielding  could  not,  in  honour,  sally  to  their 
assistance.  The  relief  party  perforce  retired,  and  Rupert 
sent  to  demand  of  Essex  the  name  of  a  gentleman  who 
had  very  valiantly  attacked  him  in  the  retreat.  '  After  this 
failure,  there  was  nothing  left  but  to  surrender,  and  Fielding 
accepted  Essex's  permission  to  march  out  with  the  honours 

1  Rupert  Transcripts.  Aston  to  Rupert,  22  Jan.  1643;  Pythouse  Papers,  p.  12. 

2  Ibid.  Nicholas  to  Rupert,  21  April,  1643. 

3  Warburton,  II.  p.  179. 


THE  WAR  IN  1643  107 

of  war.  But  Essex  was  unable  to  prevent  a  breach  of  the 
articles  by  his  soldiers,  who  attacked  and  insulted  the  Roy- 
alist garrison.  This  faithless  conduct  was  bitterly  remem- 
bered by  the  Royalists,  and  subsequently  repaid  in  kind  at 
Bristol  and  Newark.  As  for  the  unfortunate  Fielding,  he 
was  tried  by  court-martial,  and  condemned  to  death  for  his 
untimely  surrender  of  his  charge.  But  Rupert,  who  fully 
understood  his  difficult  position,  was  resolved  that  he  should 
not  suffer,  and  urged  the  young  Prince  of  Wales  to  plead 
with  the  King  for  his  life.  '  The  little  Prince's  intercession 
prevailed,  and  Fielding  was  spared.  Throughout  the  rest 
of  the  war  he  served  as  a  volunteer,  but,  though  he  dis- 
played great  gallantry,  his  reputation  never  recovered  the 
unfortunate  miscarriage  at  Reading. 

The  vicinity  of  Essex's  army  detained  Rupert  for  some 
time  at  Oxford.  From  that  centre  he  and  his  picked  troops 
carried  on  an  active  guerilla  warfare,  scouring  the  country 
on  all  sides.  ''They  took  many  prisoners  who  thought 
themselves  secure,  and  put  them  to  ransom.  And  this 
they  did  by  night  marches,  through  unfrequented  ways, 
often  very  near  London."  At  the  same  time  Rupert  had  to 
attend  to  a  voluminous  correspondence  with  his  officers  in 
all  parts  of  the  country.  The  generals,  Crafurd,  Newcastle, 
Maurice,  and  others  demanded  his  orders.  Lord  Northamp- 
ton appealed  to  him  for  relief  from  the  exorbitant  demands 
made  on  his  tenantry  by  Colonel  Croker.  '  From  all  sides 
came  the  usual  complaints  about  quarters,  and  supplies  of 
provisions  or  ammunition.  Sir  WiUiam  Vavasour  had  a 
more  unusual  grievance.  He  commanded  in  Wales,  under 
Lord  Herbert,  but  Lord  Herbert,  being  a  Roman  Catholic, 
could  not  openly  exert  his  powers  for  fear  of  prejudicing 
the  King's  affairs;  and  Digby  presumed  to  send  orders  to 
Vavasour.  "  How  to  behave  myself  in  this  I  know  not," 
wrote    the    distracted    Colonel    to   the   Prince.    "Nor   do  I 

1  Gardiner's  Civil  War,  I.  p.  130. 

2  Rupert  Correspondence.  See  Warburton,  II.   187. 


io8  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

understand  in  what  condition  I  myself  am.  My  Lord  Her- 
bert is  General,  and  yet  all  despatches  are  directed  to  me; 
which  is  not  very  pleasing  to  his  Excellency."  ^ 

That  Digby's  intrigues  were  already  beginning  to  dis- 
turb the  King's  councils  is  apparent  from  a  sympathetic 
letter  addressed  by  Nicholas  to  Rupert.  Evidently  the 
Prince  had  expressed  some  indignation  at  the  vexatious 
interference  of  incapable  persons.  "  The  King  is  much 
troubled  to  see  your  Highness  discontented,"  says  Nicholas, 
"And  I  could  wish  that  some  busybodies  would  not 
meddle,  as  they  do,  with  other  men's  offices;  and  that 
the  King  would  leave  every  officer  respectively  to  look 
after  his  own  proper  charge;  and  that  His  Majesty  would 
content  himself  to  overlook  all  men,  and  see  that  each  did 
his  duty  in  his  proper  place;  which  would  give  abundant 
satisfaction,  and  quiet  those  that  are  jealous  to  see  some 
men  meddle  who  have  nothing  to  do  with  affairs."  -  But 
in  spite  of  this  plain  speaking,  the  divisions  which  were 
to  prove  so  fatal  to  the  cause,  were  as  yet  but  in  embryo. 
Rupert  was  still  the  hero  of  the  hour,  still  all  powerful 
with  his  uncle,  when  he  was  near  him.  His  next  exploit 
was  to  raise  his  reputation  yet  higher. 

In  the  middle  of  June,  Rupert  accompHshed  his  famous 
march  to  Chalgrove  Field.  Intending  to  beat  up  Essex's 
quarters  and  to  capture  a  convoy  of  money,  he  left  Ox- 
ford on  a  Saturday  afternoon  with  a  force  of  some  two 
thousand  in  all,  horse  and  foot.  Tetsworth  was  reached  at 
I  a.  m.  and,  though  all  the  roads  were  Hned  by  the  enemy, 
who  continually  fired  upon  the  Royalists,  Rupert  marched 
through,  forbidding  any  retaliation.  By  3  a.  m.  he  was 
at  Postcombe,  where  he  surprised  several  houses,  and  took 
some  prisoners.  Two  hours  later  he  reached  Chinnor,  and 
had   surrounded   and   entered   it   before   the   Parliamentary 

1  Pythouse  Papers,  p.  15. 

2  Rupert  Correspondence.  18980.  Nicholas  to  Prince,  May  11,1643.  Warb. 
II.  p.  189. 


THE  WAR  IN  1643  109 

soldiers  were  even  aware  of  his  presence.  There,  many 
of  the  enemy  were  killed  and  a  hundred  and  twenty  taken 
prisoners.  But,  unfortunately  for  Rupert,  the  noise  of  the 
conflict  reached  the  very  convoy  he  was  come  to  seek, 
and  it  was  saved  by  a  detour  from  its  intended  route. 
Finding  that  he  had  missed  the  object  of  his  expedition, 
Rupert  began  a  leisurely  retreat,  hoping  to  draw  the  enemy 
after  him.  In  this  hope  he  was  not  disappointed.  A  body 
of  Essex's  troops  hastily  followed  him,  and  between  seven 
and  eight  a.m.  he  was  attacked  by  his  pursuers.  At  nine 
o'clock  on  Sunday  morning  he  halted  in  a  cornfield  at 
Chalgrove.  First  securing  his  passage  over  the  Thames 
by  sending  a  party  to  hold  the  bridge,  he  lined  the  lane 
leading  to  it  with  dragoons,  and  then  attempted  by  a  slow 
retreat  to  draw  the  enemy  into  it.  They  followed  eagerly; 
but  the  Prince  suddenly  realised  that  only  a  single  hedge 
parted  him  from  his  foes,  and  thereupon  halted  abruptly. 
"For,"  said  he,  ''the  rebels,  being  so  neere  us,  may  bring 
our  reere  into  confusion  before  we  can  recover  to  our 
ambush."  Seeing  him  halt,  the  enemy  began  to  fire,  and 
the  impetuous  Prince  could  contain  himself  no  longer. 
"*Yea,'  said  he,  'their  insolency  is  not  to  be  endured.' 
This  said,  His  Highness,  facing  all  about,  set  spurs  to  his 
horse,  and  first  of  all,  in  the  very  face  of  the  dragooners, 
leapt  the  hedge  that  parted  him  from  the  rebels  . . .  Every 
man,  as  he  could,  jumbled  over  after  him;  and  as  about 
fifteen  were  gotten  over,  the  Prince  drew  them  up  into  a 
front."  It  was  enough.  The  enemy,  among  whom  was 
Hampden,  were  both  better  officered  and  better  disciplined 
than  heretofore,  but  they  could  not  stand  before  the  charge 
of  the  terrible  Prince.  The  skirmish  was  sharp  but  short; 
Hampden  fell,  and,  after  a  valiant  if  brief  resistance,  his 
comrades  fled.  Rupert's  friend,  Legge,  had  been,  "as 
usual",  taken  prisoner,  but  was  rescued  in  the  confusion 
of  the  Puritans'  flight.  The  Cavaliers,  after  nearly  fourteen 
hours    in   the   saddle,  were  too  weary  for  pursuit.     Rupert 


no  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

quickly  rallied  them,  held  the  field  half  an-hour,  and  then 
marched  towards  home.  In  less  than  twenty-four  hours 
he  had  made  a  circuit  of  nearly  fifty  miles,  through  the 
heart  of  the  enemy's  country;  had  taken  many  prisoners, 
colours,  and  horses,  surprised  two  outposts,  won  a  battle, 
and  lost  about  a  dozen  of  his  men.  And  it  is  added : 
**The  modesty  of  all  when  they  returned  to  Oxford  was 
equal  to  their  daring  in  the  field."  ^  Two  of  his  prisoners 
Rupert  had  left  at  Chalgrove,  with  a  surgeon  to  attend 
their  wounds;  but  they  showed  themselves  so  ungrateful 
for  this  consideration  as  to  break  their  parole.  Essex 
received  Rupert's  complaint  of  their  dishonourable  conduct 
in  a  soldierly  spirit,  and  returned  two  Royalist  prisoners 
in  exchange.  ^  Essex  was  indeed  always  a  courteous  foe. 
Some  time  after  this  incident  Rupert's  falconer  and  hawk 
fell  into  his  hands,  and  were  by  him  generously  restored 
to  the  Prince.  Rupert  happened  to  be  absent  from  Ox- 
ford at  that  period,  but  the  Puritan  general's  courtesy  was 
gratefully  acknowledged  by  Colonel  Legge.  ^ 

Rupert's  next  duty  was  to  bring  the  Queen  to  Oxford, 
a  matter  of  no  slight  importance ;  for  not  only  was  her 
personal  safety  at  stake,  but  also  that  of  her  money,  arms, 
and  troops.  Essex,  as  well  as  the  Prince,  set  out  to  meet 
Her  Majesty,  and  it  was  Rupert's  object  to  keep  his  own 
troops  always  between  Essex  and  the  Queen.  On  July  isthe 
quartered  at  Buckingham,  and  early  in  the  next  morning 
some  of  his  men  were  attacked  by  those  of  Essex,  at 
Whitebridge.  Rupert  was  in  the  act  of  shaving  when  the 
noise  of  the  skirmish  came  to  his  ears.  Half-dressed  and 
half-shaved,  as  he  was,  he  dashed  out  without  a  moment's 
delay,  charged  and  scattered  his  foes,  and  then  quietly 
returned   to   resume   his   toilet.   Throughout  this  march  he 


1  His  Highness's  late  Beating  up  of  the  Rebels'  Quarters.  Pamphlet.  Bod- 
leian Library. 

2  Warburton,  II.  212.  Essex  to  Rupert,  June  22,  1643. 

3  Ibid.  II.  p.  390,  note.  Ellis  Original  Letters,  Vol.  IV. 


c    c     c     ,c    c       c 


t  ;    t       c 


Photo  E.  Dosseter. 


Mary  Villiers,  Duchess  of  Richmond. 


From  the  Hollar  Collection  of  Engravings  in  the  British  Mnsetcm  a/ter  a  Portrait 
by  Vandyke. 

Face  page  iii. 


THE  DUCHESS  OF  RICHMOND  in 

kept  Essex  on  perpetual  duty,  harassing  him  by  day  and 
night,  until,  after  some  dexterous  manoeuvring,  he  left  him 
unexpectedly  on  Brickhill,  and  himself  joined  the  Queen 
at  Stratford-on-Avon.  That  night,  says  tradition,  Queen  and 
Prince  were  the  guests  of  Shakespeare's  grand-daughter.  If 
this  was  really  the  case,  Rupert  doubtless  regarded  his 
hostess  with  deep  interest ;  for  all  the  Palatines  could  quote 
Shakespeare.  On  July  13th  the  King  came  to  meet  his  wife 
at  Pldgehill,  and  King,  Queen  and  Prince  slept  at  Wroxton 
Abbey.  On  the  following  day  they  entered  Oxford  in  safety. 
The  Queen's  arrival  considerably  changed  the  condition 
of  the  University.  The  colleges  were  populated  no  more  by 
scholars,  but  by  ladies  and  courtiers ;  Oxford  was  no  longer 
a  mere  garrison,  it  was  also  a  court.  Chief  among  the 
noble  ladies  who  attended  the  Queen,  was  the  beautiful 
young  Duchess  of  Richmond,  only  daughter  of  the  King's 
dead  friend,  "  Steenie,"  Duke  of  Buckingham.  She  it  was 
whom  her  father  had  once  destined  to  be  Rupert's  sister- 
in-law,  as  the  bride  of  his  brother  Henry.  But  ere  the  bride 
was  ten  years  old,  both  her  father  and  her  intended  bride- 
groom had  died  untimely  deaths,  and  the  fair  Mary  Villiers 
was  therefore  brought  up  in  the  Royal  family  as  the  adopted 
daughter  of  the  King.  For  her  father's  sake,  and  for  her 
own,  she  had  always  been  a  petted  favourite  of  her  royal 
guardian,  who  called  her  "The  Butterfly",  a  name  derived 
from  an  incident  which  occurred  when  the  lady  was  eleven 
years  old.  Once,  dressed  in  her  widow's  weeds — she  had 
been  a  widow  at  eleven — she  had  climbed  a  tree  in  the 
King's  private  garden,  and  had  been  nearly  shot  as  a 
strange  bird.  But  the  courtier  sent  to  shoot  her  perceived 
his  error  in  time,  and,  at  her  own  request,  sent  her  in  a 
hamper  to  the  King,  with  a  message  that  he  had  captured 
a  beautiful  butterfly  alive ;  and  the  name  clung  to  her  ever 
after.  ^    The    King's   affection    for  her  and  for  the  Duke  of 

1  Marie   de   la  Mothe,  Countess  d'Aulnoy.  Memoirs  of  the  Court  of  Eng- 
land, ed.  1707,  pp.  397 — 400. 


112  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Richmond  made  it  seem  good  to  him  to  unite  them  in 
marriage,  and  the  arrangement  appears  to  have  pleased  all 
parties.  Mary  had  disliked  her  boy-husband,  Lord  Herbert ;  ^ 
but  the  Duke  she  seems  to  have  regarded  with  favour. 
Possibly  his  quiet  and  melancholy  disposition  supplied  the 
necessary  complement  to  her  own  merry  and  vivacious 
temperament.  In  1636  the  Queen  had  refused  to  have  her 
in  the  Bedchamber,  on  the  plea  that  her  charms  eclipsed  all 
others;  and  now,  in  1643,  Mary  Villiers  was,  at  the  age 
of  twenty,  in  the  prime  of  her  beauty.  Rumour  said  that 
she  had  won  the  heart  of  "the  mad  Prince,"  while  the  equally 
lively  Mrs.  Kirke  had  subjugated  that  of  Maurice.  A  libellous 
Puritan  tract  represents  Mrs.  Kirke  as  extolling  Maurice's 
"deserts  and  abilities,"  though  she  was  forced  to  acknow- 
ledge that  he  "did  not  seem  to  be  a  courtier."  But  the 
Duchess  assured  her  companions  "that  none  was  to  be 
compared  to  Prince  Rupert"  -  Nor  was  it  only  Puritans 
who  commented  on  Rupert's  admiration  for  the  Duchess. 
The  Irish  Cavalier,  Daniel  O'Neil,  "said  things"  in  Ireland 
to  Lord  Taafe,  after  which  he  lost  both  the  Prince's  favour 
and  his  troop  of  Horse.  ^  Rupert  hotly  resented  the  impu- 
tations cast  upon  him,  and,  had  they  been  other  than 
slanders,  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  that  he  and  the  Duke 
could  have  maintained  their  close  and  faithful  friendship. 
The  Duke,  with  his  "haughty  spirit",  was  not  a  man  to 
dissemble,  and  his  letters  to  Rupert  are  all  full  of  solici- 
tude for  his  welfare,  and  of  sympathy  and  consolation  for 
his  troubles.  Even  in  his  hour  of  failure  and  ruin  the  Duke 
stood  loyally  by  his  side,  though,  in  so  doing,  he  was  put- 
ting himself  in  opposition  to  his  adored  sovereign.  Still  it 
is  certain  that  Rupert  both  felt  and  evinced  a  very  strong 
admiration  for  the  Duchess.  "There  will  be  a  widow,  and 


1  Strafford  Papers,  ed.  1739,  Vol.  I.  p.  359, 
'  Somers  Tracts,  V.  pp.  473 — 7. 

»  Carte's  Ormonde,  VI.  p.  277.  O'Neil  to  Ormonde,  12  April,  1645.  Claren- 
don, Bk.  VIII.  p.  369. 


THE  DUCHESS  OF  RICHMOND  113 

whose  she  shall  be  but  Prince  Rupert's,  I  know  not,"  wrote 
a  Cavalier,  when  the  Duke's  death  was  rumoured  in  1655.^ 
But  the  Duchess  took  for  her  third  husband,  not  Rupert, 
but  **  Northern  Tom  Howard,"  whom  she  said  she  married 
for  love,  and  to  please  herself;  her  two  former  marriages 
having  been  made  to  please  the  Court.  '  Most  likely  she 
had  never  really  cared  for  the  Prince,  and  had  merely 
amused  herself  with  a  flirtation.  She  was,  no  doubt,  proud 
of  so  distinguished  a  conquest,  but  she  never  disguised  her 
friendship  for  her  supposed  lover,  and  she  sent  him  messages 
by  all  sorts  of  people,  in  the  most  open  way.  **I  had  an 
express  command  to  present  the  Duchess  of  Richmond's 
service  to  you,"  '  wrote  Rupert's  enemy,  Percy,  in  July  1643. 
The  society  of  the  Duchess  could  not  detain  the  active 
Prince  at  Oxford,  and  within  four  days  of  his  arrival  there, 
he  set  out  for  a  second  attempt  upon  Bristol.  The  Royalist 
arms  were  prevailing  in  the  West.  A  few  days  previously 
Nicholas  had  reported  to  the  Prince  the  victory  of  Lans- 
downe,  with  the  comforting  assurance  that  '*  Prince  Maurice, 
thanks  be  to  God,  is  very  well  and  hath  received  no  hurt, 
albeit  he  ran  great  hazards  in  his  own  person."  '  Two 
days  later  Maurice  arrived  in  Oxford,  to  obtain  supplies  of 
horses  and  ammunition  for  Ralph  Hopton,  who  lay  seriously 
wounded  at  Devizes.  Thither  Maurice  returned  with  all 
speed,  and,  immediately  on  his  arrival,  took  place  the  battle 
of  Roundway  Down.  This  was  a  brilliant  victory  for  the 
Royalists,  and  the  news  was  received  in  Oxford  with  much 
rejoicing;  albeit  for  Rupert  the  joy  was  tempered  with 
disgust  at  the  credit  which  thereby  redounded  to  Lord 
Wilmot.  '  These  successes  increased  the  Prince's  desire  to 
capture  Bristol,  then  the  second  city  in  the  Kingdom,  and 

1  Nicholas  Papers.  Camden  Soc.  i  Jan.  1655.  Vol.  II.  p.  158. 

2  Hatton  Papers.  Camden  Society.  New  series,  I.  p.  42. 

3  Pythouse  Papers,  p.  57.  Percy  to  Rupert,  July  1643. 

^  Rupert   Correspondence.    Warburton,  II.  p.  226.  Nicholas  to  the  Prince, 
July  8,  1643. 

^  Clarendon  Hist.  Bk.  VII.  p.  121. 

8 


114  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

the  key  of  all  South  Wales.  Maurice  and  Hertford  were 
now  at  liberty  to  assist  him,  and,  on  July  i8th,  he  began 
his  march  with  fourteen  regiments  of  foot,  *'all  very  weak," 
and  several  troops  of  horse.  Waller  was  the  General  of 
the  Parliament  now  opposed  to  him,  but  Waller's  troops 
had  been  in  a  broken  condition  ever  since  the  victories 
of  Hopton  and  Wilmot,  and  he  retreated  before  Rupert's 
advance.  On  the  20th,  Thursday,  Maurice  came  to  meet 
his  brother  at  Chipping  Sodbury,  and  joined  his  march. 
On  Sunday  they  were  within  two  miles  of  Bristol,  and  the 
two  Princes  took  a  view  of  the  city  from  Clifton  Church, 
which  stood  upon  a  hill  within  musket-shot  of  the  porch.  While 
they  stood  in  the  church-yard  the  enemy  fired  cannon  on 
them,  but  without  effect;  seeing  that  their  shot  would  be 
harmless,  Rupert  quartered  some  musketeers  and  dragoons 
upon  the  place.  That  night  Maurice  retired  over  the  river 
to  his  own  troops ;  and  the  same  evening  the  enemy  made 
a  sally,  but  were  repulsed. 

On  Monday  morning  Rupert  marched  all  his  forces  to 
the  edge  of  the  Down,  in  order  to  display  them  to  the 
garrison  of  Bristol ;  and  Lord  Hertford,  who  commanded 
the  Western  army,  made  a  similar  show  upon  the  other 
side.  About  11  a.  m.  Rupert  sent  to  the  Governor — 
Nathaniel  Fiennes,  a  son  of  Lord  Say — a  formal  summons 
to  surrender.  The  summons  was  of  course  refused,  and  im- 
mediately the  attack  began.  Long  after  dark  Rupert  con- 
tinued to  fire  on  the  city.  **It  was  a  beautiful  piece  of 
danger  to  see  so  many  fires  incessantly  in  the  dark  from 
the  pieces  on  both  sides,  for  a  whole  hour  together.  . .  .And 
in  those  military  masquerades  was  Monday  night  passed."  ^ 
Tuesday  was  spent  in  skirmishing,  while  Rupert  went  over 
the  river  to  consult  with  Lord  Hertford  and  Maurice.  The 
result  of  this  consultation  was  a  general  assault  of  both 
armies   next  morning.     "The  word  for  the  soldiers  was  to 

1  Journal  of  the  Siege  of  Bristol.  Warburton,  II.  p.  244. 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BRISTOL  115 

be  'Oxford',  and  the  sign  between  the  two  armies  to  know 
each  other,  to  be  green  colours,  either  bows  or  such  like; 
and  that  every  officer  and  soldier  be  without  any  band  or 
handkerchief  about  his  neck."  ^  The  zeal  of  Maurice's 
Cornish  soldiers  nearly  proved  disastrous,  for  on  Wednesday 
morning,  **out  of  a  military  ambition",  they  anticipated 
the  order  to  attack.  '  As  soon  as  he  heard  the  firing  Rupert 
hastened  to  draw  up  his  own  men,  but  the  scaling  ladders 
were  not  ready.  In  consequence  of  this,  the  young  Lord 
Grandison,  to  whom  had  been  entrusted  the  capture  of  the 
fort,  had  made  no  impression,  after  a  valiant  assault  which 
lasted  an  hour  and  a  half,  and  during  which  he  lost  twenty 
men.  For  a  short  time  he  was  forced  to  desist,  but, 
speedily  returning  to  the  attack,  he  discovered  a  ladder  of 
the  enemy  by  which  he  was  able  to  mount;  only  to  find 
that  he  could  not  get  over  the  palisades.  In  his  third 
assault  Grandison  was  fatally  wounded,  and  his  men,  utterly 
discouraged,  left  the  attack.  At  this  point  Rupert  sent 
word  that  Wentworth  had  entered  the  suburbs,  upon  which 
Grandison  retired  to  have  his  wounds  dressed,  and  ordered 
his  men  to  join  Bellasys  on  the  left.  Instead  of  obeying 
this  order  they  began  to  retreat;  but  were  met  by  Rupert 
himself  who  led  them  back  to  the  enemy's  works.  It  was 
then  that  Rupert's  horse  was  shot  under  him  and  he 
strolled  off  on  foot,  with  a  coolness  which  immensely  en- 
couraged the  men.  Having,  after  a  while,  obtained  a  new 
horse,  '*he  rode  up  and  down  from  place  to  place,  where- 
ever  most  need  was  of  his  presence,  here  directing  and 
encouraging  some,  and  there  leading  up  others.  Generally 
it  is  confessed  by  the  commanders  that,  had  not  the  Prince 
been  there,  the  assault,  through  mere  despair,  had  been  in 
danger  to  be  given  over  in  many  places."  ^ 

On  the  other  side  Maurice  was  equally  active.     He  had 

^  Journal  of  the  Siege  of  Bristol.  Warb.  II.  p.  246. 

2  Ibid.  p.  247. 

*  Ibid.  pp.  250 — 255. 


ii6  kUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

directed  his  men  to  take  faggots  to  fill  the  ditches,  and 
ladders  to  scale  the  forts,  but  in  their  haste  to  begin  the 
attack,  they  had  forgotten  both.  The  scaling  party  had 
therefore  failed  and  retired.  During  the  retreat  "Prince 
Maurice  went  from  regiment  to  regiment,  encouraging  the 
soldiers,  desiring  the  officers  to  keep  their  companies  by 
their  colours;  telling  them  that  he  believed  his  brother 
had  already  made  his  entrance  on  the  other  side."  ^  Retreats 
seem  to  have  succeeded  under  Maurice,  for  we  are  told  by 
one  contemporary  that  he  earned  from  his  foes  the  name 
of  "  the  good-come-off."  '^  In  a  short  time  his  assurance  was 
justified;  Rupert  sent  word  that  the  suburbs  were  entered, 
and  demanded  a  thousand  Cornish  men  to  aid  his  troops. 
Maurice  sent  over  two  hundred,  but  presently  came  across 
the  river  himself  with  five  hundred  more.  By  that  time 
the  fight  was  nearly  over,  and  Fiennes  sent  to  demand  a 
parley.  The  demand  was  a  welcome  one,  for  the  Cavaliers' 
losses  had  been  very  heavy,  especially  in  officers.  Among 
the  fallen  were  Grandison,  Slanning,  Trevanion  and  many 
more  of  famous  and  honourable  name. 

At  five  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  July  26th,  terms  were 
agreed  on  between  Fiennes  and  the  Princes ;  Lord  Hertford 
not  being  consulted  in  the  matter.  Fiennes  was  to  march 
out  at  nine  o'clock  next  morning  with  all  the  honours  of 
war,  and  to  be  protected  by  a  convoy  of  Rupert's  men. 
Contrary  to  all  expectation  and  custom,  he  marched  out 
next  morning  at  seven  o'clock,  two  hours  before  the  time 
arranged.  The  convoy  promised  by  Rupert  was  not  ready, 
and  the  Royalist  soldiers,  remembering  Puritan  perfidy  at 
Reading,  attacked  and  plundered  the  retiring  garrison. 
The  fault  was  none  of  Rupert's,  but  for  all  that  he  keenly 
felt  the  breach  of  faith.  ''The  Prince  who  uses  to  make 
good  his  word,  not  only  in  point  of  honour,  but  as  a  matter 
of  religion  too,  was  so  passionately  offended  at  this  disorder 

1  Journal  of  the  Siege  of  Bristol.  Warb.  II.  p.  258. 

2  Lloyd's  Lives  and  Memoirs,  ed.  1677,  p.  656. 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BRISTOL  117 

that  some  of  them  felt  how  sharp  his  sword  was,"  wrote 
one  of  his  officers.  ^  The  Puritans  would  fain  have  used 
the  incident  to  blacken  the  Prince's  character ;  but  Fiennes 
himself  generously  acquitted  his  conqueror  of  all  blame. 
"  I  must  do  this  right  to  the  Princes,"  he  said ;  *'  contrary 
to  what  I  find  in  a  printed  pamphlet,  they  were  so  far 
from  sitting  on  their  horses,  triumphing  and  rejoicing  at 
these  disorders,  that  they  did  ride  among  the  plunderers 
with  their  swords,  hacking  and  slashing  them;  and  that 
Prince  Rupert  did  excuse  it  to  me  in  a  very  fair  way,  and 
with  expressions  as  if  he  were  much  troubled  at  it."  - 

The  unfortunate  Fiennes  was  very  severely  censured  for 
the  loss  of  the  city,  which,  it  was  maintained,  was  so 
strongly  fortified  that  it  should  have  been  impregnable. 
The  truth  was  that  the  garrison  had  been  totally  insufficient 
for  the  defence;  but  Fiennes  remained  under  a  cloud  until 
later  events  justified  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  Parliament. 

Among  the  Royalists  at  Oxford  the  joy  over  this  im- 
portant success  was  marred  by  the  dissensions  of  the  vic- 
torious generals.  The  Princes  had  never  been  on  cordial 
terms  with  Lord  Hertford,  the  General  of  all  the  Western 
forces.  Hertford  was  a  constitutional  Royalist,  who  served 
the  King  from  a  strict  sense  of  duty,  and  from  no  love  of 
war.  He  was  of  a  grave,  studious  and  peace-loving  nature, 
and  Maurice's  appointment  as  his  lieutenant-general  had 
not  brought  satisfaction  to  either.  Maurice  had  begun  by 
despising  Hertford  for  a  ** civilian".  And  Hertford  had  re- 
sented both  the  Prince's  tendency  to  assume  to  himself 
"  more  than  became  a  Lieutenant-General,"  and  his  interfer- 
ence in  civil  affairs  which  he  did  not  understand.  The 
arrival  of  Rupert  on  the  scene  did  not  make  for  peace. 
Maurice  complained  bitterly  to  Rupert,  and  the  elder  brother 
violently    espoused   the    cause  of  the  younger.     The  spark 

1  Journal  of  Siege.  Warburton,  II.  262. 

2  A  Relation    made    to  the  House  of  Commons  by  Colonel  Nat.  Fiennes, 
Aug.  5,  1643;  see  Warburton,  II.  p.  267,  also  Clarendon,  Bk.  VII. 


ii8  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

thus  lighted  flamed  forth  over  the  Governorship  of  Bristol.^ 
Hertford,  as  said  above,  commanded  all  the  Western  Coun- 
ties, and  he  considered,  with  some  justice,  that  Rupert  ought 
to  have  consulted  him,  before  concluding  the  terms  of 
surrender  with  Fiennes.  In  revenge  for  the  slight  put 
upon  him,  he  appointed  Sir  Ralph  Hopton  Governor  of 
Bristol,  without  a  word  on  the  subject  to  the  Prince.  Rupert, 
who  considered  the  city  won  by  his  prowess  as  was  in 
truth  the  case,  was  wildly  indignant.  He  would  not  oppose 
another  officer  to  the  gallant  Hopton,  but  he  demanded 
the  Governorship  of  the  King  for  himself.  The  King, 
ignorant  of  Hertford's  action,  readily  granted  his  nephew's 
request.  Rupert  then  offered  the  post  to  Hopton  as  his 
lieutenant.  Hopton,  anxious  for  peace,  willingly  accepted 
the  arrangement,  and  Hertford  resented  Hopton's  com- 
pliance with  the  Prince  as  an  injury  to  himself.  The  affair 
became  a  party  question.  The  courtiers,  "towards  whom 
the  Prince  did  not  live  with  any  condescension,"  sided  with 
Hertford.  -  The  King  really  believed  his  nephew's  claims 
to  be  just ;  and  the  army  vehemently  supported  its  beloved 
Prince.  Finally,  the  King  was  forced  to  come  to  Bristol 
in  order  to  allay  the  storm  which  he  had  so  unwittingly 
raised.  On  the  flattering  pretext  of  requiring  Hertford's 
counsel  and  company  in  his  own  army,  he  detached  him 
from  that  of  the  West;  and  on  Rupert's  suggestion  he 
made  Maurice  a  full  general.  The  contending  officers  were 
silenced;  but  the  breaches  in  the  army  were  widened,  and 
feeling  embittered.  ^ 

The  tactics  to  be  next  followed  were  hotly  disputed.  The 
Court  faction  was  anxious  to  unite  the  two  armies,  but, — 
for  other  reasons  than  the  important  one  that  Maurice,  in 
that  case,  could  have  been  only  a  colonel, — Rupert  prevailed 


1  Clarendon    Hist.    1849.    Vol.    III.    pp.    121— 1 26.    Blc    VII.   pp.  85,  98, 
144 — 148  5  also  Life,  pp.  196 — 7,  note. 

2  Clarendon  Life.  Vol.  I.  p.  19^, 

3  Ibid, 


THE  WAR  IN  1643  119 

against  this  counsel.  Maurice  was  therefore  ordered  to  march 
with  foot  and  cannon  after  Lord  Carnarvon,  who  was 
besieging  Dorchester.  It  was  said  by  the  Court  that,  had 
Maurice  marched  more  slowly,  Carnarvon  would  have 
succeeded  better.  For  Maurice  **  was  thought  to  incline  so 
wholly  to  the  soldier,  that  he  neglected  any  consideration 
of  the  country."  ^  Fear  of  him  roused  the  people  of  the 
country  to  active  opposition.  The  licence  of  his  soldiers  — 
though  admitted  even  by  Clarendon  to  have  been  "  reported 
greater  than  it  was ' ' — alienated  the  county,  and  Carnarvon 
took  the  Prince's  conduct  "so  ill"  that  he  threw  up  his 
commission  and  returned  to  Oxford.  -  Maurice  thus  left  to 
labour  alone,  took  Exeter  and  Weymouth,  over  the  governor- 
ship of  which  he  had  a  second  quarrel  with  Hertford,  who, 
though  absent,  was  still  nominally  Lord  Lieutenant  of  the 
western  counties ;  on  this  occasion  the  King  favoured  Hert- 
ford, who  triumphed  accordingly.  In  October  Maurice  took 
Dartmouth,  but  effected  little  else  of  importance.  Handi- 
capped by  a  long  and  dangerous  attack  of  influenza — *'  the 
new  disease,"  ^  it  was  called  then — he  besieged  Lyme  and 
Plymouth  for  months  without  success,  and  lost  a  good 
deal  of  reputation  in  the  process. 

In  accordance  with  Rupert's  scheme  of  campaign,  the 
King  should  now  have  pushed  on  with  the  main  army  to 
London.  But  to  render  this  plan  successful  it  was  necessary 
that  Newcastle  should  sweep  down  from  the  North,  and 
Maurice  or  Hopton,  come  to  meet  him  from  the  West; 
the  strength  of  local  feeling  prevented  any  such  resolute 
and  united  action.  Newcastle's  northern  troops  would  not 
leave  their  own  counties  exposed  to  hostile  garrisons  and 
hostile  armies,  in  order  to  assist  the  King  in  a  distant  part 
of  the  country.  In  the  same  way  the  men  of  Cornwall  and 
Devon  refused  to  quit  their  own  territory,  and  for  the  King 

1  Clar.  Hist.  Bk.  VII.  pp.  98,  192. 

2  Clarendon  History.  Bk.  VIT.  p.  192. 

3  Vemey  Memoirs.  Vol.  II.  p.  171. 


I20  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 


to  push  on  alone  to  London  was  absolutely  useless.  He 
was  therefore  forced  to  fall  back  on  the  old  plan  of  conquering 
the  country  piecemeal,  town  by  town,  village  by  village; 
and  accordingly,  August  loth,  he  laid  siege  to  Gloucester. 
Massey,  then  governor  of  Gloucester,  had  once  served  under 
Legge,  and  now  sent  word  to  him  that  he  would  surrender 
the  city  to  the  King,  but  not  to  Rupert.  This  message  was 
the  chief  cause  of  the  siege  that  followed ;  but  Massey, 
either  from  inability  or  change  of  purpose,  did  not  keep 
his  engagement.  Rupert  held  aloof  from  the  siege  altogether. 
No  doubt  he  was  disappointed  at  the  rejection  of  his  own 
more  sweeping  measures,  and  when  he  found  that  he  would 
not  even  be  allowed  to  assault  the  town,  he  declined  to 
command  at  all.  He  could  not,  however,  resist  lingering 
about  the  trenches  in  a  private  capacity,  and  while  so  doing, 
had  several  very  narrow  escapes  from  shots  and  stones.  ^ 
After  a  fruitless  siege  the  King  was  forced  to  retire 
before  Essex,  who  advanced  with  a  large  force  to  the  re- 
lief of  Gloucester.  On  his  way  Essex  surprised  and  took 
Cirencester;  the  King  then  moved  after  him,  but — owing 
to  his  neglect  of  Rupert's  warning,  as  the  Prince's  partisans 
asserted ;  or  to  Rupert's  neglect  of  Byron's  warning,  as  that 
officer  declared — he  was  out-manoeuvred.  Some  confusion 
there  certainly  was.  Rupert  had  mustered  his  troops  on 
Broadway  Down,  but,  though  he  waited  till  nightfall,  he 
received  no  news  from  the  King;  and  at  last  he  set  out 
in  person  to  seek  him.  In  the  window  of  a  farm-house  he 
perceived  a  light,  and,  advancing  cautiously,  he  looked  in. 
There  sat  the  King  quietly  playing  at  piquet  with  Lord 
Percy,  while  Lord  Forth  looked  on.  The  Prince  burst  in 
upon  them,  crying  indignantly  that  his  men  had  been  in 
the  saddle  for  hours,  and  that  Essex  must  be  overtaken 
before  he  could  join  with  Waller.  Percy  and  Forth  offered 
objections,    but   Rupert  carried  the  day,  and  dashed  off  as 

1  Journal  of  the  Siege  of  Gloucester.  Warburton   II.  p.  282. 


THE  WAR  IN  1643  121 

impetuously  as  he  had  come,  taking  with  him  George  Lisle 
and  a  regiment  of  musketeers.  Marching  night  and  day, 
"with  indefatigable  pains,"  he  overtook  and  defeated  Essex 
on  Aldbourn  Chase.  ^  Essex  retreated  to  Hunger  ford ;  but 
though  defeated  he  was  by  no  means  crushed.  He  was  still 
strong  enough  to  fight,  and,  as  his  provisions  were  running 
short,  his  only  hope  lay  in  immediate  victory.  This  Rupert 
knew,  and  for  once  in  his  hfe  he  preferred  discretion  to 
valour,  and  counselled  passive  resistance.  If  the  King  would 
be  content  to  hold  the  roads  between  Essex  and  London, 
hunger  and  mutiny  would  speedily  ruin  the  army  of  the 
Parliament.  On  September  20th,  a  part  of  the  royal  army 
occupied  the  road  through  the  Kennet  valley;  Rupert  with 
most  of  the  cavalry  held  the  road  over  Newbury  Wash. 
But  the  lanes  to  the  right  were  insufficiently  secured,  and 
Essex,  spurred  on  by  dire  necessity,  succeeded  in  gaining 
the  slopes  above  the  Kennet  valley.  Thus  he  commanded 
the  whole  position ;  and  the  first  battle  of  Newbury  proved 
the  first  great  disaster  for  the  Cavaliers.  The  surprised 
Royalists,  seeing  their  enemies  above  them,  charged  up  the 
hill  to  retrieve  the  ground,  and  the  conflict  raged  long, 
with  great  loss.  On  the  left,  where  Rupert  lay,  impatience 
proved  nearly  as  fatal  as  neglect  had  done  on  the  right. 
Instead  of  waiting  to  attack  Essex's  main  army  as  it  filed 
through  the  lanes,  the  Prince  dashed  off  to  the  open  ground 
of  Enborne  Heath,  where  Essex's  reserves  were  strongly 
guarded  by  enclosures.  There  he  charged  and  scattered 
some  Parliamentary  horse,  but  on  the  London  trained 
bands  he  could  make  no  impression,  until  the  approach  of 
some  Royalist  infantry  caused  them  to  retreat  in  good 
order.  Whitelocke  relates  a  personal  encounter  which  took 
place  between  Rupert  and  Sir  Philip  Stapleton  in  this  battle. 
This  officer  of  the  Parliament,  "  desiring  to  cope  singly 
with  the  Prince,  rode  up,  all  alone,  to  the  troop  of  horse, 

1  Clarendon  Hist.  Bk.  VII.  207. 


122  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

at  the  head  of  which  Rupert  was  standing  with  Digby  and 
some  other  officers.  Sir  Philip  looked  carefully  from  one 
to  the  other  until  his  eyes  rested  upon  Rupert,  whom  he 
knew ;  then  he  deliberately  fired  in  the  Prince's  face.  The 
shot  took  no  effect,  and  Sir  Philip,  turning  his  horse,  rode 
quietly  back  to  his  own  men,  followed  by  a  volley  of 
shots  from  the  indignant  Royalists.  ^  For  hours  the  fight 
continued ;  a  series  of  isolated  struggles  took  place  in  various 
fields,  and  when  night  fell  the  King's  ammunition  failed, 
and  he  retreated  to  Newbury,  leaving  Essex's  way  to 
London  open.  The  advantage  therefore  was  to  the  Par- 
liament, though  Essex  could  not  claim  a  great  victory. 
Also  the  King's  loss  had  been  immense,  and  among  the 
fallen  were  Falkland,  Sunderland,  and  the  gallant  Carnarvon. 
What  could  be  done  to  retrieve  the  Royalist  fortunes  Rupert 
did.  Rallying  such  men  as  were  not  utterly  exhausted,  he 
followed  Essex  closely,  through  the  night, — surprised  him, 
with  some  effect,  and  threw  his  rear  into  confusion.  But, 
on  September  the  22nd,  Essex  entered  Reading;  and  on  the 
next  day,  Rupert  returned  with  the  King  to  Oxford.  - 

Rupert's  star  was  paling,  and  his  successes  were  well- 
nigh  at  an  end.  The  King  had  hoped  much  from  the 
Queen's  coming  and  had  begged  her  to  reconcile  Rupert 
with  Percy,  Wilmot  and  others.  But  Henrietta,  once  so 
kind  to  her  nephew,  now  bitterly  opposed  him.  She  be- 
lieved— or  professed  to  believe — that  he  had  formed  a 
deliberate  plan  to  destroy  her  influence  with  her  husband. 
Perhaps  the  idea  was  not  altogether  without  foundation; 
undoubtedly  Rupert's  common-sense  showed  him  the  folly 
of  much  of  the  Queen's  conduct ;  and  he  was  not  the  man 
to  tolerate  the  interference  of  a  woman  in  matters  military. 
During  the  siege  of  Bristol,  Henrietta  had  taken  offence  at 
what  she  considered  Rupert's  neglect  of  herself.  "  I  hope 
your   successes   in   arms   will   not   make    you   forget    your 

^  Whitelocke's  Memorials,  p.  74. 

2  Gardiner's  Civil  War,  Vol.  I.  pp.  209 — 217. 


THE  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  QUEEN  123 

civility  to  ladies,"  Percy  had  written  to  the  Prince.  "This 
I  say  from  a  discourse  the  Queen  made  to  me  this  night, 
wherein  she  told  me  she  had  not  received  one  letter  from 
you  since  you  went,  though  you  had  writ  many."  '  Percy's 
interference  was  not  calculated  to  improve  the  state  of 
affairs;  and  the  siege  of  Gloucester  excited  Henrietta's 
jealousy  yet  more.  She  was  eager  for  the  advance  on 
London,  and  she  could  not  be  made  to  understand  that  it 
was  impossible,  in  existing  circumstances.  Rupert,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  anxious  for  the  very  same  thing,  but  he 
saw  its  impracticability  and  yielded  to  necessity.  Because 
he  so  yielded,  the  Queen  chose  to  consider  him  as  the  in- 
stigator of  the  siege  of  Gloucester,  and  she  angrily  declared 
that  the  King  preferred  his  nephew's  advice  to  that  of  his 
wife.  Had  he  done  so,  it  would  but  have  shown  his  com- 
mon-sense ;  but  he  hastened  to  Oxford  to  appease  her  in- 
dignation and  soothe  her  jealousy  as  best  he  could.  Then 
occurred  the  first  open  breach  between  Henrietta  and  Rupert. 
At  this  very  juncture,  three  Puritan  peers,  Bedford,  Clare, 
and  Holland,  had  quitted  the  Parliament,  and  sought  to  be 
reconciled  with  the  King.  Henrietta  received  them  with 
contempt.  Rupert  had  more  sense ;  he  perceived  the  wis- 
dom of  conciliation,  and  brought  the  three  peers  to  kiss 
his  uncle's  hand.  The  Queen's  anger  at  this  was  loud  and 
long;  and  henceforth  the  struggle  of  Prince  versus  Queen 
raged  openly  in  Oxford.  -  The  King  was  torn  in  two 
between  them;  he  adored  his  wife,  and  he  believed  in  his 
nephew.  When  actually  at  his  uncle's  side  Rupert  could 
usually  gain  a  hearing,  but  once  away,  he  had  no  security 
that  the  plan  agreed  upon  but  a  few  hours  before  would 
not  be  supplanted  by  some  wild  scheme  emanating  from 
the  Queen,  or  from  Digby.  ^  At  the  Court  the  Queen's 
views  were  in  the  ascendant.    Percy,  Wilmot  and  Ashburn- 

1   Percy  to  Rupert,  July  29,  1643;  Pythouse  Papers,  p.  55. 
-  Rupert's  Diary.  Warburton,  II.  p.  272. 
8  See  Gardiner's  Civil  War,  I.  p.  345. 


124  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

ham  threw  in  their  lot  with  the  Prince's  enemies,  and,  as 
the  two  last  had  control  of  all  supplies  of  ammunition  and 
money  respectively,  Rupert  experienced  great  difficulty  in 
obtaining  the  barest  necessities  for  his  forces.  Wilmot 
and  Goring  were  able  to  raise  a  faction  hostile  to  the 
Prince,  within  the  army  itself,  and  it  was  at  this  period  that 
Arthur  Trevor  compared  the  "contrariety  of  opinions"  to 
the  contending  elements.  '*  The  army  is  much  divided, " 
he  wrote  to  Lord  Ormonde,  "and  the  Prince  at  true  dis- 
tance with  many  of  the  officers  of  horse ;  which  hath  much 
danger  in  it,  out  of  this,  that  I  find  many  gallant  men 
willing  to  get  governments  and  to  sit  down,  or  to  get  em- 
ployments at  large,  and  so  be  out  of  the  way.  In  short, 
my  lord,  there  must  be  a  better  understanding  among  our 
great  horsemen,  or  else  they  may  shortly  shut  the  stable 
door."  ' 

Rupert  did  not  spare  his  indignation.  He  quarrelled 
freely  with  Percy,  by  letter.  He  left  Digby's  epistles  un- 
answered, ^  and  he  slighted  Wilmot.  He  accused  the  King 
of  treating  without  his  knowledge ;  which,  said  his  distracted 
uncle,  was  a  "damnable  ley."  ^  The  truth  was  that  the 
French  Ambassador  had  proposed  to  ascertain  what  terms 
the  Parliament  might  be  likely  to  offer,  and  the  King  had 
consented  to  his  so  doing.  Richmond  hastened  to  explain 
matters  to  the  Prince.  "I  should  have  told  you  before," 
he  concluded,  "but  I  forgot  it;  and  but  little  knowledge 
is  lost  by  it.  It  was  ever  my  opinion  that  nothing  would 
come  of  it,  and  so  it  remains  still  for  anything  I  can  hear, 
and  I  converse  sometimes  with  good  company."  *  But 
Rupert  was  not  easily  appeased;  the  supposed  treaty  was 
but  one  grievance  among  many,  and  ere  long  a  letter  from 
Digby  had  raised  a  new  storm.  The  patient  Duke  as  usual 


1  Carte's  Ormonde,  Vol.  V.  pp.  520—1,  21  Nov.  1643. 

2  Rupert  Transcripts.  Jermyn  to  Rupert,  26  Mar.  1644. 

3  Ibid.  King  to  Rupert,  12  Nov.  1643. 

*  Transcripts.  Richmond  to  Rupert,  12  Oct.  1643. 


THE  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  QUEEN  125 

received  his  fiery  cousin's  complaints,  and  again  took  up 
his  pen  to  pacify  him.  **Upon  the  receipt  of  your  letter," 
he  wrote,  *' perceiving  that,  from  a  hint  taken  of  a  letter 
from  Lord  Digby,  you  were  in  doubt  that,  in  Oxford,  there 
might  be  wrong  judgments  made  of  you  and  of  your 
business,    I    made   it   my  diligence  to  clear  with  the  King, 

who   answers   the   same   for   the   Queen Considering 

the  jealousy  might  have  grown  from  some  doubtful  expres- 
sions in  the  letter  you  mention,  I  spoke  with  the  party, 
{i.  e.  Digby)  who  seemed  much  grieved  at  it,  and  assured 
me  he  writ  only  the  advice  of  such  intelligence  as  was 
brought  hither,  and  for  information  to  make  use  of  as  you 
best  could  upon  the  place.  Yesterday  one  brought  me 
your  commission  to  peruse. ...  I  looked  it  well  over,  and 
I  think  it  is  well  drawn."  ^  The  last  sentence  shows  that 
Richmond  did  not  confine  his  services  to  mediating  between 
the  Prince  and  his  enemies,  but  watched  over  his  cousin's 
more  material  interests  with  anxious  care. 

During  all  this  time  Rupert  was  not  very  far  distant 
from  Oxford.  He  had  taken  Bedford,  and  recaptured 
Cirencester,  and  would  have  held  Newport  Pagnell,  thus 
cutting  London  off  from  the  north ;  but  during  his  absence 
in  Bedfordshire,  orders  from  Oxford  drew  off  Louis  Dyves 
whom  he  had  left  in  charge  at  Newport  Pagnell,  and  the 
place  was  seized  by  Essex.  In  the  same  way  Vavasour's 
scheme  for  blockading  Gloucester  was  ruined.  "  Sir,  I  am 
now  in  a  good  way,  if  no  alteration  come  from  Court,"  ' 
he  wrote  early  in  December.  But  the  vexatious  "altera- 
tion" came,  and  his  plan  failed.  Hastings  lamented  that 
his  lack  of  arms  made  '*  the  service  1  ought  to  do  the  King 
very  difficult;"  ^  and  everywhere  despondency  prevailed. 
"The  truth  is,"  wrote  Ralph  Hopton  from  Alresford,  "the 
duty   of  this  service  here  would  be   insupportable,  were  it 

1  Rupert  Transcripts.  Richmond  to  Rupert,  Nov.  9,  1643. 

2  Ibid.  Vasavour  to  Rupert,  Dec.  4,  1643. 

3  Pythouse  Papers.  Hastings  to  Nicholas,  pp.   13 — 14.. 


126  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

not  in  this  cause,  where  there  is  so  great  a  necessity  of 
prevailing  through  all  difficulties,  or  of  suffering  them  to 
prevail,  which  cannot  be  thought  of  in  good  English."  ^ 

Throughout  the  winter  the  usual  mass  of  petitions,  com- 
plaints, accusations,  and  remonstrances  poured  in  upon  the 
Prince.  Among  them,  "  Ye  humble  Remonstrance  of  Captain 
John  Ball"  deserves  notice  as  a  curiosity.  This  gentleman 
stated  that  he  had,  out  of  pure  loyalty  and  with  exceeding 
difficulty,  raised  34  horses,  48  men,  12  carabines,  12  cases 
of  pistols,  6  muskets,  and  20  new  saddles  for  the  King's 
service.  This  done,  he  had  gone  to  Oxford  to  obtain  the 
King's  commission  to  serve  under  Sir  Henry  Bard.  During 
his  absence,  Sir  Charles  Blount,  by  order  of  Sir  Jacob 
Astley  then  in  command  at  Reading,  had  broken  into  his 
stables  at  Pangbourne  and  carried  oft  both  horses  and 
equipments.  ^  To  this  accusation  old  Sir  Jacob  responded 
with  his  wonted  quaint  directness :  *^  As  conserninge  one 
yt  calls  himselfe  Capne  Balle,  yt  hath  complayned  unto 
yr  Highnes  yt  I  hav  tacken  awaie  his  horsses  from  him; 
this  is  the  trewth.  He  hath  livede  near  this  towne  ever 
since  I  came  heather,  and  had  gotten,  not  above,  12  men 
togeather,  and  himselfe.  He  had  so  plundered  and  oppressed 
the  pepell,  payinge  contributions  as  the  Marquess  of  Win- 
chester and  my  Lord  Hopton  complayned  extreamly  of 
him.  He  went  under  my  name,  wtch  he  used  falcesly,  as 
givinge  out  he  did  it  by  my  warrant.  Off  this  he  gott 
faierly,  and  so  promised  to  give  no  more  cause  of  complaynt. 
Now,  ever  since,  he  hath  continewed  his  ould  coures  (courses), 
in  soe  extreame  a  waie,  as  he,  and  his  wife,  and  his  sone, 
and  10  or  12  horsses  he  hath,  to  geather  spoyles  the 
peepell,  plunders  them,  and  tackes  violently  their  goodes 
from  them."  ^ 

As   a  climax   to  all   Rupert's  other   anxieties   came  the 

1  Hopton  to  Rupert,  Dec.  12,  1643.  Warb.  IT.  p.  333. 

2  Add.  MSS.  1 898 1.  Jan.  4,  1644. 

s  Transcripts.  Astley  to  Rupert,  Jan.  11,  1644;  Warburton.  II.  p.  358. 


THE  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  QUEEN  127 

severe  illness  of  Maurice,  who  was  engaged  at  the  siege  of 
Plymouth.  All  the  autumn  he  had  been  suffering  from  a 
low  fever,  which  was  in  fact  the  modern  influenza.  So 
serious  was  his  condition  that  his  mother,  in  Holland, 
declined  an  invitation  to  the  Court  of  Orange,  on  the  grounds 
that  she  expected  hourly  to  hear  of  Maurice's  death.  ' 
More  than  once  reports  that  he  was  actually  dead  gained 
credence,  and  the  doctors  who  sent  frequent  bulletins  to 
Rupert,  would  not  answer  for  their  patient's  recovery,  **  by 
reason  that  the  disease  is  very  dangerous,  and  fraudulent." 
But  by  October  17th  they  were  able  to  send  a  hopeful 
report.  Maurice  had  slept  better,  the  delirium  had  left 
him,  and  he  had  recognised  Dr.  Harvey — the  discoverer 
of  the  circulation  of  the  blood.  When  given  the  King's 
message  of  sympathy  he  had  shown  '*an  humble,  thankful 
sense  thereof."  And  on  receiving  Rupert's  messages,  *'he 
seemed  very  glad  to  hear  of  and  from  your  Highness.''  - 
A  relapse  was  feared,  but  Maurice  recovered  steadily, 
though  very  slowly.  In  November  he  was  anxious  to  join 
his  forces  before  Plymouth,  but  had  to  give  up  the  attempt, 
and  the  siege  suffered  from  his  absence.  *'  Your  brother 
resolved  to  have  removed  hence  nearer  towards  Plymouth, 
upon  Monday,  but  upon  tryal  finds  himself  too  weak  for 
the  journey,"  wrote  Sir  Richard  Cave,  an  old  friend  of 
the  Palatines,  to  Rupert.  '*I  dare  boldly  say  that,  had  he 
been  with  the  army,  the  army  and  the  town  had  been  at 
a  nearer  distance  before  now.  Your  brother  presents  his 
respects  to  your  Highness,  but  says  he  is  not  able  yet  to 
write  letters  with  his  own  hand."  ' 

1  Green,  Vol.  VI.  p.  137. 

2  Dr.  Harvey  and  others  to  Rupert,  Oct.  17,  1643;  Warburton.  II.  p.  307. 
*  Rupert  Transcripts.  Cave  to  Rupert,  Nov.  4,  1643. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

THE  PRESIDENCY  OF  WALES.    THE  RELIEF   OF  NEWARK. 

QUARRELS  AT  COURT.   NORTHERN  MARCH. 

MARSTON  MOOR 

Throughout  the  year  1643  the  advantage  in  arms  had 
lain  decidedly  with  the  King,  and  the  Parliament  now 
sought  new  strength  in  an  alliance  with  the  Scots.  Such 
an  alliance  involved  a  strict  adherence  to  Presbyterianism, 
which  was  naturally  very  distasteful  to  the  Independents, 
who  were  growing  steadily  in  strength  and  numbers.  There- 
fore, though  the  entrance  of  the  Scots  into  England  in 
January  1644,  brought  a  valuable  accession  of  military  force, 
it  proportionately  weakened  the  Puritan  Party  by  increasing 
its  internal  dissensions.  For  a  brief  period  the  Independents 
sought  aUiance  with  those  members  of  the  Parliament  and 
of  the  City,  known  as  the  Peace  Party,  and  the  result  of 
this  drawing  together  was  a  resolve  to  appeal  privately  to 
the  King  for  some  terms  of  agreement.  The  emissary 
employed  in  this  secret  negotiation  was  a  certain  Ogle, 
who  had  long  been  held  a  prisoner,  but  was  now  purposely 
suffered  to  escape.  As  an  earnest  of  good  faith,  he  was  to 
assure  the  King  that  Colonel  Mozley,  brother  of  the  Go- 
vernor of  Aylesbury,  would  admit  the  Royahsts  into  that 
town.  But  Ogle  was  himself  betrayed.  Mozley  had  com- 
municated all  to  the  Presbyterian  leaders  of  the  Parliament. 
The  whole  plot  was  carefully  watched,  and  plans  laid  to 
entrap  Rupert  himself.  It  was  said  that  Essex  boasted  that 
he  would  have  the  Prince  in  London,  alive  or  dead. 

On  the  night  of  January  21st,  Rupert  set  out  to  take 
possession  of  the  offered  town.  The  snow  fell  thick,  but  it 
did  the  Prince  good  service,  for  it  prevented  Essex  falling 


THE  PRESIDENCY  OF  WALES  129 

upon  him,  as  had  been  intended.  Fortunately,  also,  Rupert 
was  prudent,  and  declined  to  approach  very  near  Ayles- 
bury, until  Mozley  should  appear  on  the  scene  in  person. 
This  he  failed  to  do.  Then  the  Prince  wished  to  assault 
the  town  on  the  side  where  he  was  not  expected,  but  the 
brook  which  ran  before  it  was  so  swelled  by  the  snow  and 
sudden  thaw,  as  to  be  impassable.  Nothing  remained  but  a 
speedy  retreat,  in  which,  owing  to  wind,  snow  and  swollen 
streams,  some  four  hundred  men  perished.  In  his  fury 
Rupert  would  have  hanged  Ogle  for  a  traitor,  but  the  un- 
fortunate man  was  rescued  by  the  intercession  of  Digby. 
Probably  the  Secretary  was  moved  as  much  by  detestation 
of  Rupert  as  by  compassion  for  Ogle.  There  was  soon  a 
new  causa  belli  between  them. 

In   February   Rupert   was  made  a  peer  of  the  realm,  as 
Duke  of  Cumberland  and  Earl  of  Holderness,  in  order  that 
he    might    sit    in    the    Royalist   Parliament   now   called   to 
Oxford.     In  the  same  month,  it  was  proposed  to  make  him 
President   of  Wales  and   the   Marches,  which  appointment 
carried  with  it,  not  only  military,  but  also  fiscal  and  judicial 
powers,  the  right  to  levy  taxes  and  to  appoint  Commissioners 
for  the  administration  of  the  country.   Digby  had  no  mind 
to   see  his  rival  thus  promoted,  and  he  made  the  appoint- 
ment the   subject   of  a  court  intrigue.     First  he  suggested 
that  Ormonde  would  make  a  far  better  President  than  the 
Prince.     But   Ormonde   could  not  possibly  be  spared  from 
his   Government   of  Ireland,  and   therefore   Digby   had  to 
invent   new   delays  and   difficulties.    **  The  business   of  the 
Presidency  is  at  a  standstill,"  wrote  Rupert's  faithful  agent 
in   Oxford,   Arthur   Trevor,    ''upon    some    doubts  that  my 
Lord  Digby  makes,  which  cannot  be  cleared  to  him  without 
a  sight  of  the  patent  which  must  be  obtained  from  Ludlow."  ^ 
The   Prince   seems  to   have  been   rather   apathetic   in  the 
matter,  for,  in  a  few  days,  Trevor  wrote  again :  "  I  am  at 

1  Rupert    Correspondence.    18981    Add.    MSS.  British  Museum.  Trevor  to 
Rupertj  Feb.  i6j  1644. 


I30  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

a  stand  in  your  business,  not  receiving  your  commands  .  .  . 
Persuasion   avails   little   at  Court,  where  always  the  orator 
convinces  sooner  than  the  argument.     Let  me  beseech  your 
Highness  you  will  be  so  kind  as  to  bestow  what  time  you 
can  spare  from  the  public  upon  your  private  interests ;  which 
always   thrive  best  when  they  are  acted  within  the  eye  of 
the  owner."  ^  From  Byron,  then  at  Chester,  came  an  anxious 
letter,   demonstrating   the    great  importance  of  Wales  as  a 
recruiting  ground,  and  as  the  place  whence  communication 
with   Ireland    was   easiest.   The   state   of  the    Marches  was 
exceedingly  critical,  and  Byron  pathetically  begged  Rupert 
not  to  refuse  them  the  aid  of  his  presence.  **  I  have  heard 
that   means  is  used  underhand  to  persuade  your  Highness 
not  to    accept   the  President's  place  of  Wales;  the  end  of 
which  is  apparent,  for  if  your  Highness  refuse  it,  it  will  lessen 
the   military   part   of  your  command,  be  a  great  prejudice 
to   the  country,  and  withal  lose  an  opportunity  of  settling 
such  a  part  of  the  country,  converging  upon  Ireland,  that 
is  most  likely  to  reduce  the  rest."  "  To  the  other  despairing 
commanders  in  those  districts  the  prospect  of  Rupert's  coming 
was   as  welcome  as  to  Byron,  and,  urged  by  their  letters, 
Rupert  resolved  not  to  be  turned  from  the  work.    Fortunately 
for   himself  he   had   staunch  aUies  in  Richmond,  Nicholas, 
and   above  all,  the  Queen's  favourite,  Harry  Jermyn.     The 
last  named  was  indeed  all-powerful  just  then.  **I  find/'  wrote 
Trevor,    alluding  to  the  ciphers  in  which  he  corresponded, 
''  not  Prince  Rupert,  nor  all  the  numbers  in  arithmetic  have 
any  efficacy  without  Lord  Jermyn."  ^  And  Jermyn,  strange 
to  say,    usually   showed    himself  a  good  friend  to  Rupert. 
"  My  Lord  Jermyn  is,  from  the  root  of  his  heart,  your  very 
great  servant,"  declared  Trevor.     Apparently,  also,  Jermyn 
had  reconciled  the  Queen  to  her  nephew,  for,  at  the  same 


^  Rupert  Correspondence.  Add.  MSS.  Brit.  Mus.  18981.  Trevor  to  Rupert, 
Mar.  3O5  1644. 

2  Ibid.  Byron  to  Rupert,  April  1644. 

8  Carte's  Ormonde.  Trevor  to  Ormonde,  Feb.  19,  1644.  Vol.  VI.  pp.  37— 38. 


THE  PRESIDENCY  OF  WALES  131 

time,  Trevor  informed  Ormonde  that  he  would  speedily 
receive  a  request  from  the  Queen  "  to  be  as  kind  as  possibly 
your  Lordship  can  unto  Prince  Rupert,  especially  in  a  pre- 
sent furnishment  of  some  arms  and  powder."  ^ 

The  appointment  to  Wales  having  been  carried  by  his 
allies,  Rupert  was  brought  into  very  close  connection  with 
Ormonde.  To  Ireland  the  King  looked  for  supphes  of 
arms,  ammunition,  and  of  soldiers,  as  a  counterpoise  to  the 
invasion  of  the  Scots.  The  transport  of  these  stores  and 
troops  was  now  regarded  as  part  of  Rupert's  business  in 
his  new  Government.  He  was  willing  enough  to  attend 
to  the  matter,  for  he  was  "  mightily  in  love  "  with  his  Irish 
soldiers;'  and,  thanks  to  Ormonde's  good  sense  and  un- 
swerving loyalty,  a  good  understanding  was  preserved  be- 
tween himself  and  the  Prince.  Efforts  to  poison  Ormonde's 
mind  against  Rupert  were  not  wanting  on  the  part  of 
Digby.  He  did  his  best  to  make  the  Irish  Lord  Lieutenant 
think  himself  slighted  by  Rupert's  preferment.  ^*But  let 
me  withal  assure  you  that  I  knew  not  of  it  till  it  was 
done,"  he  wrote,  '*I  being  not  so  happy  as  to  have  any 
part  in  His  Highness's  Counsels." '  To  which  the  incorrupt- 
ible Ormonde  replied  only,  that  he  held  himself  in  no  way 
injured,  and  regarded  the  appointment  as  very  fittingly 
bestowed  on  the  Prince.  Nor  did  Digby's  new  ally,  Daniel 
O'Neil,  meet  with  any  better  success.  The  Irish  soldier  of 
fortune  had  now  quarrelled  with  Rupert,  and  thrown  in 
his  lot  with  that  of  the  Secretary.  Early  in  1644  he  was 
despatched  to  Ireland  by  Digby,  in  order  to  arrange  va- 
rious matters  and,  incidentally,  to  do  Rupert  as  much  harm 
as  he  could.  But  though  introduced  to  Ormonde  as  Digby's 
"special,  dear  and  intimate  friend,"'  he  gained  little  cre- 
dence.    **I  easily  believe  that  Daniel  O'Neil  was  willing  I 


^  Carte's  Ormonde.  Trevor  to  Ormonde,  Feb.  19,  1644.  VI.  p.  37. 

2  Ibid.  VI.  87,  Ap.  13,  1644. 

3  Ibid.  VI.  41,  Digby  to  Ormonde,  Feb.  20,  1644. 

*  Carte's  Ormonde.  Digby  to  Ormonde.  Vol.  VI.  p.  21,  Jan.  20,  1644. 


132  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

should  be  Lord  Lieutenant;  and  perhaps  he  will  unwish 
it  again,"  ^  said  Ormonde  calmly.  No  doubt  Rupert  owed 
much  to  the  good  sense  and  diligence  of  Trevor,  who  was 
himself  a  staunch  adherent  of  Ormonde,  and  honoured  by 
him  with  the  title  of  "  my  friend."  He  seems  to  have 
been  a  clever  man,  of  ready  wit  and  unfailing  energy,  and 
he  needed  it  all  in  his  service  of  the  Prince. 

Rupert's  new  appointment  involved  the  keeping  up  of  an 
establishment  at  Shrewsbury,  which  he  seldom  occupied, 
but  which  added  greatly  to  his  expenses,  and  his  personal 
labours  were  also  multiplied.  He  had  reached  Shrewsbury 
on  February  19th,  having  spent  a  week  at  Worcester  and 
four  days  at  Bridgnorth  by  the  way.  On  March  4th  he 
was  "marching  all  night"  to  Drayton;  on  the  5th  he  was 
skirmishing  with  Fairfax;  on  the  6th  he  was  "home"  again; 
but  only  to  resume  his  wanderings  four  days  later.  ^  He 
made  it  his  business  to  visit  every  garrison  under  his 
charge,  and  his  rapid  movements  were  observed  with  pride 
by  the  Cavaliers.  "In  the  morning  in  Leicestershire,  in 
the  afternoon  in  Lancashire,  and  the  same  day  at  sup- 
per time  at  Shrewsbury;  without  question  he  hath  a  flying 
army,"  reported  the  News-letters  with  cheerful  exaggeration.  ^ 
Certainly  the  Prince  never  spared  himself,  and  he  expected 
that  others  should  show  an  equal  energy  and  attention  to 
business.  Good  officers,  with  other  qualifications  than  mere 
social  rank,  he  would  have ;  and  he  allowed  no  private 
considerations  to  interfere  with  the  public  necessities.  His 
vigorous  decision  did  indeed  bear  hard  on  individual  cases, 
as  when  he  offered  an  unfortunate  Herefordshire  gentleman 
three  alternatives,  —  to  man  and  defend  his  house  himself, 
to  have  it  occupied  by  a  governor  and  garrison  of  the 
Prince's    own    choosing,    or  to  blow  it  up.     But,  if  war  is 


1  Carte's  Onnonde,  VI.  p.  60,  Ormonde  to  Radcliflfe,  Mar.  11,  1644. 

2  Rupert's  Journal  in  England.  Clarendon  State  Papers,  2254. 

^  Mercurius    Britanicus,    May— June,    1644;   Webb,    Hist,  of  Civil  War  in 


THE  PRESIDENCY  OF  WALES  133 

to  be  effective,  such  hardships  are  inevitable ;  and  by  Rupert's 
zealous  activity  garrisons  were  wrested  from  the  enemy, 
and  those  of  the  King  established,  all  over  the  district,  in 
their  stead.  Of  course  the  complaints  which  were  daily 
delivered  to  the  Prince  were  multiplied  by  his  promotion; 
but,  amidst  all  his  labours,  he  seems  to  have  found  a  little 
leisure,  for  he  begged  of  Ormonde  "a  cast  of  goshawks," 
for  his  amusement  in  his  winter  quarters.  ^ 

In  the  meantime  his  agent  at  Oxford  enjoyed  no  easy 
task.  For  everything  that  Rupert  wanted  Trevor  had  to 
contend  vehemently  with  Percy  and  Ashburnham,  and,  had 
he  not  been  clever  enough  to  win  the  alliance  of  Jermyn, 
his  success  would  have  been  small  indeed.  Jermyn  exerted 
himself  nobly.  He  collected  evidence  of  Rupert's  strength 
and  necessities  to  lay  before  the  Oxford  Parliament.  He 
supplied  a  consignment  of  muskets,  pistols,  and  powder  at 
his  own  expense ;  '  he  even  combated  the  obstinacy  of  the 
King,  though  not  always  with  success,  as  on  one  occasion 
he  was  forced  to  despatch  supplies  to  Worcester,  **  where 
the  King  sayeth  they  are  to  go,  and  would  have  it  so,  in 
spite  of  everything  that  could  be  said  to  the  contrary; 
though  I  did  conceive  it  was  your  Highness's  desire  that 
they  should  be  sent  to  Shrewsbury."  * 

Yet  even  Jermyn  was  occasionally  disheartened  by  the 
Prince's  insatiable  wants.  "  His  Majesty,"  wrote  Trevor  in 
February,  "was  very  well  pleased  at  your  letter,  and  so 
was  my  Lord  Jermyn,  until  he  found  your  wants  of  arms, 
and  ammunition.  At  which,  after  a  deep  sigh,  he  told  me ; 
*This  is  of  more  trouble  to  me  than  it  would  be  pain 
to  me  at  parting  of  my  flesh  and  bones.' "  This  despond- 
ency is  partially  accounted  for  by  the  next  sentence; 
"  The  petards  I  cannot  now  send  Your  Highness,  by  reason 
of  a  strong  quarrel  that  is  fallen  out  between  M.  La  Roche 

1  Carte  Papers,  Bodleian  Library,  8, 217-222.  Rupert  to  Ormonde,  April  1644. 

2  Add.  MSS.  Brit.  Mus.  18981.  Trevor  to  Rupert,  Feb.  16,  1644. 
»  Ibid.  1 898 1.  Jermyn  to  Rupert,  Mar.  24,  1644. 


134  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

and  Lord  Percy,  whose  warrant  and  orders  he  absolutely 
denies  to  obey.  Where  it  will  end  I  know  not.  It  begins 
in  fire."  ^  This  state  of  affairs  must  have  lasted  for  weeks. 
Not  until  April  did  Trevor  wring  two  petards  from  Lord 
Percy,  '*and  now  I  have  got  them,  I  do  not,  for  my  life, 
know  how  to  send  them  to  your  quarters,"  he  declared. 
And  La  Roche  seems  to  have  been,  even  then,  in  the  same 
impracticable  frame  of  mind :  "  Your  Highness's  letters  to 
M.  La  Roche  I  did  deliver ;  and  when  he  had  sworn  and 
stared  very  sufficiently,  and  concluded  every  point  with, 
*  Noe  money !  noe  money  I ' — he  carried  me  to  his  little 
house  by  Magdalen,  and  when  he  had  swaggered  there  a 
pretty  time,  and  knocked  one  strange  thing  against  another, 
he  told  me  he  would  send  me  letters,  wherewith  I  was 
well  satisfied,  not  having  money  for  him,  without  which  I 
see  he  hath  no  more  motion  than  a  stone.  He  talks  much 
of  Captain  Faussett,  but  whether  good,  bad,  or  indifferent, 
I  swear  I  do  not  know!"  - 

Such  were  the  contentions  that  delayed  and  handicapped 
the  Royalist  forces ;  but  Arthur  Trevor  was  not  to  be  dis- 
couraged. "Until  I  have  all  the  affairs,  both  of  peace  and 
war,  settled  as  they  may  be  most  to  your  desires,  I  will 
not  miss  His  Majesty  an  interview  every  morning  in  the 
garden,"  ^  he  protested;  and,  on  a  later  occasion,  he 
declared :  '*  I  am  not  so  ill  a  courtier,  in  a  request  of  money, 
as  to  sit  down  with  one  denial."  *  His  difficulties  were  in- 
creased by  the  carelessness  of  Rupert  himself,  and  he  wrote 
to  the  Prince  reproachfully:  "I  find  a  bill  of  exchange 
signed  by  Your  Highness,  and  denied  by  the  party  you 
charged  it  on,  and  grown  to  be  the  discourse  of  the  town 
before  ever  I  heard  a  syllable  of  it.  Truly  the  giving  out 
that  bill  without  giving  me  advice  of  it,  that  I  might  have 


1  Add.  MSS.  1 898 1.  Trevor  to  Rupert,  Feb.  1644. 

2  Rupert  Transcripts.  Trevor  to  Rupert,  Ap.  22,   1644. 
8  Trevor  to  Rupert,  Feb.  1644.  Add.  MSS.  18981. 

*  Warburton.  II.  p.  377.  Trevor  to  Rupert,  Feb.  22,  1644. 


THE  RELIEF  OF  NEWARK  135 

got  the  money  ready,  or  an  excuse  for  time,  hath  not  done 
Your  Highness  right  here."  '  Two  days  later  he  wrote 
again:  *'The  liveries  for  your  servants  are  now  come.  I 
only  wait  for  your  orders  how  I  shall  carry  myself  towards 
the  merchants,  who  are  very  solicitous  for  ready  pay.  The 
sum  will  be  about  i?200.  If  Your  Highness  will  not  have 
His  Majesty  moved  in  it,  Lord  Jermyn  and  I  will  try  all 
the  town,  but  we  will  do  the  worth."  -  Rupert's  answer  is 
not  forthcoming,  but  he  was  evidently  as  anxious  as  usual 
to  pay  this,  or  other  debts,  for  he  commissioned  Trevor 
to  represent  to  the  King  the  *'  injustice  "  that  the  delay  of 
money  was  doing  towards  men  to  whom  he  was  indebted, 
and  whom  he  would  willingly  satisfy.  ^ 

The  needs  of  the  North  were  becoming  very  pressing. 
Newcastle  constantly  represented  the  smallness  of  his  forces, 
and  the  danger  threatening  from  the  Scots.  Sir  Charles 
Lucas  also  forwarded  a  melancholy  account  of  the  northern 
army,  and  Lord  Derby  implored  Rupert  to  go  to  the  rescue 
of  his  Countess  who  was  valiantly  defending  Lathom  House : 
"Sir,  I  have  received  many  advertisements  from  my  wife, 
of  her  great  distress  and  imminent  danger,"  he  wrote, 
"unless  she  be  relieved  by  your  Highness,  on  whom  she 
doth  rely  more  than  on  any  other  whatsoever ...  I  would 
have  waited  on  your  Highness  this  time,  but  that  I  hourly 
receive  little  letters  from  her  who  haply,  a  few  days  hence, 
may  never  write  me  more."  '  But  greatest  of  all  was  the 
danger  of  Newark,  besieged  by  Meldrum,  Hubbard  and 
Lord  Willoughby.  Already  the  brave  little  garrison  was 
almost  starved  into  surrender,  and  willingly  would  the  men 
have  sacrificed  their  lives  in  one  desperate  sally,  but  for 
the  women  and  children  who  would  thus  have  been  left 
to  the  mercy  of  the  foe.     Rupert  resolved  to  go  first  to  the 


^  Warburton,  II.  p.  377.  Trevor  to  Rupert,  Feb.  22,  1644. 
3  Ibid.  Trevor  to  Rupert,  Feb.  24,  1644.  Warb.  II.  379. 
»  Add.  MSS.  Trevor  to  Rupert,  Mar.  11,  1644. 
*  Warburton.  II.  p.  383.  Derby  to  Rupert,  Mar.  7,  1644. 


136  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

relief  of  Newark.  But  even  Arthur  Trevor  could  not  obtain 
the  supplies  necessary  for  the  exploit:  "I  can  promise 
nothing  towards  your  advantage  in  those  supporters  of  war, 
money  and  arms  .  . ."  he  said.  ''Money,  I  am  out  of  hopes 
of,  unless  some  notable  success  open  the  purse  strings . . . 
March,  and  then  I  will  make  my  last  attempt  for  that 
business,  and  if  I  fail  I  will  raise  my  siege,  burn  my  hut, 
and  march  away  to  your  Highness."  ^ 

Newark  was  in  the  last  straits.  To  the  reiterated  sum- 
mons of  the  Puritan  forces,  the  vaHant  garrison  replied  only 
that  they  could  starve,  and  they  could  die,  but  one  thing 
they  could  not  do,  and  that  was  open  their  gates  to  rebels. 
Rupert  would  delay  no  longer,  and,  in  accordance  with 
Trevor's  advice,  he  set  forth,  on  March  13th,  with  a  small 
force,  borrowed  from  the  garrisons  he  passed  on  the  march. 
Essex  at  once  despatched  a  force  of  cavalry  in  pursuit, 
of  which  Ashburnham  advertised  the  Prince  in  the  following 
concise  note :  "  The  strength  that  followeth  your  Highness 
is  nine  hundred  dragoons,  and  one  regiment  of  horse,  which 
I  hope  they  will  all  be  damned."  ^  By  March  20th  Rupert 
was  at  Bingham,  twelve  miles  from  Newark.  The  besiegers, 
who  numbered  some  2,500  horse  and  5,000  foot,  heard  the 
news  of  his  approach  with  light-hearted  incredulity,  being 
unable  to  believe  that  he  could  have  the  temerity  to  attack 
them ;  and  in  an  intercepted  letter  the  Prince  found  mention 
of  "an  incredible  rumour"  of  his  advance.^  When  within 
six  miles  of  Newark  he  contrived  to  let  the  garrison  know 
of  his  vicinity.  Fearing  that  his  cipher  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy,  he  dared  not  write,  but  sent  only  an 
ambiguous  message,  the  meaning  of  which  he  did  not  even 
explain  to  the  messenger:  "Let  the  old  drum  be  beaten, 
early  on  the  morrow  morning."  Happily  the  Governor,  Sir 
John  Henderson,  was  quick  to  grasp  the  meaning — namely, 

1  Warburton.  II.  p.  388.  Trevor  to  Rupert,  Mar.  24,  1644. 

2  Ibid.  p.  392.  Ashburnham  to  Rupert. 
*  Baker's  Chronicle,  p.  571. 


THE  RELIEF  OF  NEWARK  137 

that  he  was  to  sally  out  on  Meldrum  at  day-break.  ^  By 
two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Rupert  was  in  the  saddle,  and 
ere  it  was  light,  he  charged  down  upon  the  besieging  army. 
Surprised  and  confused,  the  besiegers  broke  their  ranks,  and 
at  the  same  moment  the  garrison  sallied.  The  fight  was 
hot,  and  once  at  least  Rupert  was  in  imminent  danger. 
He  found  himself  assaulted  by  "three  sturdy  Roundheads" 
all  at  once;  one  he  slew  with  his  own  sword;  Mortaigne, 
a  French  follower  of  the  Prince,  shot  another,  and  the 
third,  who  had  laid  hold  of  Rupert's  collar,  had  his  hand 
cut  off  by  O'Neil.  The  Prince  was  thus  "  disengaged,  with 
only  a  shot  in  his  gauntlet."-  The  engagement  lasted  nearly 
all  day,  but  at  dusk,  Charles  Gerard,  who  had  been  wounded 
and  captured,  came  limping  forth  from  the  enemy's  trenches, 
with  offers  of  treaty.  Rupert  agreed  to  terms,  and,  on  the 
following  morning,  Meldrum  and  his  colleagues  were  per- 
mitted to  raise  the  siege  and  march  off  with  the  honours 
of  war. 

These  terms  Rupert  was  accused  of  having  broken.  His 
men  were  eager  to  avenge  a  Puritan  outrage  at  Lincoln,  as 
formerly  at  Bristol  they  had  remembered  Reading.  There- 
fore when  Meldrum's  forces  marched  off  with  **more  than  was 
conditioned,"  in  the  shape  of  arms  and  pikes,  the  Royalists 
seized  the  excuse  to  fall  upon  them,  and,  in  their  turn,  snatched 
away  colours,  and  **  more  than  the  articles  warranted." 
Rupert,  as  before,  dashed  amongst  his  men  with  his  drawn 
sword,  and  he  did  not  neglect  to  return  the  stolen  colours, 
with  apologies.  The  occurrence  is  described  by  Mrs.  Hutch- 
inson, but  more  fairly  by  Rushworth,  who  adds,  after  relating 
how  the  Puritans  were  despoiled  of  their  pikes  and  colours : 
"the  King's  party  excused  it,  by  alleging  that  they  (the 
Puritans)  attempted  to  carry  out  more  than  was  conditioned, 
and  that  some  of  theirs  had  been  so  used  at  Lincoln,  and 
especially  that  it  was  against  the  Prince's  mind,  who  slashed 

^  Warburton.  II.  393 — 4.  Dickison's  Antiquities  of  Newark. 
2  Webb.  I.  p.  385. 


138  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

some  of  his  soldiers  for  it,  and  sent  back  all  the  colours 
they  had  taken."  ^  When  the  enemy  had  fairly  retired, 
Rupert  made  his  entry  into  Newark,  where  he  was  received 
with  delirious  joy.  Davenant,  the  Cavalier  poet,  who  him- 
self served  in  the  northern  army,  celebrated  the  whole  story 
in  a  long  poem,  and  thus  he  describes  the  Prince's  entrance : 

"As  he  entered  the  old  gates,  one  cry  of  triumph  rose, 
To  bless  and  welcome  him  who  had  saved  them  from  their  foes ; 
The  women  kiss  his  charger,  and  the  little  children  sing: 
*  Prince  Rupert's  brought  us  bread  to  eat,  from  God  and  from 

[the  King.'"- 

Considering  the  small  force  with  which  it  had  been  effected, 
Rupert's  exploit  was  indeed  wonderful,  and  congratulations 
poured  in  from  all  quarters.  **  Nephew,"  wrote  the  King, 
"I  assure  you  that  this,  as  all  your  victories,  gives  me  as 
much  contentment  in  that  I  owe  you  the  thanks,  as  for  the 
importance  of  it ;  which  in  this  particular,  believe  me,  is  no 
less  than  the  saving  of  all  the  North."  ^ 

"  Our  sense  of  it  here  is  as  much  beyond  expression  as 
the  action  itself,"  ^  declared  Digby.  Trevor  offered  all  the 
appreciation  possible  *'0n  this  side  idolatry,"  an  expression 
of  which  he  was  rather  fond ;  and  even  the  quiet  Richmond 
was  roused  to  enthusiasm:  '*Give  me  leave  to  dilate  now 
upon  my  particular  joyes,"  he  wrote,  ''and  to  retire  them 
so  farre  from  the  present  jubilee  all  men  are  in  at  your 
last  great  victory,  to  beginne  with  that  which  before  this 
jubilee  was  one  to  me ;  I  mean  the  honor  and  contentment  I 
lately  received  from  you,  which,  if  valew  can  make  precious 
and  an  intent  affection  do  anything  to  show  an  acknow- 
ledgment, will  not  be  lost.  Your  command  to  pray  for 
you,  at  a  time  was  then  to  come,  shall  be,  as  before,  my 

1  Hutchinson  Memoirs,  ed.  Firth.  1885.  I.  p.  325;  Rushworth.  ed.  1692. 
pt.  3.  n.  308. 

2  Davenant's  Poems.  Siege  of  Newark. 

s  Warb.  II.  398.  King  to  Rupert,  March  25,  1644. 
4  Ibid.  p.  399.  Digby  to  Rupert,  Mar.  26,  1644. 


QUARRELS  AT  COURT  139' 

general  rule."  ^  Lord  Newcastle  added  to  his  extravagant 
congratulations  an  entreaty  that  Rupert  would  push  on  to 
his  aid;  ''without  which  that  great  game  of  your  uncle's 
will  be  endangered,  if  not  lost.  .  . .  Could  Your  Highness 
march  this  way,  it  would,  I  hope,  put  a  final  end  to  all 
our  troubles."  -  But  Rupert,  with  the  best  will  in  the  world, 
lacked  the  power  to  do  as  Newcastle  desired.  With  an 
army  at  his  back,  he  might  indeed  have  pushed  on  north- 
wards, conquered  the  eastern  counties,  and  driven  back  the 
Scots ;  but  he  had  no  army  at  his  disposal !  Brilliant  though 
his  recent  achievement  had  seemed,  it  was  but  ephemeral 
in  reality.  Newark  relieved,  the  men  who  had  relieved  it 
returned  to  the  garrisons  whence  they  came,  and  from 
which  they  could  ill  be  spared.  All  that  Rupert  had  gained 
was  the  preservation  of  a  loyal  town,  and  the  surrender  of 
a  few  scattered  outposts  which  he  had  not  men  to  gar- 
rison. Reluctantly  he  turned  back  to  Wales,  where  he 
hoped  he  might  yet  raise  a  force  to  save  the  North. 

During  the  weeks  of  recruiting  which  followed  the  relief 
of  Newark,  the  usual  disputes  and  jealousies  agitated  the 
Court.  Jermyn,  who  was  still  Rupert's  friend,  expected 
shortly  to  quit  Oxford  with  the  Queen,  and  would  fain  have 
reconciled  the  Prince  to  Digby  before  his  departure.  '*  He 
has  written  several  times  to  you  since  you  went  away,  and 
you  have  not  made  him  one  answer,"  he  protested.  And 
he  proceeded  to  explain,  at  great  length,  how  advantageous 
a  correspondence  with  Digby  would  be,  and  how  exaggerated 
were  the  Prince's  notions  of  the  Secretary's  hatred  to  him.  * 
But  such  representations  made  no  impression  upon  Rupert ; 
the  question  really  at  stake  was  whether  he  or  Digby 
should  rule  the  King's  counsels,  and  no  compromise  was 
possible  between  them.  Another  suggestion  of  Jermyn's 
met  with  more  favour;  there  was  a  vacancy  in  the  King's 

^  Rupert  Transcripts.  Richmond  to  Rupert,  Mar.  25,  1644. 
'  Warburton.  II.  p.  400.  Newcastle  to  Rupert,  Mar.  29,  1644. 
3  Rupert  Transcripts.  Jermyn  to  Rupert,  Mar.  26,  1644. 


I40  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Bedchamber,  and  only  Rupert's  nomination  was  needed  to 
secure  the  appointment  for  his  friend  Will  Legge.  ''The 
chief  cause  I  write  is  to  mention  that  to  you  which  he  (Legge) 
least  looks  after,  viz.,  that  which  pertains  to  his  own  interests/'  ^ 
said  Jermyn.  Rupert  obtained  the  post  for  his  friend,  and 
wrote  to  "give  him  joy"  of  it.  "  At  the  same  time  the 
place  of  Master  of  the  Horse  was  offered  to  himself;  hitherto 
it  had  been  held  by  the  Marquess  of  Hamilton,  who  was 
now  deprived  of  it  on  account  of  his  disloyalty.  "  If  the 
King  offers  Rupert  the  Master  of  the  Horse's  place,  he  will 
receive  it  as  a  favour,"  wrote  Rupert,  in  reply  to  a  question 
on  the  subject.  "But  he  desires  it  may  not  be  done  so 
it  may  look  as  if  Rupert  had  a  hand  in  the  ruin  of  my 
Lord  Marquis.     Let  every  one  carry  his  own  burden."  '^ 

Ere  long,  a  hasty  recall  to  Oxford  roused  all  the  Prince's 
indignation.  True,  the  order  was  revoked  next  day,  but 
Rupert  was  none  the  less  furious.  How  was  he  to  effect 
anything  of  importance  if  his  plans  were  to  be  interrupted 
and  frustrated  at  Digby's  whim?  He  would  not  endure, 
he  wrote  to  Richmond,  the  discussion  of  all  his  proceedings 
by  a  mere  civilian  Council.  The  Duke  strove  to  pacify 
him  in  a  long  and,  as  usual,  incoherent  letter.  "  You  may 
perceive  that  no  Oxford  motion,  if  rightly  represented, 
could  move  any  cause  of  jealousy  of  a  desseigne  here 
either  to  forestall  your  judgement  or  prelimett  yr  command. 
I  have  bine  present  at  most  of  the  consultations;  (till 
yesterday  some  occasions  made  me  absent,  and  of  that 
daies'  worke  my  Lord  Biron  will  give  the  best  account); 
and  in  all  I  could  ever  discerne  the  proceeding  hath  bine 
to  propound  only  by  way  of  question  alle  thinges  of  mo- 
ment, which  were  to  be  attended,  or  acted,  by  you." 
The  recent  recall  to  Oxford  Richmond  owned  an  exception 
to  this  rule,  but  as  regarded  other  matters,  he  concluded; 

1  Warburton.  II.  p.  405.  Jermyn  to  Rupert,  Ap.  13,   1644. 
-   Ibid.  p.  407.  Rupert  to  Legge.  No  date. 
3  Ibid. 


QUARRELS  AT  COURT  141 

"I  think  I  could  not  have  mist  myselfe  so  much  if  other 
had  been  to  be  seen,  or  where  the  King's  service,  and  my 
ancient  respect  for  Rupert,  (which  time  works  no  such 
earthy  effects  upon  as  to  decay),  call  for  my  observation, 
that  my  senses  could  be  deceived,  or  I  not  attentive.  The 
most  that  was  treated  was  when  Will  Legge  was  here,  and 
in  his  presence,  who  certainly  is  a  safe  man  to  consult 
with  in  your  interests.  And  the  furthest  discourse  was  but 
discourse ! "  ^  The  King  also  wrote  on  the  same  day,  pro- 
mising that,  whenever  possible,  his  nephew  should  be  con- 
sulted rather  than  commanded ;  and  asserting  with  gentle 
dignity,  *'  Indeed  I  have  this  advantage  of  you,  that  I  have 
not  yet  mistaken  you  in  anything  as  you  have  me."  ' 

Whatever  effect  these  soothing  epistles  might  have  had  was 
nullified  by  a  second  letter  from  Digby,  in  which  he  as- 
sumed a  tone  of  authority  such  as  Rupert  would  not  brook. 
''Lord  Digby,  with  whom  Prince  Rupert  hath  no  present 
kindness,  writ  yesterday  about  the  relief  of  Lathom  House," 
wrote  Trevor  to  Ormonde.  "The  paper,  which  was  not  an 
order,  but  would  fain  have  disputed  itself  into  authority, 
was  so  ill-received  that  I  am  afraid  my  work  of  reconciliation 
is  at  an  end."  ^  Rupert  was  indeed  in  an  angry  frame  of 
mind.  He  despatched  a  furious,  incoherent  letter  to  Legge, 
full  of  ironical  and  rather  unintelligible  complaints  against 
his  uncle,  and  dark  threats  of  his  own  resignation.  "  If 
the  King  will  follow  the  ivise  counsel,  and  not  hear  the 
soldier  and  Rupert,  Rupert  must  leave  off  all."  And  he 
wound  up  with  a  short  account  of  a  successful  skirmish, 
adding  spitefully :  **  If  Goring  had  done  this  you  would 
have  had  a  handsome  story."  *  None  of  the  plans  then  in 
favour  at  Oxford  met  with  his  approval.  The  Queen  was 
bent  on  going  to  Exeter,  in  spite  of  her  nephew's  assurance 


1  Rupert  Transcripts.  Richmond  to  Rupert,  Ap.  21,  1644. 

2  Ibid,  and  Warburton.  II.  403,  note.     King  to  Rupert,  ist  and  21st  Ap.  1644, 
8  Carte's  Ormonde.  VI.  p.  87.  Trevor  to  Ormonde,  Ap.  13,  1644. 

4  Warburton.  II.  408.  Rupert  to  Legge,  Ap.  23,  1644. 


142  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

that  the  place  was  most  unsafe,  as  indeed  it  proved ;  and 
the  King  was  extremely  anxious  to  send  the  Prince  of  Wales 
to  Bristol,  as  nominal  head  of  the  army  in  the  West.  But 
Rupert  had  not  much  faith  in  Maurice's  army,  and  he 
thought  that  the  young  Prince  would  be  far  better  under 
his  own  care.  He  had  at  that  time  a  paramount  influence 
over  little  Charles,  and  he  had,  besides,  a  staunch  ally  in 
one  of  his  young  cousin's  gentlemen,  a  certain  Elliot,  whom 
the  King  considered  to  have  "too  much  credit"^  with  his 
son.  Between  them,  Prince  Charles  was  inspired  with  such 
an  aversion  to  his  father's  plan  that  he  boldly  declared 
he  would  have  none  of  it,  and  added  ingenuously,  that  his 
Cousin  Rupert  had  **  left  him  his  lesson  "  before  his  departure 
from  Oxford.  -  His  submission  to  Rupert's  will  is  evidenced 
by  the  letters  of  Elliot  to  the  Prince :  **  He  has  commanded 
me  to  tell  you  that  he  is  so  far  from  believing  that  any 
man  can  love  him  better  than  you  do,  that  he  shall,  by 
his  good  will,  enterprise  nothing  wherein  he  has  not  your 
Highness's  approbation.  For  the  intention  of  carrying  him 
to  that  army,  (in  the  West,)  he  has  yet  heard  nothing  of 
it,  and,  if  he  shall,  he  will  without  fail  oppose  it;  and  I 
may  say  truely  that  if  he  has  a  great  kindness  for  any 
man  it  is  for  your  Highness."  ^  For  the  moment  Rupert 
triumphed.  Richmond,  who  opposed  the  plan  for  the  West 
as  strongly  as  the  Prince  could  have  wished,  assured  him 
that  it  was  "but  a  dream,"*  and  for  a  while  it  fell  into 
abeyance. 

In  the  beginning  of  May,  Rupert's  new  levies  were  ready 
for  action,  but  when  the  moment  for  the  northern  march 
had  come,  the  Prince  was,  to  his  intense  disgust,  once 
more  summoned  to  Oxford.     So  earnestly  did  he  deprecate 


1  Clarendon  Life.  I.  229. 

2  Add.  MSS.  18981.  EUyot  to  Rupert,  May  7,  1644. 

3  Ibid.  1 898 1.  May  22,  1644. 

*  Rupert  Correspondence.  Add.  MSS.  1898 1.  Richmond  to  Rupert,  May  26, 
[644. 


NORTHERN  MARCH  143 

the  recall,  that  the  King  declared  he  would  be  content 
with  2,000  foot  and  one  regiment  of  horse,  provided  that 
Rupert  would  join  him  at  Oxford  in  the  beginning  of  June. 
But  the  one  demand  was  as  fatal  as  the  other.  Rupert's 
heart  was  set  on  the  relief  of  Lord  Newcastle,  and  he 
could  not  bear  that  his  hard  won  army  should  be  thus 
ruthlessly  torn  from  him.  A  personal  interview  with  the 
King  was  his  only  chance,  and,  with  characteristic  rashness, 
he  marched  off  to  Oxford  with  the  most  slender  of  escorts, 
to  plead  his  cause  with  his  uncle.  Eloquently  he  explained 
to  the  King  the  simplicity  of  his  plans.  All  that  Charles 
himself  had  to  do  was  to  keep  the  surrounding  towns  well 
garrisoned,  to  manoeuvre  round  Oxford  with  a  body  of 
horse,  and,  in  the  meantime,  to  leave  Maurice  free  in  the 
West,  and  Rupert  free  for  the  North.  On  May  5th  the  Prince 
left  Oxford,  having  every  reason  to  believe  that  his  advice 
would  be  followed.  But,  on  the  very  next  day,  Digby  had 
persuaded  the  King  to  abandon  the  plan  as  too  extensive ; 
Rupert  wrote  to  expostulate,  but  received  only  thanks  for 
his  **  freedom,"  with  the  comment,  *'  I  am  not  of  your 
opinion  in  all  the  particulars."  '  And  when  misfortune  had 
ensued,  it  was  but  slight  consolation  that  the  King  acknow- 
ledged his  error,  "I  believe  that  if  you  had  been  with  me 
I  had  not  been  put  to  those  straits  I  am  in  now.  I  confess 
the  best  had  been  to  have  followed  your  advice."  -  Rich- 
mond also  lamented  Rupert's  absence.  "We  want  money, 
men,  conduct,  provisions,  time,  and  good  counsel,"  he 
asserted;  "our  hope  rests  chiefly  in  your  good  success."' 
Rupert  was  by  that  time  far  away  in  the  North.  On 
May  8th  he  had  returned  to  Shrewsbury,  and  on  the  i6th 
he  began  his  long  projected  march  to  York.  From  Chester 
he  drew  out  all  the  men  who  could  be  spared,  leaving 
"honest  Will  Legge"  in  their  place.     At  Knutsford  he  had 

1  Rupert  Transcripts.  King  to  Rupert,  May  26,  1644. 

2  Ibid.  June  7,  1644;  Warburton.  II.  p.  415. 

5  Richmond  to  Rupert,  June  9,  1644;  Warb.  II.  p.  415. 


144  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

a  successful  encounter  with  some  Parliamentary  troops ;  and 
on  the  25  th  he  seized  upon  Stockport,  which  so  alarmed 
the  forces  besieging  Lathom  House,  that  they  raised  the 
siege,  and  marched  off  to  Bolton.  So  strong  was  the  Puri- 
tanism of  Bolton  that  it  has  been  called  the  **  Geneva  of 
England,"  and  Rupert  at  once  resolved  to  take  the  town. 
His  first  assault  was  repulsed,  and  the  besieged,  in  their 
triumph,  hanged  one  of  his  Irish  troopers  over  the  walls. 
The  insult  gave  the  Prince  new  stimulus ;  throwing  himself 
from  his  horse  he  called  up  his  retreating  men,  and  renewed 
the  attack  with  such  vigour  that  the  town  was  quickly 
stormed,  and  he  entered  it  with  Lord  Derby  at  his  side. 
The  angry  troopers  sacked  the  place;  and  Rupert  sent 
the  twenty-two  standards  he  had  taken  to  Lady  Derby,  as 
a  graceful  acknowledgment  of  her  long  and  valiant  defence 
of  Lathom.  Recruits  now  flocked  to  his  standard,  and  his 
march  became  a  triumphal  progress;  so  great  was  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  loyal  town  of  Wigan,  that  rushes,  flowers 
and  boughs  were  strewn  in  the  streets  before  him.  On  June 
nth  he  won  another  triumph,  in  the  capture  of  Liverpool, 
which  suffered  a  like  fate  with  Bolton.  But  he  was  dis- 
appointed of  the  stores  he  had  expected  to  find  there, 
which  were  all  carried  off  by  sea  before  the  town  fell. 
From  Liverpool  the  Prince  wrote  a  curious  letter  to  the 
Bishop  of  Chester,  asking  for  a  collection  to  be  made  in 
all  the  churches  of  the  diocese  for  the  benefit  of  the  sick 
and  wounded  soldiers.  And  he  also  expressed  a  desire  that 
the  clergy  should  exhort  the  people  to  prepare  for  their 
own  defence  and  to  maintain  their  loyalty,  in  language 
"  most  intelligent  to  the  congregation."  ^ 

It  was  now  high  time  to  set  out  for  York,  which  New- 
castle felt  that  he  could  hold  only  six  days  more.  Rich- 
mond wrote  to  urge  as  much  haste  as  possible.  "If  York 
should  be  lost,"  he  said,  *'  it  would  prove  the  greatest  blow 

1  Warburton.  II.  p.  432. 


NORTHERN  MARCH  14^ 

which  could  come  from  those  parts,  Rupert  being  safe ;  but 
what  is  fit  to  be  done  you  will  best  know  and  judge."  ^ 
But  Rupert  was  not  just  then  in  a  state  of  mind  to  judge 
calmly  of  anything.  His  enemies  at  Court,  envious  of  his 
recent  success,  were  preparing  new  calumnies  against  him, 
and  profiting  by  his  absence  to  excite  the  King's  distrust. 
Some  did  not  hesitate  to  hint  at  the  Prince's  over-greatness 
and  possible  designs  on  the  Crown  itself;  and  all  urged 
the  King  to  recall  him,  rather  than  suffer  him  to  risk 
his  army  in  a  great  battle.  Trevor  thus  reported  the  affair 
to  Ormonde :  "  Prince  Rupert,  by  letters  from  Court,  under- 
stands that  the  King  grows  daily  more  and  more  jealous  of 
him,  and  of  his  army ;  so  that  it  is  the  commonest  discourse 
at  the  openest  places,  of  the  Lord  Digby,  Lord  Percy,  Sir 
John  Culpepper,  and  Wilmot,  that  it  is  indifferent  whether  the 
Parliament  or  Prince  Rupert  doth  prevail.  Which  doth  so 
highly  jesuite  (sic)  Prince  Rupert  that  he  was  resolved  once  to 
send  the  King  his  commission  and  get  to  France.  This  fury 
interrupted  the  march  ten  days.  But  at  length,  time  and  a 
friend,  the  best  coolers  of  the  blood,  spent  the  humour  of 

travel  in  him,  though  not  that  of  revenge This  quarrel 

hath  a  strong  reserve,  and  I  am  fearful  that  a  little  ill- 
success  will  send  my  new  master  home  into  Holland.  I 
perceive  the  tide's  strong  against  him,  and  that  nothing 
will  bring  him  to  port  but  that  wind  which  is  called  contra 
gentesy  '  And,  about  the  same  time,  Ormonde  was  informed 
by  another  correspondent,  that  **  Prince  Rupert  professeth 
against  Lord  Digby,  Percy,  Wilmot  and  some  others.  Some 
think  that  he  will  remove  them  from  the  King.  The  fear 
of  this  may  do  harm;  perhaps  had  done  already."  ^  The 
ten  days'  delay  was  spent  chiefly  at  Lathom  House,  and 
by  June  22nd,  Rupert  had  sufficiently  recovered  his  temper 
to   set   out   for   York.     Some    days  previously  Goring  had 

1  Rupert  Transcripts.  Richmond  to  Rupert,  June  14,  1644. 

'  Carte's  Ormonde.  VI.  p.  151.  Trevor  to  Ormonde,  29  June,  1644. 

3  Ibid.  VI.  p.  167.  RadcliflFe  to  Ormonde,  18  July,  1644. 

10 


146  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

written  that  he  was  ready  to  join  the  Prince  with  8, OCX)  horse, 
and  only  awaited  the  appointment  of  a  meeting-place.  The 
King,  at  the  same  time,  demanded  Goring's  instant  return 
to  himself,  but  Rupert  took  no  notice  of  the  order,  being 
convinced,  and  rightly  as  it  happened,  that  Goring's  services 
were  more  necessary  to  himself.  He  joined  Goring  on  the 
borders  of  Lancashire  and  Yorkshire.  On  the  26th  he 
halted  at  Skipton,  to  ''fix  his  armes,"  ^  and  to  send  a 
message  to  York.  On  the  29th  he  quartered  at  Denton,  the 
house  of  the  Puritan  General,  Lord  Fairfax.  Two  of  the 
Fairfaxes  had  fallen  years  ago,  in  the  fight  for  the  Palati- 
nate, and  Rupert,  having  noticed  their  portraits,  preserved 
the  house  uninjured  for  their  sakes.  "  Such  force  hath  grati- 
tude in  noble  minds,"  -  comments  the  Fairfax  who  tells 
the  story.  Lord  Fairfax  and  his  son  were  both  engaged 
at  the  siege  of  York,  together  with  Lord  Manchester,  and 
the  Scotch  General,  Leven ;  but  there  was  no  good  intelli- 
gence between  the  Parliamentary  commanders,  and  they 
dared  not  await  the  onslaught  of  the  Prince.  "  Their  Goliah 
himself  is  advancing,  with  men  not  to  be  numbered,"  ^  was 
the  report  among  the  Puritans;  and  when  Rupert  reached 
Knaresborough  on  June  30th,  only  twelve  miles  distant  from 
York,  the  Generals  of  the  Parliament  raised  the  siege  and 
marched  off  to  Marston  Moor.  They  hoped  to  bar  Rupert's 
passage  to  the  city,  but  by  skilful  manoeuvring  he  crossed  the 
Ouse,  and  halted  outside  York.  ''Prince  Rupert  had  done  a 
glorious  piece  of  work,"  wrote  a  soldier  of  the  Parliament. 
"  From  nothing  he  had  gathered,  without  money,  a  powerful 
army,  and,  in  spite  of  all  our  three  generals,  had  made  us  leave 
York."  *  So  far  all  was  well,  and  well  for  Rupert  had  he 
left  things  thus  I  But,  alas,  he  was  about  to  make  his  first  great 
mistake,  and  to  take  a  decided  step  on  his  downward  career. 


1  Clar.  State  Papers.  Rupert's  Journal,  Fol.  135. 

2  Fairfax  Correspondence,  ed.  Johnson.  1848.  I.  p. 
*  Pamphlet.  Brit.  Mus.  Warburton.  II.  p.  442. 

4  Webb.  II.  p.  59. 


MARSTON  MOOR  147 

The  blame  of  the  disastrous  battle  of  Marston  Moor  has 
always  been  laid  upon  Rupert,  but  his  friends  were  wont 
to  ascribe  it  rather  to  Lord  Digby,  who,  they  believed,  had 
inspired  the  King's  ''fatal"  letter  of  June  14th;  a  letter  which 
Rupert  carried  about  him  to  his  dying  day,  though  he  never 
produced  it  in  refutation  of  any  of  the  charges  against  him. 
"  Had  not  the  Lord  Digby,  this  year,  given  a  fatal  direction 
to  that  excellent  Prince  Rupert  to  fight  the  Scottish  army, 
surely  that  great  Prince  and  soldier  had  never  so  precipitately 
fought  them,"  ^  declared  Sir  Philip  Warwick,  who  was  him- 
self present  at  the  battle.  The  King  began  his  letter  with 
apologies  for  sending  such  *'  peremptory  commands,"  but 
went  on  to  explain :  **  If  York  be  lost  I  shall  esteem  my 
crown  little  less.  . . .  But  if  York  be  relieved,  and  you  beat 
the  rebels'  army  of  both  Kingdoms,  which  are  before  it, 
then,  but  otherwise  not,  I  may  possibly  make  a  shift,  upon 
the  defensive,  to  spin  out  time  until  you  come  to  assist 
me."  '  The  order  was  plain,  and  though  Rupert  did  some- 
times ignore  less  congenial  commands,  he  could  scarcely 
disobey  such  an  order  as  this,  unless  he  had  private  inform- 
ation that  his  uncle's  situation  was  less  desperate  than  he 
had  represented  it.  Culpepper,  at  least,  never  doubted  what 
would  be  the  Prince's  action :  *'  Before  God  you  are  undone  1 " 
he  cried,  when  told  that  the  letter  was  sent — "For  upon 
this  peremptory  order  he  will  fight,  whatever  comes on'tl"* 

And  Culpepper  was  right.  Rupert  greeted  Newcastle 
with  the  words,  "■  My  Lord,  I  hope  we  shall  have  a  glorious 
day!"  And  when  Newcastle  advised  him  to  wait  patiently, 
until  the  internal  dissensions  of  the  enemy  broke  up  their 
camp,  he  retorted,  **  Nothing  venture,  nothing  have  I"  and 
declared  that  he  had  **  a  positive  and  absolute  command  to 
fight  the  enemy."  ^  He  showed  plainly  that  he  had  no  inten- 


^  Warwick's  Memoirs,  p.  274. 

2  Rupert  Correspondence.  King  to  Rupert,  June  14,  1644;  Warburton.  II.  p.  438. 

*  Warburton.  II.  p.  438. 

*  Clarendon   State  Papers.   1805.  Life  of  Newcastle,  ed.  Firth,  p.  77,  note. 


hS  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

tion  of  listening  to  the  Marquess,  at  whose  cost  the  whole 
northern  army  had  been  raised  and  maintained.  The  older 
man  was  silenced,  vexed  at  his  subordination  to  the  young 
Prince  whom  he  had  so  eagerly  called  to  his  aid,  and  hurt 
and  offended  by  Rupert's  abrupt  manners.  But,  as  Pro- 
fessor Gardiner  has  pointed  out,  Newcastle's  achievements 
were  not  such  as  could  inspire  great  respect  in  the  soldier 
prince.  ^  He  was  but  a  dilettante  in  war  as  in  the  gentler 
arts,  and  his  reasoning  was  not,  on  the  face  of  it,  very 
convincing.  His  manoeuvres  might  fail;  and  Rupert,  who 
had  not  yet  met  Cromwell's  horse,  had  no  reason  to  sup- 
pose that  his  charge  would  be  less  effective  now  than  in 
time  past.  As  for  the  Parliamentary  forces,  their  only 
hope  lay  in  battle,  and  they  gladly  perceived  the  Prince's 
intention  to  fight. 

Throughout  the  day  the  two  armies  faced  one  another; 
but  Rupert  dared  not  attack  without  Newcastle,  and  there 
was  considerable  delay  in  drawing  out  his  forces.  Trevor 
reported  that,  **  The  Prince  and  the  Marquess  of  Newcastle 
were  playing  the  Orators  to  the  soldiers  in  York,  being 
in  a  raging  mutiny  for  their  pay,  to  draw  them  forth  to 
join  the  Prince's  foot;  which  was  at  last  effected,  but  with 
much  unwillingness."^  But  it  was  the  interest  of  Rupert's 
partisans  to  undervalue  the  assistance  lent  by  the  Marquess ; 
and  Trevor  himself  did  not  arrive  on  the  scene  till  the 
battle  was  over.  By  other  accounts  it  does  not  seem  that 
the  Prince  entered  the  city  at  all.  Though  he  had  not 
yet  met  with  Cromwell,  he  had  heard  of  him,  and  he  is 
said  to  have  asked  a  prisoner,  "Is  Cromwell  there?  And 
will  they  fight?"  The  answer  was  in  the  afifirmative,  and 
Rupert  despatched  the  prisoner  back  to  his  own  army,  with 
the  message  that  they  should  have  *' fighting  enough!" 
To  which  Cromwell  retorted :  "  If  it  please  God,  so  shall  he !  "  ^ 

1  Gardiner's  Civil  War.  Vol.  I.  p.  374. 

2  Carte,  Original  Letters.  I.  57,  10  July,  1644. 
8  Gardiner,  Vol.  I.  p.  376. 


MARSTON  MOOR  149 

The  evening  was  wild  and  stormy.  As  it  grew  dusk,  Ru- 
pert ordered  prayers  to  be  read  to  his  men,  a  proceed- 
ing much  resented  by  the  Puritans,  who  regarded  reli- 
gion as  their  own  particular  monopoly.  Earlier  in  the 
war,  they  had  complained  that  the  Prince  "pretended 
piety  in  his  tongue  " ;  ^  and  now  they  declared  wrathfuUy : 
''Rupert,  that  bloody  plunderer,  would  forsooth  to  seem 
religious!  "  - 

The  Prince  had  drawn  up  his  army  for  immediate  attack. 
In  the  centre  was  placed  his  foot,  flanked  on  the  right  by 
Goring's  horse ;  on  the  left  wing,  which  was  opposed  to  the 
Scots,  Rupert  placed  his  own  cavalry.  Behind  the  Prince's 
army  was  disposed  that  of  Newcastle,  both  horse  and  foot. 
But  by  the  time  that  the  line  of  battle  was  ready,  evening 
had  come,  and  Rupert  judged  it  too  late  to  fight.  Here 
lay  his  fatal  error,  for  he  had  drawn  up  his  forces  to  the 
very  edge  of  a  wide  ditch  which  stretched  between  him- 
self and  the  foe;  instant  attack  alone  could  retrieve  the 
position.  Yet  Rupert  seems  to  have  been  unconscious  of 
his  mistake,  for  he  showed  his  sketch  of  the  plan  of  battle 
gaily  to  Lord  Eythin  (the  General  King,  who  had  been 
with  him  at  Vlotho),  asking  how  he  liked  it.  "By  God, 
Sir,  it  is  very  fine  on  paper,  but  there  is  no  such  thing  in 
the  field l"  was  Eythin's  prompt  reply.  Then  Rupert  saw 
what  he  had  done,  and  meekly  offered  to  draw  back  his  men. 
"No,  Sir,"  retorted  Eythin,  "it  is  too  late."  ^  Seeing  that 
nothing  could  be  done,  the  Prince  sat  down  on  the  ground 
to  take  his  supper,  and  Newcastle  retired  to  his  coach  to 
smoke.  In  another  moment  the  enemy  fired,  and  the  battle 
had  begun.  Rupert  flew  to  the  head  of  his  horse,  but 
Cromwell's  horse  charged  over  the  ditch,  and  Rupert's  one 
chance,  that  of  assuming  the  offensive,  was  gone.  For  a 
few   moments  he  drove  Cromwell  back,  but  LesHe's  Scots 

1  Pamphlet.  Brit.  Mus.  Prince  Rupert's  Message  to  My  Lord  of  Essex. 

2  Vicars'  Jehovah  Jireh.  God's  Ark.  p.  281. 
'■^  Gardiner.  I.  p.  377. 


ISO  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

came  up,  and  Rupert's  once  invincible  cavalry  fled  before 
"Ironside",  as  he  himself  named  Cromwell  on  that  day. 
In  the  Royalist  centre  the  Scots  did  deadly  work.  New- 
castle's Whitecoats  fell  almost  to  a  man,  dying  with  their 
own  blood  the  white  tunics  which  they  had  vowed  to  dye 
in  the  blood  of  the  enemy.  On  the  right,  Goring  routed 
the  Yorkshire  troops  of  the  Fairfaxes,  who  fled,  reporting 
a  Royalist  victory;  but  that  success  could  not  redeem  the 
day.  Rupert's  army  was  scattered,  Newcastle's  brave  troopers 
were  cut  to  pieces,  York  fallen,  the  whole  north  lost,  and — 
worst  of  all — Rupert's  prestige  destroyed.  Arthur  Trevor, 
arriving  at  the  end  of  the  battle,  found  all  in  confusion, 
^'  not  a  man  of  them  being  able  to  give  me  the  least  hope 
where  the  Prince  was  to  be  found."  ^  Rupert  had,  in  fact, 
finding  himself  all  alone,  leapt  his  horse  over  a  high  fence 
into  a  bean-field,  and,  sheltered  by  the  growing  beans,  he 
made  his  way  to  York,  *'  escaping  narrowly,  by  the  goodness 
of  his  horse."  -  Dead  upon  that  fatal  field  he  left  his  much 
loved  dog.  In  the  hurry  and  excitement  of  the  charge  he 
had  forgotten  to  tie  it  up  with  the  baggage  waggons,  and 
it  followed  him  into  the  battle.  "Among  the  dead  men 
and  horses  which  lay  upon  the  ground,  we  found  Prince 
Rupert's  dog  killed,"  says  Vicars.  ^ 

It  was  reported  by  the  Puritans  that  Rupert  declared  him- 
self unable  to  account  for  the  disaster,  except  by  the  supposi- 
tion that  "the  devil  did  help  his  servants;"  a  speech  cha- 
racterised as  "  most  atheistical  and  heathenish."  *  The  Prince 
blamed  Newcastle,  and  Newcastle  blamed  the  Prince;  but 
the  manner  in  which  each  took  his  defeat  is  so  character- 
istic as  to  deserve  quotation. 

"Sayes  Generall  King,  *What  will  you  do?' 

"Sayes  ye  Prince,  *I  will  rally  my  men.' 


1  Carte's  Letters,  I.  p.  56. 

2  Whitelocke,  p.  94. 

8  Vicars'  God's  Ark.  p.  277, 
4  Ibid.  p.  27^. 


K 


MARSTON  MOOR  151 

'*  Sayes  Generall  King,  *  Nowe  you,  what  will  you,  Lord 
Newcastle,  do?* 

*'  Sayes  Lord  Newcastle,  '  I  will  go  into  Holland.' 

"The  Prince  would  have  him  endeavour  to  recruit  his 
forces.  *  No,'  sayes  he,  '  I  will  not  endure  the  laughter  of 
the  Court. ' "  ^  Newcastle's  decision  was  the  subject  of  much 
discussion  at  Court.  "I  am  sure  the  reckoning  is  much 
inflamed  by  my  Lord  Newcastle's  going,"  -  declared  O'Neil, 
who  on  this  occasion  sided  with  the  Prince.  Rupert  had 
done  his  best  to  detain  both  Eythin  and  the  Marquess, 
but  when  he  found  his  efforts  vain,  he  let  them  depart, 
promising  to  report  that  Newcastle  had  behaved  ''  like  an 
honest  man,  a  gentleman,  and  a  loyal  subject."  '  Eythin 
he  found  it  harder  to  forgive;  and  some  months  later 
that  General  wrote  to  represent  the  **multiteud  of  grieffs" 
he  endured  through  the  Prince's  bad  opinion  of  him.  "  I 
would  rather  suffer  anything  in  the  world,  than  live  inno- 
cently in  Your  Highness's  malgrace,"  *  he  declared. 

Rupert's  own  conduct  was  soldierly  enough.  Bitterly 
though  he  felt  the  position,  he  was  of  stronger  mould  than 
the  fantastic  Marquess.  Clarendon  blames  him  severely  for 
leaving  York,  but  Clarendon  was  no  soldier,  and  he  did  not 
understand  that  the  attempt  to  hold  the  city,  with  no  hope 
of  rehef,  would  have  been  sheer  madness.  What  Rupert 
could  do,  he  did:  gathering  together  the  shattered  remnants 
of  his  army,  he  marched  away  into  Shropshire,  *'  according 
to  the  method  he  had  before  laid  for  his  retreat;  taking 
with  him  all  the  northern  horse  which  the  Earl  of  New- 
castle left  to  His  Highness,  and  brought  them  into  his  quarters 
in  Wales,  and  there  endeavoured  to  recruit  what  he  could."  ' 
On   the   second  day  of  his  retreat  he  halted  at  Richmond, 


1  Warburton,  II.  p.  468. 

2  Carte's  Letters,  I.  59.  O'Neil  to  Trevor,  26  June,  1644. 

3  Life  of  Newcastle,  ed.  Firth,  1886.  p.  81. 

4  Pythouse  Papers,  p.  21.  General  King  to  Rupert,  Jan.  23,  1645. 
3  Rupert's  Diary.  Warburton,  II.  468 


152  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

where  he  remained  three  days,  "staying  for  the  scattered 
troops."  On  July  7th  he  resumed  his  march,  and  passing 
by  Lathom  House,  whence  Lord  Derby  had  departed,  he 
came  on  the  25  th  to  Chester.  On  the  Welsh  Marches  he 
wandered  until  the  end  of  August,  foraging,  recruiting, 
skirmishing,  while  the  Parhament  exulted  in  his  overthrow. 
"As  for  Rupert  which  shed  so  much  innocent  blood  at 
Bolton  and  at  Liverpool,  if  you  ask  me  where  he  is,  we 
seriously   protest   that   we   know  not  where  to  find  him."  ^ 

Rupert  did  not  need  the  jeers  of  his  enemies  to  convince 
him  of  his  failure.  He  was  beaten  and  he  knew  it  I  His 
projects  were  crossed,  his  labours  unavaiHng,  and  in  his 
heart  he  knew  that  the  cause  was  lost.  The  disaster  had 
cut  him  to  the  heart,  yet,  in  his  pride,  he  would  not  speak 
a  word  of  self-justification.  He  had  obeyed  orders,  the  result 
was  unfortunate,  and  no  excuse  or  vindication  would  he 
offer.  Perhaps  he  thought  he  acted  generously  in  not  shifting 
the  responsibility  to  the  King,  but  Clarendon  blames  his 
reticence.  "  Prince  Rupert,  only  to  his  friends  and  after  the 
murder  of  the  King,"  he  says,  "produced  a  letter  in  the 
King's  own  hand  . . .  which  he  understood  to  amount  to  no 
less  than  a  peremptory  order  to  fight,  upon  any  disadvan- 
tage whatsoever;  and  he  added  that  the  disadvantage  was 
so  great  that  it  was  no  wonder  he  lost  the  day." 

Deeply  had  the  iron  entered  into  Rupert's  soul !  Other 
misfortunes  were  yet  to  come ;  he  was  to  know  a  yet  more 
fatal  defeat,  poverty,  hardships  such  as  he  had  never  yet 
encountered,  the  misjudgment  of  friends,  the  loss  of  those 
dearest  to  him ;  but  nothing  could  be  to  him  as  the  shock 
of  Marston  Moor  had  been.  Nothing  could  affect  him  as 
that  first  great  failure  which  dashed  him  from  the  height 
of  triumph  to  the  depths  of  despair.  He  seems  to  have 
been,  for  a  time,  strangely  unlike  himself.  The  strain  under 
which  he  had  laboured  suddenly  relaxed,  apathy  succeeded 

I  Webb,  II.  71. 


MARSTON  MOOR  153 

to  over-wrought  excitement,  carelessness  to  vigilance,  self- 
indulgence  to  rigid  self-restraint,  and  the  Royalists  looked 
on  in  terrified  dismay!  "Prince  Rupert  is  so  much  given 
to  his  ease  and  pleasures  that  every  man  is  disheartened 
that  sees  it,"  ^  lamented  Arthur  Trevor.  Strangely  do  the 
words  contrast  with  the  '^toujours  soldat"  of  Sir  Philip 
Warwick,  and  with  the  general  praises  of  the  Prince's 
"exemplary  temperance,"  but  Trevor  would  assuredly  not 
have  spoken  undeserved  evil  of  his  master.  Despair  had 
seized  on  Rupert's  soul,  and  he  sought  to  drown  the  bitterness 
of  memory  in  sensual  indulgences. 

The  mood  passed  with  the  autumn,  and,  ere  the  winter 
had  come,  Rupert  was  a  man  again,  ready  as  ever  to  do 
and  dare.  But  the  scar  remained ;  all  his  life  long  he  carried 
the  King's  letter  on  his  person,  and  all  his  life  long  Marston 
Moor  was  a  bitter  memory  to  him! 

^  Carte's  Ormonde,  VI.  206.  Trevor  to  Ormonde,  13  Oct.  1644. 


CHAPTER    IX 

INTRIGUES   IN   THE  ARMY.    DEPRESSION   OF   RUPERT.     TREATY 

OF    UXBRIDGE.      RUPERT  IN   THE   MARCHES.      STRUGGLE 

WITH   DIGBY.      BATTLE   OF   NASEBY 

Terrible  though  the  disaster  in  the  North  had  been,  the 
blow  was  softened  to  the  King  by  successes  in  the  West. 
During  August,  in  company  with  Maurice,  he  pursued  Es- 
sex into  Cornwall  and  forced  his  whole  army  of  foot  to 
surrender  without  a  struggle.  But  for  the  supineness  of 
Goring,  who  had  just  succeeded  Wilmot  as  General  of  the 
Horse,  the  Parliamentary  cavalry  might  have  been  cap- 
tured in  like  manner.  But  when  Balfour  led  his  troops 
through  the  Royalist  lines.  Goring  happened  to  be  carousing 
in  congenial  company ;  he  received  the  news  of  the  escape 
with  laughter,  and  refused  to  stir  until  the  enemy  were 
safely  passed  away.  ^  Goring's  new  prominence  and  impor- 
tance was  one  among  the  many  unfortunate  results  of 
Marston  Moor.  That  battle  had  ruined  Rupert's  reputation, 
and  it  had  proportionately  raised  that  of  Goring,  who  alone 
among  the  Royalist  commanders  had  had  success  that  day. 
To  Goring,  therefore,  the  King  turned,  and  Goring's  licence, 
negligence,  indifference — or  perhaps  treachery — eventually 
lost  the  West  completely  to  the  Royalists.  Had  Rupert 
been  placed  in  Goring's  position  he  must  have  certainly 
effected  more  than  did  his  rival. 

For  some  time  the  King  had  been  anxious  to  remove 
Wilmot  from  his  command.  As  early  as  May  he  had  sug- 
gested to  Rupert,  as  "a  fancy  of  my  own,"-  that  Maurice 


Clarendon,  Bk.  VII.  p.  96,  note. 

King  to  Rupert,  26  May,  1644.  Rupert  Correspondence,  Add.  MSS.  18981. 


INTRIGUES  IN  THE  ARMY  155 

should  be  declared  General  of  the  Horse  in  Wilmot's  stead. 
But  Rupert  did  not  encourage  the  idea ;  he  knew  probably 
that  his  brother  was  unfit  for  so  much  responsibility.  Wil- 
mot  therefore  remained  in  command  until  August  9th.  He 
was,  as  has  been  said,  a  good  officer,  but  he  talked  so 
wildly  in  his  cups  that  his  loyalty  was  suspected ;  and  when 
he  was  detected  in  private  correspondence  with  Essex,  the 
King  decided  to  arrest  him,  and  to  promote  Goring  to  his 
post.  The  arrest  took  place  in  sight  of  the  whole  army ;  but 
though  Wilmot  was  exceedingly  popular  with  his  officers, 
they  confined  their  protest  to  a  little  murmuring  and  a 
** modest  petition"  to  be  told  the  charges  against  their  com- 
mander. The  King  responded  by  a  promise  that  Wilmot 
should  have  a  fair  trial,  and  his  partisans  were  apparently 
pacified,  though  Goring  declared  to  Rupert:  ''This  is  the 
most  mutinous  army  that  ever  I  saw,  as  well  horse  as  foot!"  ^ 
Digby's  account  of  the  affair,  also  addressed  to  the  Prince, 
was  as  follows :  "  We  have  lately  ventured  on  extreme 
remedies  unto  the  dangers  that  threaten  us  amongst  our- 
selves. Lord  Wilmot,  upon  Wednesday  that  was  a  s'en- 
night,  was  arrested  prisoner  on  the  head  of  his  army,  and 
Goring  declared  General  of  the  Horse.  . .  .  There  have  been 
since  consultations  and  murmurings  among  his  party,  but 
the  issue  of  them  was  only  this  enclosed  modest  petition, 
which  produced  the  answer  and  declaration  of  the  causes 
of  his  commitment;  and  so  the  business  rests.  My  Lord 
Percy  also  withdrawing  himself  upon  good  advice,  and  my 
Lord  Hopton  being  possessed  of  his  charge,  I  make  no 
doubt  that  all  the  ill-humours  in  our  army  will  be  allayed, 
now  that  the  two  poles  on  which  they  moved  are  taken 
away."  ' 

But,  though  neither  Wilmot  nor  Percy  were  estimable 
characters,  Goring  was  no  better,  and  the  result  of  these 
drastic  measures  was  only  to  render  the  state  of  Court  and 

1  Warburton,  III.  p.  16. 

2  Add,  MSS.  1 898 1.  Digby  to  Rupert,  Aug.  15,  1644. 


iS6  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Army  more  confused  and  more  factious  than  ever.  Digby's 
partisans  tried  to  lay  the  onus  of  Wilmot's  fall  on  Rupert, 
and  Rupert's  friends  endeavoured  to  refer  it  to  Digby. 
Judging  from  Digby's  own  letter  above  quoted,  Rupert,  who 
was  absent  from  the  King's  army  during  the  whole  of  the 
proceedings,  does  not  seem  to  have  had  much  share  in 
them.  Certainly  the  Secretary  gives  no  hint  of  his  collusion. 
**  Lord  Digby  is  the  great  agent  to  incense  the  King,"  asserted 
Arthur  Trevor.  "My  Lord  Wilmot  undertakes  to  turn  the 
tables  on  him,  and  so  the  wager  is  laid  head  to  head. 
Daniel  O'Neil  goeth  his  share  in  that  hazard,  for  certainly 
the  Lord  Digby  hath  undone  his  credit  with  the  King .  . . 
And  truly  I  look  upon  Daniel  O'Neil  as  saved  only  out 
of  want  of  leisure  to  dispose  of  him.  Prince  Rupert  and 
Will  Legge  are  his  severe  enemies  ;  and  so  is  Ashburnham."  ^ 
Critical  indeed  was  the  position  of  the  unlucky  Daniel,  who 
had  been  so  lately  the  "  dear  and  intimate  friend  "  of  Digby. 
Owing,  as  he  explained  to  Ormonde,  to  **the  unfortunate 
falling  out  of  my  two  best  friends,"  he  had  fallen  between 
two  stools.  Wilmot  he  considered  most  to  blame,  for  he 
had  endeavoured  to  render  Digby  "odious  to  the  army 
and  to  all  honest  people."  -  The  army  had  been  on  the 
very  point  of  petitioning  against  the  Secretary  when  he 
forestalled  the  move  by  the  unexpected  arrest  of  his  adver- 
sary. "How  guilty  he  will  be,  I  know  not,"  was  the  con- 
clusion of  O'Neil.  "But  sure  I  am  that  the  accusing  of  him 
was  not  seasonable,  and  his  commitment  less .  . .  and  two 
friends  I  have  lostl  "  ^  Wilmot  himself  seems  to  have  directed 
his  animus  principally  against  Rupert.  He  was  unwilling 
to  stand  his  trial,  and  was  therefore  permitted  to  join  the 
Queen,  then  in  France.  There  he  found  the  Marquess  of 
Newcastle,  whom  he  hoped  to  secure  as  an  ally  against  the 
Prince.  "I  understand  from  one  coming  from  Wilmot,"  wrote 

1  Carte's  Letters,  I.  63,  13  Sept.  1644. 

2  Carte's  Ormonde,  IV.  190.  13  Aug.  1644. 

3  Ibid. 


INTRIGUES  IN  THE  ARMY  157 

Trevor,  ''that  he  and  the  Marquess  of  Newcastle  are  pre- 
paring a  charge  against  Prince  Rupert,  and  will  be  at  the 
next  advice  of  Parliament  at  Oxford,  where  their  party- 
will  be  great, — the  Marquess  of  Hertford,  Lord  Herbert — 
you  may  guess  the  rest.  Prince  Rupert  and  Daniel  O'Neil 
are  inconsistent  in  this  state."  ^ 

The  proposed  accusation  of  Rupert  was  never  made,  and 
was  probably  a  figment  of  Wilmot's  brain.  Neither  Hert- 
ford nor  Herbert  (with  whom  Rupert  had  clashed  as  President 
of  Wales)  had  any  love  for  the  Prince,  but  they  were  both 
too  loyal  to  increase  the  King's  difficulties  by  factious 
action.  And  indeed  in  the  spring  of  1645,  we  find  Hertford, 
Rupert,  and  Ashburnham  in  close  alliance  against  Digby 
and  Cottington ;  the  three  first  desiring  a  treaty  with  the 
Parliament,  and  the  other  two  opposing  it.  O'Neil  was  easily 
convinced  that  Wilmot  owed  his  fall  to  Rupert,  and  in 
October  1644  he  wrote  to  Ormonde:  '* Prince  Rupert,  whoe 
is  nowe  knowen  to  bee  the  primum  mobile  of  that  mischeef, 
iss  strangely  unsatisfied  with  Wilmot's  resolutione.  For  he 
thought  to  make  use  of  this  occatione  to  ruine  Lord  Digby ; 
but,  his  project  fayling,  he  plays  the  Courtier  and  iss 
reconsyled,  whiche  iss  a  great  hapines  to  the  King."  ' 

The  truth  was  that,  were  the  charges  against  them  true 
or  false,  Wilmot  and  Percy  did  really  owe  their  downfall 
to  the  hatred  of  Rupert  and  Digby.  The  Secretary  had 
been  the  actual  agent  in  the  matter,  but  Rupert  approved 
and  supported  his  action.  The  two  were  willing  enough  to 
unite  against  their  enemies,  and  they  would  have  been 
equally  willing  to  ruin  each  other.  But  for  a  time  Rupert 
endeavoured,  for  his  uncle's  sake,  to  curb  his  hatred  of  the 
Secretary.  In  August  the  King  had  exhorted  his  nephew 
earnestly  to  make  friends  with  Digby ;  "  whom  I  must  desire 
you  (for  my  service,  and  because  he  is  a  useful  servant) 
to  countenance  so  far  as  to  show  him  a  possibility  to  recover 

1  Carte's  Ormonde.  VI.  206.  13  Oct.  1644. 

2  Ibid.  Vol.  VI.  203.  3  Oct.  1644. 


RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

if  he  shall  deserve  it . . .  Not  doubting  but, 
for  wttf  sake,  y^  will  make  this,  or  a  greater,  experiment . . . 
I  must  protest  to  you,  on  the  faith  of  a  Christian — the 
reason  of  this  protest  I  refer  to  Robin  Legge — that  as  con- 
censing  your  generosity  and  particular  fidelity  and  friend- 
siap  to  mCy  I  have  an  implicit  faith  in  you."  *  This  passionate 
f  tjiest  vas  caused  by  the  libels  circulated  against  the  Prince, 
aooK  of  wbidi  had  reached  the  King's  ears.  For  a  while 
Ropcrt  was  fmilifiij  and  he  made  overtures  of  tolerance 
to  Digby,  wbo  respoaded  fluently  that  his  previous  Un- 
as the  object  of  Rupert's  aversion,  would  now 
only  to  increase  his  joy  and  satisfaction  in  the  Prince's 
confidence  and  friendship.  -  "  Rupert  and  Digby  are  friends ; 
but  I  dodbt  tiiey  trust  one  another  alike!  "  '  was  the  Prince's 
ovB  view  of  the  matter,  as  esqpressed  to  Will  Legge. 

Digby  had  also  formed  a  close  friendship  with  Goring, 
"each  bdievn^  that  he  could  deceive  the  other."  It  was 
to  D^;b3r  tkat  Goring  chiefly  owed  his  promotion,  though 
k  had  bees  accorded  the  approval  of  Rupert,  who  was  in- 
dined,  just  then,  to  tolerate  Goring.  Nor  was  George  Goring 
backward  in  receiving  overtures  of  peace.  "  My  Prince/* 
he  wrote  to  Rupert  iamiliaHy,  and  he  signed  himself,  ''  your 
Ilighf  w^s  aH-vowed,  all-humble,  all-obedient  Goring." 
Moreover,  having  made  up  his  mind  never  to  serve  under 
Ropert  again,  he  took  care  to  add,  "there  is  nothing  on 
this  earth  I  more  passionately  desire  than  to  sacrifice  my 
fife  in  your  service,  and  near  your  person."  *  But  the  truce 
could  not  last.  Rupert,  as  Commander-in-Chief  and  Governor 
of  Bristc^,  had  a  double  power  in  the  West,  and  Goring 
was  determined  to  escape  from  his  controL  In  January 
1645,  we  find  him  writing  with  unwonted  candour:  "Yoiur 
Hig^isiess  is  pleased  to  think  yourself  disobliged  by  me  for 


>  AdUL  MS5.  1S9S1.  King  to  Bifrt,  hm^  30,  1644- 

*  AmL  ScfL  2J,    1644.  I>ig^  «0  "ViJKftA. 

*  ■■pnf  to  \jtait.  Oct  16,  1644.  WariMrtoB,  DL  p.  27. 

«  WsHbwtOB,  IL  172.  afid  IIL  16, 


INTRIGUES  IN  THE  ARMY  15Q 

desiring  my  orders  under  the  King's  hand.  As  I  remember, 
Sir,  the  reason  I  gave  His  Majesty  for  it  was  the  having 
more  authority  by  that  to  guide  the  Council  of  this  army 
to  obedience;  but  one  reason  I  kept  to  myself^  which  was 
that  I  found  all  my  requests  denied  by  your  hand,  and 
therefore  desired  my  orders  from  another."  ^ 

The  Prince  of  Wales  had  by  this  time  been  sent  to 
Bristol  as  nominal  General  of  the  Western  army,  >**ith  a 
selection  of  the  King's  Councillors  to  assist  him.  The  con- 
flicting orders  of  Rupert,  Prince  Charles's  Council,  and  the 
King,  gave  Goring  an  excellent  excuse  for  disobeying  all. 
In  March,  Rupert  indignantly  desired  Legge  to  ask  the 
King  whether  he  had  authorised  that  Council  to  send  orders 
to  Goring,  and  added  cautiously,  "  Let  Sir  Edward  Herbert 
be  by,  he  can  argue  better  than  you.**  -  A  few  days  later 
he  visited  his  young  cousin  at  Bristol,  and  advised  him  to 
send  Goring  with  his  horse  into  Wiltshire,  or  with  his  foot 
to  besiege  Taunton.  Prince  Charles  sent  orders  as  directed, 
but  Goring,  knowing  them  to  emanate  from  Rupert,  retired 
to  Bath,  and  refused  to  do  an>thing  at  all.  Rupert  now 
thoroughly  "abhorred"  the  notion  of  Goring's  proximity 
to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  had  him  recalled  to  Oxford. 
But  there  his  friendship  with  Digby,  and  his  own  natural 
powers,  won  him  so  much  influence  ^vith  the  King,  that 
Rupert  was  soon  as  eager  to  send  him  back  into  the  West 
as  Groring  was  to  escape  from  the  Prince's  vicinit}*.  Thus 
their  *'  very  contrary'  affections  towards  each  other,"  *  worked 
to  one  end.  There  was  a  second  truce.  Rupert  told  Goring, 
no  doubt  with  some  pleasure,  all  the  evil  that  the  Council 
of  the  West  had  said  concerning  him ;  and  Goring  returned 
the  compliment,  with  notes  and  additions.  Goring  was 
given  the  command  of  all  the  West,  whither  he  gladly  de- 
parted. "  Goring  and  Prince  Rupert  are  now  friends,"  wTote 

*  Warburton,  in.  p.  52. 

*  Warburton,  m.  p.  73.  Rupert  to  Legge,  Mar,  31.  1645. 

*  ClarendoD,  Bk.  IX.  p.  30. 


i6o  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Trevor,  "but  I  doubt  the  building  being  made  of  green 
wood,  which  is  apt  to  warp  and  yield  I "  ^  As  proved  ere 
long  to  be  the  case. 

We  return  now  to  the  autumn  of  1644.  Rupert's  wan- 
derings had  brought  him,  by  the  end  of  August,  to  Bristol, 
whither  he  was  pursued  by  doleful  reports  from  his  officers 
left  in  the  Marches. 

"My  most  dear  Prince,"  wrote  Legge  from  Chester,  "in 
truth  Your  Highness's  departure  sent  me  back  here  a  sad 
man,  and  the  news  I  met  with  gave  me  new  cause  of 
trouble. ...  I  despair  of  any  good  in  Lancashire."  '  And  in 
Cheshire  itself,  Byron  and  Langdale  had  just  suffered  a 
defeat  from  Massey.  "  Upon  the  spot  where  Your  Highness 
killed  the  buck,  as  the  horse  were  drawing  out,"  ^  explained 
Byron  with  careful  exactness.  These  new  misfortunes  in- 
creased Rupert's  melancholy,  which  was  already  deep  enough. 
Something  of  his  state  of  mind  may  be  gathered  from  a 
sympathetic  and  consolatory  letter  written  to  him  at  this 
time  by  Richmond. 

"Though  I  was  very  much  pleased  for  myself  with  the 
honour  and  favour  I  had  by  yours  from  Bristol,  yet  I  must 
confess,  it  takes  not  all  unquietness  from  me.  The  melan- 
choly you  express  must  be  a  discontent,  for  my  mind 
which  has  so  much  respect  must  partake  of  the  trouble 
of  yours.  And  I  should  be  more  restless  if  I  did  believe 
your  present  sad  opinion  would  be  long  continued,  or 
that  there  were  just  cause  for  it.  All  mistakes,  I  am 
confident,  will  wane, '  when  the  King  can  speak  with  power. 
I  shall  not  prejudice  that  eclairissement  by  being  tedious 
beforehand.  Yet  I  will  say  that,  though  an  intention 
(to  that  purpose)  was  not  the  cause  of  your  coming  sooner 
to  the  King,  you  could  not  have  resolved  better  by  the 
King's   good  at  this  time.     So  in  your  own  understanding 

1  Carte's  Letters,  I.  86—87,  25  May,  1645. 

2  Warburton,  III.  p.  21. 

3  Ibid.  p.  22. 


»",  >  >    > 


Photo  E.  Dosaeter, 


James  Stuart,  Duke  of  Richmond. 


From  the  Engraving  in  the  British  Museum  after  tJte  Portrait  by  Vandyke  in  the 
Collection  of  Paul  Methuen,  Esq. 

Face  page  j6<x 


DEPRESSION  OF  RUPERT  i6i 

you  must  consent  that  even  from  those  actions  which  are 
the  most  retired  from  an  appearance  (of  it)  blessings  spring. 
How  great  this  will  be  when  Rupert  makes  it  his  care,  as 
formerly  our  hope,  measure  by  joy  (sic).  This  I  conclude  doth 
certainly  engage  Rupert  to  know  how  great  good  he  may 
bring  the  King,  which  must  also  assure  Rupert  of  the  love, 
value,  and  trust  the  King  must  have  of  him.  This  mutual 
satisfaction  will  prove  happy  to  themselves,  and  to  all  who 
respect  either,  as  I  do  bothl "  '  The  Duke's  friendly  attempt 
to  console  the  Prince  for  past  misfortunes,  restore  his  self- 
confidence,  and  reassure  him  of  the  King's  trust  and  af- 
fection seems  to  have  succeeded.  Rupert  roused  himself, 
and  set  out,  September  29th,  to  meet  the  King  at  Sherborne 
in  Dorset.  Charles  was  just  then  returning  from  his  suc- 
cessful expedition  to  Cornwall,  and  Waller  had  been  de- 
spatched by  the  Parliament  to  intercept  him.  Rupert  ex- 
tracted from  his  uncle  a  promise  not  to  fight  until  he  could 
rejoin  him,  and  hastened  back  to  fortify  Bristol.  But  the 
perilous  condition  of  two  Royalist  garrisons,  those  of 
Basing  House,  and  Donnington  Castle,  made  delay  impos- 
sible. The  King  sent  peremptory  orders  to  Rupert  to  join 
him  at  Salisbury  with  all  the  force  he  could  muster.  But, 
before  Rupert  could  obey,  Goring,  "possessed  by  a  great 
gaiety,"  "  had  drawn  Charles  into  the  second  unfortunate 
battle  of  Newbury.  Rupert,  making  all  possible  haste, 
reached  Marshfield  near  Bristol,  the  day  after  the  battle, 
October  28th.  There  he  learnt  that  the  King  had  been 
defeated  at  Newbury,  and  was  now  at  Bath.  Maurice,  it 
was  feared,  was  dead  or  a  prisoner.  Upon  this,  Rupert  as- 
serted, oddly  as  it  seems,  that  his  brother  was  quite  safe; 
and  so  it  proved,  for  he  was  discovered  at  Donnington 
Castle.  ^  Both  Princes  joined  the  King  at  Bath,  and  thence, 
by  Rupert's  advice,  marched  to  Oxford.    At  Newbury  they 

1  Rupert  Transcripts.  Richmond  to  Rupert,  Sept.  14,  1644. 
«  Clarendon,  Bk.  VIII.  p.  149. 
5  Warburton,  III.  p.  31. 

II 


i62  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

again  encountered  Waller  and  Cromwell,  but  refused  battle, 
and  Rupert  succeeded  in  drawing  off  his  forces  without 
losing  one  man.  The  dexterous  retreat  was  compared  by 
one  of  the  young  nobles  to  a  country  dance.  *  On  Novem- 
ber 2 1st  Rupert  made  a  vain  attempt  to  recover  Abingdon, 
which  was  now  possessed  for  the  Parliament;  and  on  the 
23rd  he  entered  Oxford  with  the  King. 

During  the  march,  the  Prince  had  finally  received  that 
appointment  of  Master  of  the  Horse  concerning  which  he 
had  entertained  so  many  doubts.  At  the  same  time  he 
was  declared  Commander-in-Chief  in  place  of  the  old  Lord 
Brentford,  who  had  become  very  deaf,  and  who  ''  by  the 
long-continued  practice  of  immoderate  drinking,  dozed  in 
his  understanding."-  The  change  was  exceedingly  popular 
with  the  soldiers,  but  exceedingly  distasteful  to  the  courtiers 
and  councillors.  Brentford  had  always  been  willing  to 
permit  discussion,  only  feigning  unusual  deafness  when  he 
was  strongly  averse  to  the  proposals  made.  But  Rupert 
showed  himself  "rough  and  passionate,"'  cut  short  debate 
whenever  possible,  and  endeavoured  to  carry  all  with  a 
high  hand.  In  addition  to  the  promotion  already  conferred 
on  him,  he  had  expected  the  colonelcy  of  the  Life-Guards, 
and  when  this  was  bestowed  on  Lord  Bernard  Stewart,  the 
Prince  felt  himself  so  unreasonably  injured  **that  he  was 
resolved  to  lay  down  his  command  upon  it."  *  He  did  in 
fact  go  the  length  of  demanding  a  pass  to  quit  the  king- 
dom, but  happily  the  persuasions  of  his  friends  brought 
him  to  a  wiser  state  of  mind,  and  he  apologised  for  his 
folly.  Another  fruitless  attempt  on  Abingdon  closed  the 
military  proceedings  of  the  year. 

The   chief  events  of  the  winter  months  were  the  Treaty 


1  Warburton,  III.  p.  32. 

2  Clar.  Hist.  Bk.  VIII.  p.  29. 
»  Ibid.  p.  108. 

*  Warburton,  III.  p.   32,   and  Rupert's  Journal,  Nov.  15,  1644,  Clarendon 
Papers. 


THE  TREATY  OF  UXBRIDGE  163 

of  Uxbridge,  and  the  forming  of  the  ParUament's  new  model 
army.  The  negotiation  of  January  1645  was  due  to  Scot- 
tish influence,  and  though  many  of  the  RoyaHsts  were 
eager  to  come  to  terms,  the  religious  question  proved,  as 
always,  an  insuperable  obstacle.  Moreover,  it  was  quite 
impossible  for  Charles  to  accept  the  long  list  of  excepted 
persons  **who  shall  expect  no  pardon,"  which  was  headed 
by  the  names  of  his  own  nephews.  The  Princes  themselves 
appear  to  have  been  infinitely  amused  by  the  circumstance, 
for  it  is  recorded  by  Whitelocke,  himself  one  of  the  Par- 
liamentary Commissioners:  "Prince  Rupert  and  Prince 
Maurice  being  present,  when  their  names  were  read  out 
as  excepted  persons,  they  fell  into  a  laughter,  at  which 
the  King  seemed  displeased,  and  bid  them  be  quiet."  ^ 

In  spite  of  this  incident,  Rupert  forwarded  the  treaty  by 
all  means  in  his  power.  He  had  been  one  of  the  first  to 
meet  the  Commissioners  on  their  arrival.  They  had  gone, 
on  the  same  day,  to  visit  Lord  Lindsey,  and  ten  minutes 
after  their  entrance  Rupert  had  put  in  an  appearance,  pri- 
vately summoned  by  their  host,  as  the  Commissioners  sus- 
pected. He  had  been  present  at  all  the  discussions  of 
the  treaty,  occasionally  speaking  to  remind  the  King  of 
some  forgotten  point,  but  otherwise  keeping  silence ;  -  and 
when  the  treaty  ultimately  collapsed,  the  Prince  "deeply 
deplored"  its  failure.  He  understood  only  too  well  the 
weakness  of  the  King's  resources,  and  the  growing  strength 
of  the  Parliament.  The  new  model  army,  from  which  all 
incompetent  officers  were  excluded,  and  which  was  to  re- 
semble in  strength  and  discipline,  Cromwell's  own  "lovely 
Company"  was  rapidly  being  developed.  And  as  the  power 
of  the  Parliament  waxed,  that  of  the  King  waned.  Goring, 
brilliant,  careless,  valiant,  and  self-indulgent  was  losing  the 
West  by  his  negligence,  and  alienating  it  by  his  oppressions. 
Nor   were   matters   much   better   elsewhere.      Maurice    had 

I  Whitelocke.  ed.  1732.  p.  114. 
a  Ibid. 


i64  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

succeeded  his  brother  in  the  care  of  Wales  and  the  Marches, 
though  without  his  title  of  President.  His  advent  had  been 
eagerly  welcomed  by  the  despondent  Byron,  but  he  was 
incompetent  to  deal  with  the  difficulties  that  beset  him. 
From  Worcester,  where  he  was  established,  he  sent  help- 
less appeals  to  Rupert  for  advice  and  assistance.  In  January 
he  demanded  an  enlargement  of  his  commission.  "I  desire 
no  further  latitude  than  the  same  from  you  that  you  had 
from  the  King,"  ^  he  told  his  brother  discontentedly.  He 
had  promised  a  commission  to  the  gentlemen  of  Stafford- 
shire, which  he  had  not  the  power  to  grant  them,  *'  though 
I  would  not  let  them  know  as  much,"  he  confessed,  with 
youthful  vanity.  ^  Very  shortly  a  serious  misfortune  befell 
him  in  the  betrayal  of  Shrewsbury  to  the  Parliament. — "  A 
disaffected  town  with  only  a  garrison  of  burghers,  and  a 
doting  old  fool  of  a  Governor,"  '  it  had  been  called  by 
Byron,  whose  language  was  usually  forcible. — And  Maurice's 
difficulties  were  further  increased  by  the  wholesale  desertion 
of  his  men. 

The  exhaustion  of  the  country  was  making  it  harder 
than  ever  to  find  food  and  quarters  for  the  soldiers.  In 
Dorsetshire  the  peasants  were  already  rising,  under  the  name 
of  '*  Clubmen,"  to  oppose  the  encroachments  of  both  armies. 
And  the  Royalist  officers  disputed  among  themselves  over 
the  supplies  wrung  from  the  impoverished  country.  From 
Camden,  Colonel  Howard  simply  returned  Rupert's  order 
to  share  his  district  with  another  regiment,  "resolving  to 
keep  nothing  by  me  that  shall  hang  me,"  he  explained; 
and  he  went  on  to  assert  that  even  his  rival  colonel  **  blushed 
to  see  the  unreasonableness  "  of  the  Prince's  order.  "  What 
horrid  crime  have  I  committed,  or  what  brand  of  cowardice 
lies  upon  me  and  my  men  that  we  are  not  thought  worthy 
of  a   subsistence?    Shall   the   Queen's   seventy  horse  have 

1  Maurice  to  Rupert,  Jan.  29,  1645.  Warb.  III.  p.  54. 

>  Warburton,  III.  p.  54.  Maurice  to  Rupert,  Jan.  29,  1645. 

»  Rupert  Transcripts.  Byron  to  Rupert,  14  Jan.  1644. 


RUPERT  IN  THE  MARCHES  165 

Westmester  hundred,  Tewkesbury  hundred,  and  God  knows 
what  other  hundreds,  and  yet  share  half  with  me  in  Rifs- 
gate,  who  has,  at  this  very  present,  a  hundred  horse  and 
five  hundred  foot,  besides  a  multiplicity  of  officers  ?  Sir,  at 
my  first  coming  hither,  the  gentry  of  these  parts  looked 
upon  me  as  a  man  considerable,  and  had  already  raised 
me  sixty  horse  towards  a  hundred,  and  a  hundred  foot, 
and  were  continuing  to  raise  me  a  greater  number.  But  at 
the  sight  of  this  order  of  your  Highness  I  resolved  to  disband 
them,  and  to  come  to  Oxford  where  I'll  starve  in  more 
security.  But  finding  my  Lieutenant-Colonel  forced  to  come 
to  your  Highness  and  to  tell  his  sad  condition,  I  find  him 
so  well  prepared  with  sadness  of  his  own,  that  I  cannot 
but  think  he  will  deliver  my  grievances  rarely.  As  I  shall 
find  myself  encouraged  by  your  Highness,  I  will  go  on  and 
raise  more  forces.  Ever  submitting  all  my  proceedings  to 
your  Highness *s  orders — bar  starving ^  since  I  am  resolved 
to  live:' ' 

Not  more  cheering  was  the  report  of  Sir  Jacob  Astley, 
then  at  Cirencester.  "After  manie  Scolisietationes  by  letters 
and  mesendgeres,  sent  for  better  payment  of  this  garrison, 
and  to  be  provided  with  men,  arms  and  ammonition  for 
ye  good  orderinge  and  defence  of  this  place,  I  have  received 
no  comfort  at  all.  So  y^  in  littel  time  our  extreameties 
must  thruste  the  souldieres  eyther  to  disband,  or  mutiny, 
or  plunder,  and  then  ye  faulte  will  be  laid  to  my  charge. 
Gode  sende  ye  Kinge  mor  monne,  and  me  free  from  blame 
and  imputation."  '^  Rupert  had  little  comfort  to  give,  and 
no  money  at  all,  but  he  answered  the  old  soldier  with  the 
respect  and  consideration  which  he  always  showed  him.  In 
earlier  days  old  Astley  had  been  Governor  to  Rupert  and 
Maurice,  and  to  him  they  probably  owed  much  that  was 
good  in  them.  Rupert,  in  consequence,  never  treated  Astley 
in  the  peremptory  fashion  that  he  used  with  others.  "For 

*   Warburton,  III.  p.  56 — 7.  Howard  to  Rupert,  Jan.  30,  1645. 

^  Rupert  Transcripts.  Astley  to  Rupert,  Jan.  11,  1645.  Pythouse  Papers,  p.  20. 


i66  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

such  precise  orders  as  you  seem  to  desire,  I  must  deal 
freely  with  you,  you  are  not  to  expect  them,"  he  wrote 
to  his  old  Governor ;  "  we  being  not  such  fit  judges  as  you 
upon  the  place  ...  I  should  be  very  loath,  by  misjudging 
here,  to  direct  that  which  you  should  find  inconvenient  there."  ^ 

Such  phrases  contrast  strongly  with  the  Prince's  usual  high- 
handed procedure,  of  which  we  find  the  King  himself  com- 
plaining at  this  very  time.  "  Indeed  it  surprised  me  a  little 
this  morning,"  he  wrote  to  his  nephew,  **when  Adjutant 
Skrimshaw  told  me  that  you  had  given  him  a  commission 
to  be  Governor  of  Lichfield  without  ever  advising  with  me, 
or  even  giving  me  notice  of  it; — for  he  told  me  as  news, 
and  not  by  your  command.  I  know  this  proceeds  merely 
out  of  a  hasty  forgetfulness  and  want  of  a  little  thinking, 
for  if  you  had  called  to  mind  the  late  dispute  between 
the  Lord  Loughborough  and  Bagot,  that  is  dead,  you 
would  have  advised  more  than  you  have  done,  both  of  the 
person,  and  the  manner  of  doing  it;  and  then,  it  may  be, 
you  would  have  thought  George  Lisle  fitter  for  it  than 
him  you  have  chosen.  Upon  my  word  I  have  taken  notice  of 
this  to  none  but  this  bearer,  with  whom  I  have  spoken  reason- 
able freely,  by  which  you  may  perceive  that  this  is  freedom 
and  nothing  else,  that  makes  me  write  thus,  expecting  the 
same  from  you  to  your  loving  Oncle."  ^  Whether  Rupert 
did  or  did  not  resent  the  reproof  does  not  appear,  but 
the  King  proved  right,  and  Skrimshaw  quarrelled  with 
Loughborough  no  less  than  Bagot  had  done. 

Perilous  as  was  the  condition  of  the  Royalists  on  all 
sides,  the  condition  of  Wales  seemed  the  most  desperate, 
and  thither  Rupert  hastened  in  the  March  of  1645.  ^^ 
took  his  way  first  to  Ludlow,  where  he  hoped  to  raise  new 
forces,  and  a  few  days  later  he  joined  Maurice  at  Ellesmere. 
Thence  he  wrote  despondently  to  Legge,  dwelling  on  the 
great  numbers  of  the  enemy,  and  exhorting  him  to  see  that 

1  Domestic  State  Papers.  Rupert  to  Astley.  Jan.  13,  1645. 

2  Rupert  Transcripts.  King  to  Rupert,  Jan.  1645. 


RUPERT  IN  THE  MARCHES  167 

the  Oxford  army  held  Monmouthshire  in  check.  *'I  am 
going  about  a  nobler  business,"  he  added,  "therefore  pray 
God  for  me;  and  remember  me  to  all  my  friends."  ^  But 
by  the  14th  he  had  got  an  army  together,  and  his  spirits 
were  marvellously  revived.  •*  We  are  few,  but  shrewd 
fellows  as  ever  you  saw.  Nothing  troubles  us  but  that 
Prince  Charles  is  in  worse  (condition),  and  pray  God  he 
were  here.  I  expect  nothing  but  ill  from  the  West;  let 
them  hear  that  Rupert  says  so."  (This  was  for  Goring's 
benefit.)  **  As  for  Charles  Lucas'  business,  assure  the  King  that 
nothing  was  meant  but  that  it  should  be  conceded  by  Lord 
Hopton ;  but  his  lieutenant,  Slingsby,  is  a  rogue.  I  have 
enough  against  him  to  prove  him  so,  when  time  shall  be. 
This  enclosed  will  show  you  a  fine  business  concerning 
my  cousin  tae  Bishop  of  York.  Pray  acquaint  His  Majesty 
with  it,  it  concerns  him.  Martin's  man  carried  a  letter  to 
you  from  Stowe,  which  you  did  receive,  and  one  for  Sir 
Edward  Herbert.  Pray  remember  me  to  him,  and  to  all 
my  friends,  and  inquire  about  the  letter ;  you'll  find  knavery 
in  it.  Prince  Charles  wrote  to  me  about  Mark  Trevor;  I 
denied  it  (/.  e,  refused)  as  well  as  I  could :  he  goes  to 
him.  Cheshire  will  not  prosper.  (Maurice  was  there.)  Your 
company  is  here,  so  is  your  friend  Rupert."  ' 

The  allusion  to  the  Archbishop  of  York  shows  that  Rupert 
had  already  detected  the  intrigues  of  that  warlike  and 
treacherous  prelate.  He  had  fortified  and  defended  his 
castle  of  Conway,  but  quarrelled  incessantly  with  all  the 
Royalist  officers  in  the  district,  and  eventually  he  admitted 
the  enemy  to  his  castle.  At  the  date  of  the  above  letter 
he  was  following  the  example  of  Digby,  and  trying  to 
sow  dissension  between  Ormonde  and  Rupert.  Cheshire 
and  Wales,  he  declared,  lay  **all  neglected  and  in  con- 
fusion ",  owing  to  the  private  quarrels  of  Rupert's  "  favour- 
ite",   Legge,    and    the    Byrons,    whom    he    represented   as 

»  Warburton,  III.  p.  68.    Rupert  to  Legge,  Mar.  11,  1645. 
*  Ibid.  p.  69,  Mar.  24,  1645. 


i6S  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

"thrown  out  of  their  governments,  abandoned  by  the 
King,  and  left  to  die  in  prison."  ^  The  Byrons  themselves 
do  not  appear  to  have  made  any  such  complaints;  and  a 
sentence  in  one  of  Lord  Byron's  letters  to  the  Prince  seems 
to  deprecate  the  reports  spread  by  the  Archbishop.  "  I 
heard,"  he  says,  **that  Your  Highness  was  informed  that, 
in  your  absence,  I  showed  most  disrespect  to  those  you 
most  honour.  This  is  very  far  from  the  truth,  as  it  ever 
shall  be  from  the  practice  of  your  most  humble  and  most 
obliged  servant,  Byron."  - 

And  in  spite  of  the  Archbishop's  hostility  Rupert's  efforts 
in  the  Marches  were  attended  by  success.  On  the  19th  of 
April,  having  been  rejoined  by  Maurice,  he  forced  Brereton 
to  raise  his  siege  of  Beeston  Castle,  which  had  endured 
for  seventeen  weeks.  A  few  days  later  he  was  engaged 
in  suppressing  a  revolt  in  Herefordshire,  where  the  peasants 
were  rising  like  the  clubmen  of  Dorset.  Most  of  them  fled 
before  the  Prince,  but  two  hundred  stood  their  ground,  of 
these  Rupert  took  the  leaders,  and  persuaded  the  rest  to 
lay  down  their  arms ;  he  was  anxious,  if  possible,  to  con- 
ciHate  the  people  rather  than  to  suppress  them  by  force.  ^ 
No  sooner  was  this  task  accomplished  than  Astley  arrived 
with  the  news  that  a  Parliamentary  force,  under  Massey, 
was  at  Ledbury.  Without  an  instant's  delay  Rupert  set 
out,  marched  all  night,  and  attacked  and  routed  Massey 
in  the  morning,  April  22nd.  From  Ledbury  he  went  to 
Hereford,  where  he  remained  some  days  before  returning 
to  Oxford. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Rupert  performed  the  stern  act 
of  retaliation,  which  so  roused  the  wrath  of  the  Parliament. 
The  King's  importation  of  Irish  soldiers  had  been  regarded 
by  the  Puritans    as    a   gross   aggravation   of  all  his  other 


1  Carte's    Ormonde,    VI.    271 — 272.    Archbishop    Williams    to    Ormonde, 
Mar.  25,  1655. 

«  Add.  MSS.  18982.  Byron  to  Rupert,  Jan.  1645. 
8  Webb,  Vol.  II.  pp.  141,  157,  178. 


RUPERT  IN  THE  MARCHES  169 

crimes.  They  chose  to  regard  all  the  Irish  as  responsible 
for  the  massacre  of  the  Protestants  which  had  occurred  in 
Ireland  in  1641,  and  in  accordance  with  this  view  they  gave 
them  no  quarter.  In  March  1645  Essex  happened  to  take 
thirteen  Irish  troopers,  whom  he  hanged  without  mercy ;  and 
Rupert  immediately  retaliated  by  the  execution  of  thirteen 
Roundhead  prisoners.  Essex  thereupon  wrote  an  indignant 
letter,  reproaching  the  Prince  for  his  barbarous  and  inhuman 
conduct,  to  which  Rupert  responded  in  a  letter  "full  of 
haughtiness",  that  since  Essex  had  **  barbarously  murdered  " 
his  men,  "in  cold  blood,  after  quarter  given",  he  would 
have  been  unworthy  of  his  command  had  he  not  let  the 
Puritans  know  that  their  own  soldiers  "  must  pay  the  price 
of  such  acts  of  inhumanity."  *  The  Parliament  then  too)c 
upon  itself  to  remonstrate  at  great  length,  but  received  only 
a  concise  and  decided  reply  from  the  Prince's  secretary : 

"I  am,  by  command,  to  return  you  this  answer.  You 
gave  the  first  example  in  hanging  such  prisoners  as  were 
taken,  and  thereupon  the  same  number  of  yours  suffered 
in  like  manner.  If  you  continue  this  course  you  cannot, 
in  reason,  but  expect  the  like  return.  But,  if  your  intention 
be  to  give  quarter,  and  to  exchange  prisoners  upon  equal 
terms,  it  will  not  be  denied  here."  "  The  Prince's  resolute 
attitude  had  the  desired  effect,  and  the  Puritans  were  forced 
to  recognise  Irishmen  as  human  beings. 

In  contrast  with  this  incident,  we  find  a  frantic  appeal 
to  the  Prince  for  mercy,  dated  April  28.  A  young  Royalist 
officer — Windebank — had  most  unjustifiably  surrendered 
Blechingdon  House,  of  which  he  was  Governor,  and  by  a 
court-martial  held  at  Oxford  he  was  doomed  to  die.  Poor 
Windebank  was  no  coward,  but  he  had  acted  in  a  moment 
of  panic,  engendered  by  the  terror  of  his  young  wife,  and 
it  was  on  his  behalf  that  Sir  Henry  Bard  now  pleaded  with 

»  Webb.  11.  pp.  146—147. 

2  Gilbert's  History  of  the  Irish  Confederation,  Vol.  IV.  p.  XIV.  Ralph 
Goodwin  to  Houses  of  Parliament,  Mar.  23,  1645. 


I70  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Rupert.  ^*  The  letter  enclosed  was  sent  to  me  from  Oxford, 
to  be  conveyed  with  all  speed  possible.  Pray  God  it  comes 
time  enough !  It  concerns  a  most  unfortunate  man,  Colonel 
Windebank.  Sir,  pity  him  and  reprieve  him !  It  was  God's 
judgment  on  him,  and  no  cowardice  of  his  own.  At  the 
battle  of  Alresford  he  gave  a  large  testimony  of  his  courage, 
and  if  with  modesty  I  may  bring  in  the  witness,  I  saw  it, 
and  there  began  our  acquaintance.  Oh,  happy  man  had 
he  ended  then  I  Sir,  let  him  but  live  to  repair  his  honour, 
of  which  I  know  he  is  more  sensible  than  are  the  damned 
of  the  pains  of  hell."  ^  Rupert  had  saved  Fielding,  and 
he  would  in  all  probability  have  saved  Windebank  had  it 
been  possible.  But,  alas.  Bard's  letter  was  intercepted  by 
the  Parliament  and  never  reached  its  destination!  And 
Windebank  died  on  May  3rd,  the  day  before  Rupert  reached 
Oxford. 

The  King  was  about  to  begin  his  last  campaign,  and  he 
therefore  summoned  both  his  nephews  to  his  side.  The 
two  Princes  reached  Oxford  on  May  4th,  after  an  extraor- 
dinarily rapid  march,  and  three  days  later,  the  King  set 
out  for  Woodstock,  leaving  Will  Legge  behind  him  as 
Governor  of  Oxford.  Danger  was  on  every  side.  The  Scots 
dominated  the  North;  the  West  was  falling  rapidly  away, 
and  Cromwell's  new  army  threatened  that  of  the  King.  At 
starting,  Charles  had  but  1,100  men,  but  before  a  month 
was  past,  Rupert  had  doubled  their  number.  Digby  and 
the  Court  party  would  fain  have  joined  with  Goring  in 
the  west,  but  Rupert,  "spurred  on  by  the  northern  horse, 
who  violently  pursued  their  desires  of  being  at  home,"  ' 
was  eager  for  the  North.  For  the  moment  his  star  was  in 
the  ascendant,  and,  to  Digby 's  disgust,  the  King  yielded. 
"All  is  governed  by  Prince  Rupert  who  grows  a  great 
Courtier,"  reported  Arthur  Trevor.  "  But  whether  his  power 
be  not  supported  by  the  present  occasion  is  a  question  to 

1  Dom.  State  Papers.  Bard  to  Rupert,  Ap.  28,  1645. 

2  Walker's  Historical  Discourses,  ed.  1705,  pp.  126,  12^. 


THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  DIGBY  171 

ask  a  conjuror.  Certainly  the  Lord  Digby  loves  him  not."  ^ 
At  Evesham,  which  was  reached  on  the  9th,  Rupert  gave 
new  offence  to  the  Court  by  making  Robin  Legge,  Will's 
brother,  Governor  of  that  town,  in  defiance  of  the  wishes 
of  the  Council.  Moving  slowly  northwards  through  the 
Midlands,  he  took  Hawkesly  House  near  Bromsgrove;  on 
the  following  day  he  was  at  Wolverhampton.  On  the  27th 
both  he  and  the  King  were  the  guests  of  the  Hastings, 
at  Ashby  de  la  Zouch,  and  on  the  29th  Rupert  "laye  in 
the  workes  before  Leycester."  ^  By  his  skill  and  energy, 
this  town  was  taken  in  two  days,  and  the  triumph  not  only 
revived  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  Cavaliers,  but  won  them 
material  advantages  in  the  way  of  arms  and  ammunition. 
It  was  beHeved  that  Derby  would  have  surrendered  on  a 
summons,  but  Rupert  would  not  take  the  chance.  Should 
it  refuse  his  summons,  he  maintained,  "  out  of  punctilio  of 
honour"  he  would  be  forced  to  lay  siege  to  it,  which  he 
had  not  means  to  do.  '^  Willingly  would  he  have  pressed 
on  northwards,  but  Fairfax  was  threatening  Oxford,  and  the 
civilians,  always  anxious  to  keep  the  army  in  the  south, 
clamoured  loudly  of  the  danger  of  the  Duke  of  York,  the 
Council,  the  Stores,  and  all  the  fair  ladies  of  the  Court.  The 
said  ladies  also  "  earnestly  by  letter,  solicited  Prince  Rupert  to 
their  rescue."  *  Reluctantly  he  faced  southwards.  But  the 
danger  of  Oxford  was  less  imminent  than  had  been  represent- 
ed; Fairfax  retired  from  before  it.  Then  the  contest  of  Rupert 
against  Digby,  the  soldier  against  the  civihan  was  renewed. 
**  There  was  a  plot  to  send  the  King  to  Oxford,  but  it  is  un- 
done," the  Prince  wrote  to  his  *'  dear  Will."  "  The  chief  of  the 
counsel  was  the  fear  that  some  men  had  that  the  soldiers  would 
take  from  them  the  influence  they  now  possess  with  the  King."  ■' 


^  Carte's  Letters,  I.  90,  May  25,  1645. 

'  Clarendon  State  Papers,  Rupert's  Journal,  May  29,  1645. 

8   Walker,  p.  128. 

*  Walker,  p.  128. 

5  Warburton,  III.  p.    100.  Rupert  to  Legge,  June  8,  1645. 


X72  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

It  was  in  accordance  with  the  perversity  of  Charles's  fate 
that  just  when  the  Parliamentary  army  had  thrown  ofif 
civilian  shackles,  he  was  ceasing  to  be  ruled  by  the  military 
counsels  of  his  nephew.  Rupert  again  urged  a  march  to 
the  North.  Digby  and  the  Councillors  of  Oxford,  ever  eager 
to  keep  the  army  in  the  South,  recommended  an  attack 
on  the  Eastern  counties.  The  King  remained  at  Daventry 
hesitating  between  the  two  counsels,  and  in  the  meantime 
Fairfax  and  Cromwell  were  advancing  towards  him.  Rupert's 
unaccountable  contempt  for  the  New  Model  Army  prevented 
him  from  taking  the  proper  precautions,  and  he  remained 
absolutely  ignorant  of  Fairfax's  movements,  until  he  was 
quartered  eight  miles  from  Daventry.  Then  the  King  de- 
cided to  move  towards  Warwick,  and  that  night  he  slept 
at  Lubenham,  Rupert  at  Harborough.  On  the  same  evening 
Ireton  surprised  and  captured  a  party  of  Rupert's  men, 
as  they  were  playing  at  quoits  in  Naseby.  A  few  who 
escaped,  fled  to  warn  the  King,  and  the  King  hastened  to 
Rupert.  With  unwonted  prudence,  Rupert  advised  retreat; 
reinforcements  might  be  found  at  Leicester  and  Newark, 
and  there  was  yet  a  hope  that  Goring  might  march  to 
their  aid.  He  did  not  know,  as  Fairfax  knew  through  an 
intercepted  despatch,  that  Goring  was  unable  to  leave  the 
West.  But  Digby  and  Ashburnham  were  for  fighting,  and 
once  again  the  civilian  triumphed.  On  June  14th  took 
place  the  fatal  battle  of  Naseby. 

Very  early  the  royal  army  was  drawn  up  upon  a  long 
hill  which  runs  two  miles  south  of  Harborough.  Here  Astley 
intended  the  battle  to  be  fought,  resolving  to  keep  on  the 
defensive.  But  the  enemy  did  not  appear,  and  Rupert, 
growing  impatient,  sent  out  his  scout  master  to  look  for 
them,  about  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  man  returned, 
after  a  perfunctory  search,  saying  that  Fairfax  was  not  to 
be  seen.  Then  Rupert,  unable  to  bear  inaction  any  longer, 
rode  out  to  look  for  him  in  person,  with  a  small  party  of 
horse.     At  Naseby  he  found  the  whole  army  of  the  Parlia- 


NASEBY  173 

ment.  It  was  just  then  engaged  in  shifting  its  position,  and 
Rupert  jumped  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  in  full  retreat. 
Lured  on  by  this  idea,  he  estabhshed  himself  on  a  piece 
of  rising  ground  to  the  right,  and  summoned  the  rest  of 
the  army  from  its  well-chosen  position  to  join  him  there. 
This  was  perhaps  the  chief  cause  of  the  defeat  that  followed. 
Rupert  and  Maurice  charged  together  on  the  right,  and  swept 
the  field  before  them,  till  they  reached  the  enemy's  cannon 
and  baggage  waggons.  Here  Rupert  was  mistaken  for  Fair- 
fax, for  both  were  wearing  red  cloaks,  and  some  of  the 
Puritan  reserve  rode  up,  asking,  "How  goes  the  day?"  The 
Prince  responded  by  an  offer  of  quarter,  which  was  met 
by  a  volley  of  musket  shot.  But  Rupert  could  not  stay  to 
complete  his  conquest.  His  part  of  the  battle  had  been 
won,  but  behind  him  Cromwell  had  scattered  the  Royalist 
left,  and  was  trampling  the  infantry  of  the  centre  in  "a 
dismal  carnage."  '  The  King  was  turned  from  the  battle 
too  soon,  his  whole  army  was  disheartened  and  overwhelmed, 
and  Rupert  returned  too  late,  to  find  Cromwell  in  possession 
of  the  field.  The  Royal  army  was  destroyed,  and  the  war 
almost  at  an  end.  That  night  the  King  retreated  to  Ashby, 
and  the  next  day,  Sunday,  he  reached  Lichfield,  whence 
he  hastened  on  to  Raglan  Castle.  Rupert  went  on  west- 
ward to  the  Prince  of  Wales  at  Barnstaple. 

His  departure  from  the  King  was  due  to  a  new  quarrel 
with  Digby,  who  attributed  the  disaster  to  the  fault  of  the 
Prince.  "  Let  me  know  what  is  said  among  you,  concerning 
our  last  defeat,"  Rupert  wrote  to  Legge,  at  Oxford; 
"  doubtless  the  fault  of  it  will  be  put  upon  me . . .  Since 
this  business  I  find  Digby  hath  omitted  nothing  which 
might  prejudice  me,  and  this  day  hath  drawn  a  letter  from 
the  King  to  Prince  Charles,  in  which  he  crosses  all  things 
that  befell  here  in  my  behalf.  I  have  showed  this  to  the 
King,   and   in   earnest;   and  if  thereupon  he  should  go  on 

1  Sir  Edward  Southcote.  Troubles  of  our  Catholic  Forefathers.  Series  I. 
P-  392' 


174  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

and  send  it,  I  shall  be  forced  to  quit  Generalship  and  march 
towards  Prince  Charles,  where  I  have  received  more  kind- 
ness than  here."  ^  At  the  same  time,  Legge  received  a  long 
account  of  the  battle  from  Digby  himself,  in  which  the 
Secretary,  very  cleverly^  charged  all  the  misfortune  of  the 
day  to  the  Prince,  while  pretending  to  acquit  him.  "  I  am 
sure  that  Prince  Rupert  hath  so  little  kindness  for  me,  as 
I  daily  find  he  hath,  it  imports  both  to  me  and  mine  to 
be  much  the  more  cautious  not  to  speak  anything  that  may 
be  wrested  to  his  prejudice.  I  can  but  lament  my  misfortune 
that  Prince  Rupert  is  neither  gainable  nor  tenable  by  me, 
though  I  have  endured  it  with  all  the  industry,  and  justness 
unto  him  in  the  world,  and  I  lament  your  absence  from 
him.  Yet,  at  least,  if  Prince  Rupert  cannot  be  better  inclined 
to  me,  that  you  might  prevail  with  him  so  far  that  his 
heats,  and  misapprehensions  of  things  may  not  wound  his 
own  honour,  and  prejudice  the  King's  service.  I  am  very 
unhappy  that  I  cannot  speak  with  you,  since  the  discourse 
that  my  heart  is  full  of  is  too  long  for  a  letter,  and  not 
of  a  nature  fit  for  it.  But  I  conjure  you,  if  you  preserve 
that  justice  and  kindness  for  me  which  I  will  not  doubt, 
if  you  hear  anything  from  Prince  Rupert  concerning  me, 
suspend  your  judgment.  As  for  the  particular  aspersion  upon 
him,  which  you  mention,  o^  fighting  against  advice,  he  is 
very  much  wronged  in  it, . . .  and  for  particular  time,  place  and 
circumstance  of  our  fighting  that  day,  His  Highness  cannot  be 
said  to  have  gone  against  my  Lord  Astley,  or  any  other 
advice;  for  I  am  confident  no  man  was  asked  upon  the 
occasion, — I  am  sure  no  council  was  called.  I  shall  only  say 
this  freely  to  you,  that  I  think  a  principal  occasion  of  our 

misfortune   was  the  want  of  you  with  us But  really, 

dear  Will,  I  do  not  write  this  with  reflection,  for  indeed 
we  were  all  carried  on  at  that  time  with  such  a  spirit  and 
confidence   of  victory  as  though  he  that  should  have  said 

1  Warburton,  III.  pp.  119 — 121.  Rupert  to  Lcgge,  June  18,  1645. 


NASEBY  175 

''consider"  would  have  been  your  foe.  Well,  let  us  look 
forward!  Give  your  Prince  good  advice,  as  to  caution, 
and  value  of  counsel,  and  God  will  yet  make  him  an  in- 
strument of  much  happiness  to  the  King,  and  Kingdom, 
and  that  being,  I  will  adore  him  as  much  as  you  love 
him."  *  But  "  Honest  Will"  was  quite  shrewd  enough  to  read 
between  the  lines  of  this  elaborate  epistle,  and  he  answered 
with  a  spirit  and  candour  worthy  of  his  character.  '*  I  am 
extremely  afflicted  to  understand  from  you  that  Prince 
Rupert  and  yourself  should  be  upon  so  unkindly  terms, 
and  I  protest,  I  have  cordially  endeavoured,  with  all  my 
interest  in  His  Highness,  to  incline  him  to  a  friendship  with 
your  Lordship,  conceiving  it  a  matter  of  advantage  to  my 
Master's  service,  to  have  a  good  intelligence  between  persons 
so  eminently  employed  in  his  afifairs,  and  likewise  the  great 
obligation  and  inclination  I  had  to  either  of  you.  But  truly, 
my  Lord,  I  often  found  this  a  hard  matter  to  hold  between 
you ;  and  your  last  letter  gives  me  cause  to  think  that  your 
Lordship  is  not  altogether  free  from  what  he  accused  you 
of  as  the  reason  of  his  jealousies.  Which  was  that  you 
both  say  and  do  things  to  his  prejudice,  contrary  to  your 
professions,  ayid  not  in  an  open  and  direct  line,  but  obscurely 
and  obliquely;  and  this,  under  your  Lordship's  pardon,  I 
find  your  letter  very  full  of.  For  where  your  Lordship  would 
excuse  him  of  the  particular  and  general  aspersions,  yet  you 
come  with  such  objections  against  the  conduct  of  that 
business,  as  would,  to  men  ignorant  of  the  Prince,  make 
him  incapable  of  common-sense  in  his  profession.  For  my 
part,  my  Lord,  I  am  so  well  acquainted  with  the  Prince's 
ways,  that  I  am  confident  all  his  General  officers  and  com- 
manders knew  beforehand  how,  and  in  what  manner,  he 
intended  to  fight ;  and  when,  as  you  say,  all  mankind  were 
of  opinion  to  fight,  it  was  his  part  to  put  it  into  execution. 
Were   any   man   in   the  army  dissatisfied  in  his  directions, 

I  Warburton.  III.  pp.  125 — 128.  Digby  to  Legge.   No  date. 


176  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

or  in  the  order,  he  ought  to  have  informed  the  General  of 
it,  and  to  have  received  further  satisfaction.  And  for  the 
not  calling  of  a  Council  at  that  instant,  truly,  the  Prince 
having  before  laid  his  business,  were  there  need  of  it,  the 
blame  must  be  as  much  yours  as  any  man's."  And,  after 
a  great  deal  more  to  the  same  purpose,  Legge  concludes 
with  the  stout  declaration,  *'and  assure  yourself  you  are 
not  free  from  great  blame  towards  Prince  Rupert.  And  no 
man  will  give  you  this  free  language  at  a  cheaper  rate 
than  myself,  though  many  discourse  of  it."  ^ 

1  Warburton,  III.  pp.  128 — 131.     Legge  to  Digby,  June  30,  1645. 


CHAPTER    X 

RUPERT'S  PEACE  POLICY.    THE  SURRENDER  OF  BRISTOL. 

DIGBY'S  PLOT  AGAINST  RUPERT.     THE  SCENE  AT 

NEWARK.   RECONCILIATION   WITH  THE  KING. 

THE  FALL  OF  OXFORD 

After  the  battle  of  Naseby,  misfortunes  crowded  thick 
upon  the  RoyaUsts.  Garrisons  surrendered  daily  to  the 
Parliament;  Goring  suffered  a  crushing  defeat;  and  the 
King  seemed  in  no  way  to  raise  another  army.  Rupert 
retired  to  his  city  of  Bristol,  and  summoned  Maurice  to 
his  side.  But  the  younger  Prince  was  at  Worcester,  which 
was  threatened  by  the  Scots,  and  could  not  quit  the  place 
with  honour.  "  I  hope  when  you  have  duly  considered  my 
engagement  herein,  you  will  be  pleased  to  excuse  me  for 
not  observing  your  orders  to  be  personally  with  you,"  ^  he 
wrote  humbly  to  his  brother. 

After  a  three  weeks'  stay  at  Raglan,  the  King  himself 
thought  of  joining  his  nephew  at  Bristol.  But  the  Prince's 
enemies  opposed  the  idea,  and  Rupert,  though  enough  in- 
clined to  it,  declared  that  he  would  not  be  responsible  for 
what  he  had  not  advised.  And  the  rallying  loyalty  of  the 
Welsh,  combined  with  continued  misfortune  in  the  West, 
caused  Charles  to  change  his  mind.  In  Rupert's  eyes  the 
King's  final  decision  was  a  matter  of  indifference ;  defeat 
was  inevitable,  and  all  the  Prince's  efforts  were  directed 
towards  peace.  This  complete  change  of  attitude  is  an 
evidence  of  Rupert's  strong  common-sense.  In  1642  he 
had  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  obstacles  which  made 
peace   impossible;  but  in  1642  there  had  been  hope,  even 

1  Warburton.  III.  p.  133.  Maurice  to  Rupert,  July  7,  1645. 

12 


178  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

probability,  of  victory.  In  1645  defeat  and  ruin  stared  the 
Royalists  in  the  face,  and  Rupert  would  not,  like  the  King 
and  Digby,  shut  his  eyes  to  disagreeable  fact.  On  July  28th 
he  wrote  to  Richmond  a  plain  statement  of  his  views.  "  His 
Majesty  has  now  no  way  left  to  preserve  his  posterity, 
Kingdom,  and  nobility,  but  by  a  treaty.  I  believe  it  a 
more  prudent  way  to  retain  something  than  to  lose  all.  If 
the  King  resolve  to  abandon  Ireland,  which  now  he  may 
with  honour,  since  they  desire  so  unreasonably;  and  it  is 
apparent  they  will  cheat  the  King,  having  not  5,000  men 
in  their  power.  When  this  has  been  told  him,  and  that 
many  of  his  officers  and  soldiers  go  from  him  to  them 
(/.  e.  to  the  Parliament),  I  must  extremely  lament  the  con- 
dition of  such  as  stay,  being  exposed  to  all  ruin  and  slavery. 
One  comfort  will  be  left, — we  shall  all  fall  together.  When 
this  is,  remember  I  have  done  my  duty.  Your  faithful  friend, 
Rupert."  ' 

On  the  same  day  he  wrote  to  Legge: 

"I  have  had  no  answer  to  ten  letters  I  wrote,  but  from 
the  Duke  of  Richmond,  to  whom  I  wrote  plainly  and  bid 
him  be  plain  with  the  King,  and  to  desire  him  to  consider 
some  way  which  might  lead  to  a  treaty,  rather  than  undo 
his  posterity.  How  this  pleases  I  know  not,  but  rather 
than  not  do  my  duty  and  speak  my  mind  freely,  I  will 
take  his  unjust  displeasure."  ^ 

This  advice  was  in  fact  exceedingly  displeasing  to  the 
King.  Richmond,  who  fully  concurred  in  Rupert's  opinion, 
showed  the  letter  to  his  master  *'with  as  much  care  and 
friendship  to  Rupert"  as  possible;  and  the  King  read  it 
graciously,  saying  that  his  nephew  had  **  expressed  as  great 
generosity  as  was  all  his  actions ; "  *  but,  for  all  that,  he 
firmly  forbade  him  to  write  in  such  a  strain  again.  "  Speaking 
as   a   mere   soldier   or   statesman,"   he   acknowledged    that 

1  Warburton.  III.  p.  149.  Rupert  to  Richmond,  July  28,  1645. 

2  Ibid.  p.  151.  Rupert  to  Legge,  July  28,  1645. 

»  Add.  MvSS.  Richmond  to  Rupert,  Aug.  3,  164$. 


RUPERT'S  PEACE  POLICY  179 

Rupert  might  be  right;  but,  *'as  a  Christian,  I  must  tell 
you  that  God  will  not  suffer  rebels  and  traitors  to  prosper,  nor 
this  cause  to  be  overthrown ;  and  whatever  personal  punish- 
ment it  shall  please  Him  to  inflict  on  me  must  not  make 
me  repine,  much  less  give  over  this  quarrel;  and  there  is 
little  question  that  a  composition  with  them  at  this  time  is 
nothing  less  than  a  submission,  which,  by  the  grace  of 
God,  I  am  resolved  against,  whatever  it  cost  me.  For  I 
know  my  obligation  to  be,  both  in  conscience  and  honour, 
neither  to  abandon  God's  cause,  injure  my  successors,  nor 
forsake  my  friends.  Indeed  I  cannot  flatter  myself  with 
expectation  of  good  success  more  than  this,  to  end  my 
days  with  honour  and  a  good  conscience;  which  obliges 
me  to  continue  my  endeavours,  as  not  despairing  that  God 
may  yet,  in  good  time,  avenge  his  own  cause.  ...  I  earnestly 
desire  you  not  in  any  way  to  hearken  after  treaties,  assuring 
you,  low  as  I  am,  I  will  not  go  less  than  what  was  offered 
in  my  name  at  Uxbridge.  Therefore,  for  God's  sake,  let 
us  not  flatter  ourselves  with  these  conceits;  and  believe 
me,  the  very  imagination  that  you  are  desirous  of  a  treaty 
will  lose  me  so  much  the  sooner."  ' 

But  noble  and  earnest  as  were  the  King's  words,  they 
could  not  alter  his  nephew's  mind.  Rupert  had  little  faith 
that  a  miracle  would  be  vouchsafed  to  save  the  royal  cause ; 
and  he  could  never  be  made  to  understand  that  the  questions 
at  issue  were  such  as  admitted  of  no  compromise.  Digby 
of  course  seized  the  opportunity  of  widening  the  breach 
between  King  and  Prince.  Ever  since  Marston  Moor,  he 
had  intrigued  with  increasing  success  against  his  rival,  and 
Rupert  struggled  vainly  in  his  meshes.  **I  would  give  any- 
thing to  be  but  one  day  in  Oxford,  when  I  could  discover 
some  that  were  in  that  plot  of  Herefordshire  and  the  rest. 
But  I  despair  of  it  I  "  -  the  Prince  had  written  in  the  March 
of  this  year.     In  June  he  had  sent  Langdale  to  Ormonde  in 

1  Rushworth,  VI.  132.  King  to  Rupert,  Aug.  3. 

-  Warburton,  III.  73,  Rupert  to  Legge,  Mar.  31,  1645. 


i8o  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Ireland,  as  a  counterfoil  to  O'Neil,  and  Digby  hastened 
to  let  the  Lord  Lieutenant  know  that  Langdale  was  "a 
creature  of  Prince  Rupert,  and  sent  over  not  without  jealousy 
that  Dan  O'Neil  may  be  too  frank  a  relater  of  our  military 
conduct  here."  ^  And,  July  21st,  1645,  i^  is  entered  in  the 
Prince's  diary :  '*  Ashburnham  told  the  Prince  that  Digby 
would  ruin  him."  ^  By  that  time  Rupert  had  become  con- 
vinced that  Digby  would  succeed  in  his  endeavours.  A 
week  later  he  wrote  passionately  to  Legge,  from  Bristol: 
"You  do  well  to  wonder  why  Rupert  is  not  with  the 
King !  When  you  know  the  Lord  Digby's  intention  to  ruin 
him  you  will  not  then  find  it  strange."  ^ 

Digby's  chance  was  close  at  hand.  Throughout  July  and 
August  Rupert  busied  himself  at  Bristol,  circling  about  the 
country,  pacifying  and  winning  over  the  Clubmen  and  try- 
ing to  supply  the  deficiencies  of  the  Bristol  stores.  This 
town  was  now  the  most  important  garrison  of  the  King. 
It  was  the  key  of  the  Severn.  It  alone  held  Wales  and  the 
Marches  loyal,  and  its  loss  would  also  terribly  affect  the 
Royalists  in  the  south-west.  Rupert  had  assured  the  King 
that  he  could  hold  the  place  four  months,  and  great  was 
the  horror  and  dismay  when  he  surrendered  it  after  a  three 
weeks'  siege. 

The  truth  was  that  he  had  found  the  town  insufficiently 
supplied,  greatly  undermanned,  and  full  of  despondency 
and  disaffection.  He  had  done  his  best  to  remedy  these 
evils ;  he  ordered  the  townspeople  to  victual  themselves  for 
six  months,  imported  corn  and  cattle  from  Wales,  and  he 
started  manufactories  of  match  and  bullets  within  the  town. 
All  the  recruits  he  could  gain  were  "new-levied  Welsh  and 
unexperienced  men,"  and  even  of  these  there  were  but  few. 
**  After  the  enemy  approached,  His  Highness  never  could 
draw  upon   the   line   above    1,500,"  and  this  to  defend  a 

*  Carte's  Ormonde,  VI.  303.  Digby  to  Ormonde,  June  26,  1645. 
2  Warburton,  III.  p.  145. 

*  Ibid.  p.  156.  Rupert  to  Leggc,  July  29,   1645. 


THE  SURRENDER  OF  BRISTOL  i8i 

stretch  of  five  miles  I  *  Moreover,  all  his  Colonels  assured 
him  that  the  wall  was  not  tenable  against  a  vigorous  assault. 
The  one  chance  was  that,  if  they  repulsed  the  first  storm, 
the  enemy  might  be  discouraged,  and  the  approaching  winter 
might  save  the  city  for  yet  a  Httle  while. 

On  September  4th  Fairfax  sat  down  before  Bristol,  and 
summoned  Rupert  to  surrender,  in  rather  peculiar  language. 
The  summons  was  a  private  exhortation  to  the  Prince  him- 
self, and  a  personal  appeal  to  his  sense  and  humanity, 
"which,"  says  Fairfax,  **  I  confess  is  a  way  not  common, 
and  which  I  should  not  have  used  but  in  respect  to  such 
a  person,  and  such  a  place."  ^  He  proceeded  to  explain 
that  the  Parliament  wished  no  ill  to  the  King,  but  only 
his  return  to  its  care  and  Council,  and  entreated  Rupert 
to  end  the  schism  by  a  surrender  without  bloodshed.  The 
Prince  only  replied  by  demanding  leave  to  send  to  ask  the 
King's  pleasure.  This  Fairfax  refused  to  grant,  and  Rupert 
entered  into  a  treaty,  hoping  thereby  to  spin  out  time  until 
relief  could  come.  But  the  patience  of  Fairfax  was  soon 
exhausted.  On  September  loth  he  assaulted  the  city, 
about  2.0  a.m.,  entered  the  lines  at  a  spot  held  by  some 
new  recruits,  and  was,  by  daybreak,  in  full  possession  of 
line  and  fort.  Thus  the  enemy  was  already  within  the 
city,  and  Rupert  had  no  hope  of  relief,  for,  since  Naseby, 
the  King  had  had  no  army  in  the  field.  Moreover,  since 
the  siege  began,  no  word  had  come  to  the  Prince  from  any 
quarter.  Three  courses  now  lay  open  to  him.  He  might, 
with  his  cavalry,  break  through  Fairfax's  army,  leaving 
behind  him  just  sufficient  men  to  keep  the  castle ;  this  plan 
was  rejected  as  exceedingly  dangerous  and  unsatisfactory. 
Secondly,  he  might  retreat  to  the  castle,  which  could  be 
held  for  a  long  time ;  but  the  castle  would  not  contain  all 
the  cavalry,  and  thus  a  large  portion  of  it,  together  with 
the  "nobility,  gentry  and  well  affected  of  the  town,  "would 


1  A  Narrative  of  the  Siege  of  Bristol.  Warburton,  III.  pp.  166— 

180. 

2  Warburton,  III.  pjx  172—174. 

i82  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

be  left  to  the  mercy  of  the  conquering  foe.  ^  Thirdly  and 
lastly,  he  could  surrender  on  honourable  terms ;  and  this  was 
the  course  chosen  by  the  Council  of  War.  Rightly  or  wrong- 
ly, Rupert  entered  into  treaty,  and  a  cessation  of  arms  was 
agreed  on.  But  the  cessation  was  violated  by  Fairfax's  men, 
and  Rupert  thereupon  declared  that  he  **  would  stand  upon 
his  own  defence,  and  rather  die  than  suffer  such  injuries."  ' 
Fairfax  hastened  to  apologise  and  make  amends ;  Rupert 
was  pacified,  and  the  treaty  concluded.  The  terms  were 
good  and  honourable ;  the  garrison  were  to  march  out 
with  the  honours  of  war,  a  charge  of  bullet  and  powder 
was  granted  to  each  of  the  Prince's  guards,  the  sick  were 
to  stay  uninjured  in  the  city,  and  no  private  person  was  to 
be  molested.  It  must  also  be  noted  that  Rupert  yielded 
only  at  the  second  summons,  and  after  the  city  had  been 
entered  by  the  enemy.  Relief  was  "  as  improbable  to  be 
expected  as  easy  to  be  desired,"  and  though  he  could 
certainly  have  held  the  castle  longer,  **the  city  had  been 
thereby  exposed  to  the  spoil  and  fury  of  the  enemy,  and 
so  many  gallant  men  who  had  so  long  and  faithfully  served 
His  Majesty,  (whose  safeties  His  Highness  conceived  him- 
self in  honour  obliged  to  preserve  as  dearly  as  his  own) 
had  been  left  to  the  slaughter  and  rage  of  a  prevailing 
enemy."  ^  It  may  be  that  Rupert  mistook  his  position.  Per- 
haps he  should  have  held  the  castle  entrusted  to  him  at  all 
costs,  and  suffered  no  other  considerations  to  cross  his  military 
councils.  But  his  unwillingness  to  desert  the  townspeople 
and  his  beloved  cavalry,  can  hardly  be  counted  to  his  discredit. 
On  September  loth  the  Royalist  garrison  marched  out 
of  Bristol,  and  was  escorted  by  Fairfax  himself  for  two 
miles  over  the  Downs.  Rupert  had  dressed  himself  care- 
fully for  his  part,  and  there  was  nothing  of  the  broken  down 
Cavalier  about  his  attire.    "The  Prince  was  clad  in  scarlet, 

J  Narrative  of  Siege  of  Bristol.  Warburton,  III.  pp.  i68 — 169. 

2  Ibid.  p.  178. 

8  Narrative  of  Siege  of  Bristol.  Warburton,  III.  p.  180, 


THE  SURRENDER  OF  BRISTOL  183 

very  richly  laid  in  silver  lace,  and  mounted  upon  a  very 
gallant  black  Barbary  horse ;  the  General  (Thomas  Fairfax) 
and  the  Prince  rode  together,  the  General  giving  the  Prince 
the  right  hand  all  the  way."  ^  The  courtesy  on  both  sides 
was  perfect ;  the  Puritans  showed  no  unseemly  triumph  over 
their  fallen  foe,  and  the  Prince  bore  himself  towards  his 
conquerors  as  a  soldier  and  a  gentleman  should.  **  All 
fair  respects  between  the  Prince  and  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax," 
reported  a  Puritan  witness  ;  **  much  respect  from  the  Lord 
General  Cromwell.  He  (the  Prince)  gave  this  gallant  com- 
pliment to  Major  Harrison,  'that  he  never  received  such 
satisfaction  in  such  unhappiness,  and  that,  if  ever  in  his 
power,  he  will  repay  it.' " " 

Truly  Rupert  shone  more  in  evil  fortune  than  in  good, 
and  he  seems  to  have  completely  won  the  hearts  of  his 
enemies.  His  request  for  muskets  for  his  men  was  readily 
granted,  on  his  promise  to  deliver  them  up  to  the  Parlia- 
mentary convoy,  at  the  end  of  his  journey,  "  which  every  one 
believes  he  will  perform,"  ^  said  an  adherent  of  the  Parliament. 
And  the  Puritan  Colonel  Butler,  who  convoyed  him  from 
Bristol  to  Oxford,  wrote  of  him  to  Waller,  with  enthusiasm. 
"I  had  the  honour  to  wait  upon  His  Highness  Prince 
Rupert,  with  a  convoy  from  Bristol  to  this  place,  and 
seriously,  I  am  glad  I  had  the  happiness  to  see  him.  I 
am  confident  we  have  been  much  mistaken  in  our  intelli- 
gence concerning  him.  I  find  him  a  man  much  inclined  to 
a  happy  peace,  and  he  will  certainly  employ  his  interest 
with  His  Majesty  for  the  accomplishing  of  it.  I  make  it 
my  request  to  you  that  you  use  some  means  that  no 
pamphlet  is  printed  that  may  derogate  from  his  worth  for 
the  delivery  of  Bristow.  On  my  word  he  could  not  have 
held  ity  unless  it  had  been  better  manned.''^    Changed  in- 

1  Narrative  of  Siege  of  Bristol.  Warburton,  in.  p.  181. 
3  Pamphlet,  Sept.  10,   1645.  Warburton,  p.  183. 
3  Ibid. 

*  Nicholas  Papers,  I.  p.  65.  Camden  Society.  New  Series.  Butler  to  Waller, 
Sept.  15,  1645.  . 


i84  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

deed  was  the  Puritan  attitude  towards  the  mad  Prince, 
and  more  than  one  officer  of  the  Parliament  was  eager  to 
justify  his  conduct.  "I  have  heard  the  Prince  much  con- 
demned for  the  loss  of  that  city,  but  certainly  they  were 
much  to  blame,"  wrote  another.  "First  let  them  consider 
that  the  town  was  entered  by  plain  force,  with  the  loss  of 
much  blood.  And  then  the  Prince  had  nothing  to  keep 
but  the  great  fort  and  castle.  Perchance  he  might  hold 
out  for  some  weeks,  but  then,  of  necessity,  he  must  have 
lost  all  his  horse,  which  was  in  all,  800;  and  he  had  no 
expectation  of  any  relief  at  all.  Let  all  this  be  considered, 
and  no  man   can  blame  him.*'  ^ 

But  the  advocacy  of  the  Parliament  was  not  likely  to 
allay  Royalist  indignation;  nay,  it  was  but  another  proof 
of  Rupert's  collusion  with  the  enemy  I  The  Queen  spoke 
** largely"  of  her  nephew,  giving  out  in  Paris  that  he  had 
sold  Bristol  for  money ;  "  and  the  story  gained  colour  from 
the  fact  that  the  Elector  really  did  receive  a  large  sum 
from  the  Parliament  at  this  time.  The  loss  of  Shrewsbury 
was  brought  up  against  Maurice,  and  it  was  rumoured  that 
the  younger  Princes  were  in  league  with  the  Elector; 
though  they  had  never  once  written  to  him,  since  he  had 
chosen  to  identify  himself  with  the  Parliament.  Here  was 
Digby's  opportunity;  and  the  King,  overwhelmed  by  the 
unexpected  catastrophe,  listened  to  his  representations.  On 
his  arrival  at  Oxford,  Rupert  received,  from  the  hands  of 
Secretary  Nicholas,  his  discharge  from  the  army,  a  pass- 
port to  leave  the  country,  and  a  letter  from  the  King, 
desiring  him  "to  seek  subsistence  somewhere  beyond  seas."  * 
Further,  Nicholas  was  directed  to  deprive  Legge  of  the 
Governorship  of  Oxford,  and  to  place  him  under  arrest. 

With  deep  reluctance  Nicholas  obeyed  orders;  and  both 
Legge   and  Rupert  behaved  themselves  with  quiet  dignity. 

1  Carte's  Original  Letters,  I.  p.  134. 

2  Domestic  State  Papers.  Honeywood,  Oct.  7 — 13,  1645. 

3  WarburtoDj  III.  p.  185.  ^ 


DIGBY'S  PLOT  AGAINST  RUPERT  185 

"According  to  your  commands,  I  went  immediately  to  the 
Lord  Treasurer,"  wrote  Nicholas  to  the  King.  *•  We  thought  fit 
to  send  for  Colonel  Legge  thither,  who  willingly  submitted 
himself  prisoner  to  your  commands.  This  being  despatched, 
I  went  to  Colonel  Legge's  house,  where  Prince  Rupert 
dined,  and  desiring  to  speak  with  him  privately  in  the  with- 
drawing room,  I  presented  to  him  first  his  discharge,  and 
then  after  that  your  letter;  to  which  he  humbly  submitted 
himself,  telling  me  that  he  was  very  innocent  of  anything 
that  might  deserve  so  heavy  a  punishment.  . . .  Your  Majesty 
will  herewith  receive  a  letter  from  Prince  Rupert,  who  will, 
I  believe,  stay  here,  until  he  hears  again  from  you,  for  that 
he  cannot  without  leave  from  the  rebels  go  to  embark 
himself,  and  without  Your  Majesty's  license,  I  hear,  he  will 
not  demand  a  pass  from  the  rebels."  ' 

Rupert's  letter  consisted  of  a  grave  and  calm  protest,  and 
a  demand  for  a  personal  interview  with  his  uncle.  "I 
only  say  that  if  Your  Majesty  had  vouchsafed  to  hear  me 
inform  you,  before  you  had  made  a  final  judgment, — I  will 
presume  to  present  this  much, — you  would  not  have  censured 
me,  as  it  seems  you  do."  His  first  duty  was,  he  admitted, 
to  give  an  explanation  to  the  King,  but,  since  the  oppor- 
tunity was  denied  him — **In  the  next  place  I  owe  myself 
that  justice  as  to  publish  to  the  world  what  I  think  will 
clear  my  erring  in  all  this  business  now  in  question  from 
any  foul  deed,  or  neglect,  and  vindicate  me  from  desert  of 
any  prevaiHng  malice,  though  I  sufi*er  it.  Your  commands 
that  I  should  dispose  myself  beyond  seas  be  pleased  to 
consider  of,  whether  it  be  in  my  power,  though  you  have 
sent  me  a  pass,  as  times  now  are,  to  go  by  it."  ^  In  ac- 
cordance with  this  statement  he  published  a  detailed  account 
of  the  state  of  Bristol,  and  all  that  had  passed  there,  and 
continued  at  Oxford,  awaiting  the  King's  pleasure.  "  I  must 
not   omit   to    acquaint   Your  Majesty,"   wrote   the   faithful 

1  Domestic  State  Papers.  Nicholas  to  King,  Sept.  18,  1645. 

2  Ibid.  Rupert  to  King,  Sept.  18,  1645. 


i86  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Nicholas,  **that  I  hear  Prince  Rupert  hath  not  :£^5o  in  all 
the  world,  and  is  reduced  to  so  great  an  extremity  as  he 
hath  not  wherewith  to  feed  himself  or  his  servants.  I  hear 
that  Colonel  Legge  is  in  no  more  plentiful  condition."  ^ 

The  loss  of  Rupert's  military  experience  was  soon  felt 
in  the  Royalist  ranks ;  and  would  have  been  felt  more 
severely  had  there  been  any  serious  undertaking  on  hand, 
or  any  army  to  execute  it.  As  it  was,  when  the  first 
moment  of  panic  was  past  and  men  could  consider  the 
question  calmly,  he  appeared  to  have  been  hardly  dealt 
with.  To  seriously  suspect  him  of  treachery  was  absurd ; 
he  was,  in  effect,  the  victim  of  Digby's  malice;  and  the 
arrest  of  Legge,  for  no  other  crime  than  that  of  being  the 
Prince's  friend,  favoured  this  view.  Digby  of  course  pre- 
tended that  he  could  furnish  proofs  of  Legge's  contemplated 
treacheries,  **as  soon  as  I  can  come  at  my  papers,  which 
were  left  with  Stanier,  and  all  my  other  necessaries,  at 
Worcester,"  and  insisted  that,  so  long  as  Rupert  were  in 
England,  it  would  he  unsafe  to  set  his  friend  at  liberty. ' 
Equally,  of  course,  no  one — except  the  King — believed  him ; 
for  Legge's  loyalty  and  integrity  were  above  suspicion.  He 
was,  says  Clarendon,  considered  "  above  all  temptations,"  ^ 
and  the  indignation  felt  at  this  injustice  greatly  favoured 
the  Prince's  cause. 

Digby  had  no  mind  to  face  ''the  fury  of  the  storm"* 
which  he  had  raised.  Before  Rupert  could  reach  Oxford 
the  Secretary  had  hurried  the  King  away  to  Newark,  a 
place  which  would  be  very  difficult  of  access  for  the  Prince. 
Personally,  Charles  had  inclined  to  Worcester,  but  Digby 
would  not  hear  of  it.  Not  only  was  Worcester  within  easy 
distance  from  Oxford,  but  Maurice  was  Governor  there; 
and    Maurice   had,    as   Digby   knew,  *'a  very  tender  sense 


1  Dom.  State  Papers.  Nicholas  to  King,  Sept.  iS,  1645. 

2  Ibid.  Digby  to  Nicholas,  Sept.  26,  1645. 

3  Clarendon,  Bk.  IX.  91. 
♦  Walker,  p.  142. 


DIGBY'S  PLOT  AGAINST  RUPERT  187 

of  the  severity  his  brother  had  undergone,  and  was  ready 
to  revenge  it."  ^ 

The  younger  Prince  was  only  just  recovering  from  a  second 
severe  illness.  As  before,  his  recovery  had  been  despaired 
of,  and  his  death  freely  reported  by  friends  and  foes.  "  Mau- 
rice is  very  sick  at  Worcester  of  the  plague ;  some  say  he 
is  dead,  and  the  malignants  are  very  sorrowful  at  the  news,"  " 
said  a  Puritan  pamphlet.  While  he  was  still  too  ill  to  take 
any  active  share  in  the  dispute,  the  King  had  written  to 
him,  telling  of  Rupert's  dismissal,  but  adding  kindly:  "I 
know  you  to  be  so  free  from  his  present  misfortune  that 
it  noways  staggers  me  in  that  good  opinion  I  have  ever 
had  of  you;  and  so  long  as  you  be  not  weary  of  your 
employment  under  me,  I  will  give  you  all  the  encourage- 
ment and  contentment  in  my  power."  ^  But  Maurice  was  far 
too  devoted  a  brother  to  be  soothed  by  such  words.  Ill 
though  he  was,  he  made  a  copy  of  the  King's  letter  in  his 
own  hand  to  send  to  Rupert,  and  by  all  possible  means 
he  showed  '*  sensibility "  of  the  injury  done  to  his  brother. 
Worcester  was  full  of  his  partisans,  and  Digby  knew  better 
than  to  venture  into  his  power.  At  Newark,  the  Secretary 
felt  himself  safe,  and  there  he  continued  to  inflame  the 
King  against  his  nephew.  The  task  was  not  difficult.  The 
King  was  shaken  and  despairing,  and  Digby  had  calum- 
nies ready  to  his  hand. 

*•  It  hath  been  the  constant  endeavours  of  the  English 
nation—  who  are  naturally  prone  to  hate  strangers — to  seek, 
with  false  calumnies  and  scandalous  accusations,  to  blast 
and  blemish  my  integrity  to  my  uncle  and  to  his  Royal 
family,"  declared  Rupert  himself,  a  few  years  later.  ''  Neither 
hath  the  abuse  laid  on  me  by  my  uncle's  pretended  friends 
been  sufficient,  but  the  gross  lies  and  forgeries  of  that 
rebel  nest  at  Westminster  have  branded  me  with  the  worst 

1   Clarendon,  Bk.  IX.  121.  Walker,  142. 

3  Warburton,  III.  p.  183. 

3  Ibid.  p.  188.  King  to  Maurice,  Sept.  20,  1645. 


i88  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

of  crimes  that  possible  any  man  might  be  charged  with. 
.  , .  The  command  which  His  Majesty  had  been  graciously 
pleased  to  confer  on  me — as  I  shall  answer  at  the  day 
of  judgment — I  did  improve  to  the  best  of  my  power, 
without  any  treachery,  deceit,  or  dissimulation.  And  for 
my  unfortunateness,  I  hope  it  was  excusable,  it  being  not 
only  incident  where  I  had  command,  but  in  all  other  places 
where  my  uncle  had  any  power  of  soldiers;  yet,  notwith- 
standing, I  was  the  butt  at  which  envy  shot  its  arrows, 
and  all  my  uncle's  losses  were  laid  to  my  charge."  ^  This 
was  not  an  unfair  statement  of  the  case.  It  is  the  way  of 
all  nations  and  parties  to  blame  some  one  for  their  mis- 
fortunes, and  the  foreign  prince  made  a  convenient  scape- 
goat for  the  Royalists.  The  libels  originated  in  the  "  rebel 
nest"  were  taken  up  and  cherished  by  the  foes  of  Rupert's 
own  household.  As  early  as  February  1644,  there  had 
appeared  a  pamphlet  which  stated  plainly  that  Rupert  was 
aiming  at  the  English  Crown.  He  was  not,  it  was  suggest- 
ed, "  so  far  from  the  Crown,  but,  if  once  the  course  of  law, 
and  the  power  of  the  Parliament  be  extinguished,  he  may 
bid  as  fair  for  it,  by  the  sword,  as  the  King;  having  pos- 
sessed himself  of  so  much  power  already  under  colour  of 
serving  the  King;  and  having,  by  his  German  manner  of 
plundering,  and  active  disposition  in  military  affairs,  won 
the  hearts  of  so  many  soldiers  of  fortune,  and  men  of  prey. 
He  is  already  their  chieftain  and  their  Prince,  and  he  is 
like  enough  to  be  their  King.  . . .  This  whole  war  is  managed 
by  his  skill,  labour  and  industry ;  insomuch  as,  if  the  King 
command  one  thing  and  he  another,  the  Prince  must  be 
preferred  before  the  King.  Witness  Banbury,  which  was 
secured  from  plundering  under  the  King's  own  hand;  but 
that  was  slighted,  and  the  town  plundered  by  Prince  Rupert 
vilifying  the  King's  authority,  and  making  it  a  fault  of  his 
unexpertness,  saying,  *  His  Uncle  knew  not  what  belonged 

»  Pamphlet.  Brit  Mus.  "Prince  Rupert:  his  Declaration",  March  9,  1649. 


DIGBY'S  PLOT  AGAINST  RUPERT  189 

to  war.'  . . .  Neither  shall  Prince  Rupert  want  abettors  in  his 
cursed  design ;  for  many  of  our  debauched  and  low-fortuned 
young  nobility  and  gentry,  suiting  so  naturally  with  this 
new  conqueror,  will  make  no  bones  to  shoulder  out  the 
old  King."  '  Eagerly  did  Rupert's  Royalist  foes  catch  at 
the  libel.  We  have  already  seen  that,  before  Marston 
Moor,  Digby,  Percy  and  Wilmot  ventured  to  assert  openly 
that  the  victory  of  Prince  or  Parliament  was  a  matter  of 
indifference.  And  even  after  that  battle  had  broken  his 
power,  Sir  George  Radcliffe  wrote  to  Ormonde  of  "the 
great  fear  some  have  of  Prince  Rupert,  his  success  and 
greatness." " 

The  formation  of  Rupert's  peace-party  in  1645  put  the 
finishing  touch  to  Digby 's  hatred  of  him,  and  also  afforded 
means  of  exciting  the  King's  distrust.  The  sanguine  and 
unpractical  Secretary,  ignorant  of  military  details,  did  not 
know  that  the  King  was  beaten  and  could  never  draw 
another  army  into  the  field.  He  had  a  thousand  schemes 
for  gaining  over  the  Scots,  for  obtaining  help  from  Ireland 
or  France,  and  he  would  not,  and  could  not,  believe  that 
the  game  was  lost.  Consequently  he  resented  the  suggestion 
of  compromise  even  more  hotly  than  did  the  King.  '*  Alas  I 
my  Lord!"  he  wrote  to  Jermyn  in  August,  "I  do  not 
know  four  persons  living,  besides  myself  and  you,  that  have 
not  already  given  clear  demonstration  that  they  will  purchase 
their  own,  and  as  they  flatter  themselves,  the  Kingdom's 
quiet,  at  any  price  to  the  King,  the  Church,  and  the  faith- 
fullest  of  his  party. . .  The  next  news  that  you  will  hear, 
after  we  have  been  one  month  at  Oxford,  will  be  that  I, 
and  those  few  others  who  may  be  thought  by  our  Counsels 
to  fortify  the  King  in  firmness  to  his  principles,  shall  he 
forced   or  torn   from   him.     You   will  find   Prince   Rupert, 


1  Pamphlet  Brit.  Mus.  "A  Looking-glass  whereia  His  Majesty  may  sec  his 
Nephew's  Love." 
«  Carte's  Ormonde,  VI.  167,  18  July,  1644. 


190  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Byron,  Gerard,  Will  Legge,  and  Ormonde  '  are  the  prime 
instruments  to  impose  the  necessity  upon  the  King  of  sub- 
mitting to  what  they,  and  most  of  the  King's  party  at 
Oxford,  shall  think  fit."  - 

But  though  he  thus  posed  as  a  martyr,  Digby  had  no 
intention  of  letting  his  rivals  prevail.  Ormonde  he  tried  to 
gain  over,  of  course  without  success,  by  the  suggestion  that 
he  might  supplant  Rupert  as  Commander-in-Chief;  and  he 
had  already  laid  a  deliberate  and  ingenious  plot  for  ruining 
the  reputations  of  Rupert  and  Legge.  By  means  of  his 
agent,  Walsingham,  he  obtained  incriminating  letters  which 
represented  both  the  Prince  and  his  friend  as  deeply  involved 
in  intrigue  with  the  Parliament.  The  letters,  which  are 
anonymous,  were  apparently  the  work  of  some  spy  in  the 
opposing  camp,  who  was  willing  to  supply  any  information 
desired, — for  a  consideration.  The  Secretary  was  scarcely 
so  insane  as  to  believe  in  the  accusations  which  they  con- 
tained, but  it  suited  his  purpose  to  feign  belief.  Certainly 
it  seems  strange  that  Digby,  who  was  undoubtedly  a  gentle- 
man, and  by  no  means  devoid  of  honour  and  generosity, 
could  have  stooped  to  such  baseness ;  but  he  had  a  versatile 
mind,  and  he  probably  persuaded  himself  that  Rupert's 
peace  policy  was  as  dangerous  to  the  King's  interests  as 
actual  treachery  could  be,  and  that  any  means  were  therefore 
justifiable  to  overthrow  its  authors. 

As  early  as  August  8th,  Walsingham  forwarded  to  his 
patron  an  anonymous  letter  which  stated  the  absolute  neces- 
sity of  deposing  Rupert  from  the  chief  command.  **  I  have 
not  been  silent  heretofore  concerning  Prince  Rupert  and 
his  assistant.  Will  Legge.  . . .  Many  did  suppose,  and  those 
none  of  the  weakest  men,  that  upon  the  late  defeat  (Naseby), 
his  Majesty  would  seriously  take  to   heart  the  many  great 


1  The  names  are  so  printed  in  the  Calendar  of  State  Papers.  But  in  the 
original  MS.  they  are  so  blotted  that  only  "Rupert"  and  "Legge"  are  really 
distinct.     Professor  Gardiner  adds  Culpepper. 

'  State  Papers.    Digby  to  Jermyn,  Aug.  27,  1645. 


r 


DIGBY'S  PLOT  AGAINST  RUPERT  191 

and  irregular  errors  hitherto  admitted."  ^  Four  days  later, 
Walsingham  himself  wrote  from  Oxford,  hinting  at  a  design 
to  betray  Bristol,  and  proposing  that  Digby  should  get 
Legge  supplanted  at  Oxford  by  Glemham.  '*  Legge  is 
pleased  daily  to  show  his  teeth  plainer  to  you  and  yours. 
. . .  Prince  Rupert  salutes  him  daily  from  Bristol  with  epistles 
beginning  *  Brother  Governor',  which  are  communicated  to 
the  Junto  you  know  of,  ...  Prince  Rupert  is  now  in  general 
obloquy  with  all  sorts  of  people,  except  Will  Legge,  and 
some  few  others  of  that  stamp.  Now  every  one  desires 
his  absence  and  discarding.  His  Majesty  has  had  experience 
both  of  his  wilfulness  and  ignorance,  if  of  no  worse.  Now 
is  the  time  to  take  the  bridle  out  of  Phaeton's  hands,  and 
permit  him  not  a  third  time  to  burn  the-  world. . .  Something 
extraordinary  is  on  hand  is  evident  from  the  daily  letters 
which  pass  between  here  and  Bristol.  *Tis  sure  time  to 
provide  for  the  safety  of  Oxford ;  for  I  am  certain  many 
things  are  done  which  will  not  bear  examination,  both  within 
and  without  the  line."  • 

On  the  sixteenth,  Walsingham  wrote  by  Lady  Digby's 
command,  that  Lord  Portland  had  joined  the  *'  Cumber- 
landers,"  as  Rupert's  party  was  now  called,  and  must  be 
banished  at  all  costs.  The  '' Cumberlanders  "  were  endea- 
vouring also  to  win  Ashburnham,  but  some  thought  him  "  a 
slippery  piece,  and  dangerous  to  build  upon."  To  this 
was  added  a  hint  that  the  Prince  was  leaguing  with  the 
Irish  rebels, — the  last  thing  he  was  likely  to  do  as  he  had 
just  urged  the  King  to  abandon  them;  but  Walsingham 
added  cautiously  that  he  held  "only  the  skirts"  of  the 
story,  and  could  say  nothing  certain.  ^ 

On  September  loth  Bristol  fell.  That  the  very  thing 
should  happen  at  which  they  had  so  darkly  hinted,  was 
luck  beyond    what   the  conspirators  had  hoped;  and  Wal- 

^  State  Papers.  Anon,  to  Walsingham,  Aug.  8,  164$. 

2  Dom.  State  Papers.  Walsingham  to  Digby,  Aug.  12,  1645. 

*   Ibid.  Aug.  16,   1645. 


192  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

singham's  anonymous  friend  wrote  to  reproach  him  for 
*' making  no  better  use  of  my  frequent  informations  con- 
cerning Prince  Rupert  and  his  creature,  Legge."  Further, 
he  stated  that  Oxford  was  also  sold  to  the  Parliament  and 
would  speedily  share  the  fate  of  Bristol.  "I  have  seen 
the  transactions  for  the  bargain  already,  and  there  is  no 
prevention  but  by  an  immediate  repair  of  His  Majesty  thither, 
changing  the  Governor,  and  putting  the  city  into  the  hands 
of  some  worthy  man.  The  same  I  say  for  Newark  (?);  for, 
believe  me,  we  esteem  ourselves  masters  of  both  already. 
But  whilst  His  Majesty  is  solicitous  for  this,  I  would  not, 
by  any  means,  have  him  neglect  his  personal  safety,  upon 
which  he  will  needs  have  an  extraordinary  watchful  eye ; 
for  I  hear  a  whisper  as  if  something  ill  were  intended  him, 
and  to  your  master  for  his  sake."  ^  This  extraordinary 
document  apparently  constitutes  the  '* proofs"  against  Legge 
of  which  Digby  wrote  to  Nicholas. 

The  arrival  of  Rupert  at  Oxford,  on  September  i6th, 
gave  some  uneasiness  to  the  conspirators.  **  Prince  Rupert 
is  hourly  expected  with  his  train,  which  will  so  curb  the 
endeavours  of  all  honest  men  that  it  will  be  mere  madness 
to  attempt  anything,"^  wrote  WalsinghamI  But  two  days 
later  he  had  gained  courage  from  the  Prince's  quiet  accept- 
ance of  his  disgrace,  to  declare  that  now  was  the  time  to 
restore  prosperity  to  the  Kingdom,  "  by  weeding  out  those 
unhappy  men  that  poison  all  our  happiness."  Also,  he 
related  an  incident  intended  to  give  colour  to  the  reports 
of  Rupert's  ambition.  **  As  even  now  I  came  through  the 
garden  of  Christchurch,  a  gentleman  met  me,  and  took  me 
into  the  inner  garden,  and  told  me  that  he  would  show 
me  our  new  ruler.  Fancy  I  When  I  came  there,  I  found 
Prince  Rupert  and  Legge,  with  the  Lord  —  walking  gravely 
between  them,  on  the  further  side.  I  seemed  to  take  no 
notice  of  the  gentleman's  meaning,  but  came  away,  resenting 

1  Dom.  State  Papers.  A  to  Walsingham,  Sept.  14,  1645. 

2  Ibid.  Walsingham  to  Digby,  Sept.  14,  1645. 


THE  SCENE  AT  NEWARK  193 

to  see  the  nobility  and  gentry  stand  there  bare  at  a  dis- 
tance, as  if  His  Majesty  had  been  present."  ^  A  second  letter, 
bearing  the  same  date,  and  sent  at  Lady  Digby's  desire, 
states  that  Rupert  had  declared  that  to  treat  was  ''the 
only  thing  His  Majesty  hath  now  to  do."  But  this  desire 
for  peace  Walsingham  represented  as  a  mere  pose  to  mask 
the  Prince's  real  aims.  "  Observe  but  this  popular  and 
perilous  design  I  .  .  .  Assure  yourself,  my  Lord,  that  though 
this  be  Prince  Rupert's  aim  here  pretended  'tis  but  the 
medium  to  his  real  one;  yet  it  is  so  plausible  that  you 
would  bless  yourself  to  see  how  it  is  here  cherished  by  all 
that  are  either  malcontent,  timorous,  or  suspected. . .  Surely 
there  is  no  way  left  for  His  Majesty  to  recover,  prosper, 
and  give  life  to  his  discouraged  party,  but  by  expressing 
his  high  dislike  and  distrust  to  Prince  Rupert."  - 

But  notwithstanding  Walsingham' s  hints,  Rupert's  desire 
for  a  treaty  was  perfectly  sincere  and  disinterested.  Person- 
ally he  had  less  to  gain  by  it  than  most  of  the  Cavaliers, 
and  certainly  he  had  nothing  to  save,  for  he  had  no  stake 
in  the  country.  And  the  perfect  integrity  of  his  party  is 
sufficiently  guaranteed  by  the  very  fact  that  it  counted 
Richmond,  Legge,  and  Philip  Warwick  among  its  members. 

By  October  Rupert's  patience  was  exhausted.  He  could 
not  quit  the  country  without  the  leave  of  the  Parliament, 
he  had  no  money  to  support  himself,  or  his  servants,  and 
Legge  was  still  a  prisoner  on  his  account.  He  resolved,  at 
all  hazards,  to  see  the  King.  Fain  would  he  have  had 
Richmond  accompany  him,  but  the  Duke,  though  still  his 
faithful  friend,  would  not  leave  Oxford. 

"  The  Duke  of  Richmond  goes  not  hence  upon  many  con- 
siderations, though  Prince  Rupert  much  desired  it.  They 
are  very  good  friends,  and  both  much  for  peace,  though 
not  for  particular  ones,"  ^   reported  a  Cavalier  from  Oxford. 


2  Ibid.  Sept.  16,  1645. 

3  Ibid.  Oct.   II,  1645. 

13 


194  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

On  October  8th  Maurice  met  Rupert  at  Banbury,  and  to- 
gether they  set  out  for  Newark.  The  journey  was  attended 
with  much  danger,  for  Newark  was  surrounded  by  a  large 
army  of  the  Parliament,  and  the  Parliament  had  warned  its 
officers  to  intercept  the  Princes.  But  Rupert  in  prosperity 
had  always  been  faithful  to  his  friends,  and  he  now  found 
that  they  would  not  forsake  him  in  adversity.  A  troop  of 
officers  volunteered  to  escort  him,  and  Maurice  brought  an 
addition  of  strength,  making  about  120  in  all. 

The  enemy  had  posted  about  1,500  horse  at  various 
places,  to  intercept  the  Princes '  march,  but  all  were  skilfully 
evaded.  Near  the  end  of  their  journey,  however,  the  Princes 
found  themselves  stopped  at  Belvoir  Bridge,  by  Rossetter 
with  three  hundred  horse.  There  was  no  choice  but  to  charge 
through  them.  Two  attempts  failed,  and  Rupert  turned  to 
his  men,  saying  cheerfully:  "We  have  beaten  them  twice, 
we  must  beat  them  once  more,  and  then  over  the  pass, 
and  away."  ^  The  third  charge,  carried  them  through  the 
enemy,  as  he  promised,  and  then  they  divided  into  two 
parties.  The  larger  troop  went  on,  with  the  baggage,  to 
Belvoir ;  but  the  Princes,  with  about  twenty  more,  proceeded 
by  a  short  cut,  which  Rupert  remembered  passing  ten  years 
before  when  a  boy,  ''shooting  of  conies."  Here  they  were 
hotly  pursued  by  a  body  of  horse,  and  the  enemy,  thinking 
the  Prince  trapped,  offered  him  quaiter.  His  only  answer 
was  to  direct  his  friends  to  follow  him  closely,  and,  breaking 
through  the  hostile  ranks,  they  came  safely  to  Belvoir  Castle.  ' 

Digby  had  not  awaited  the  Prince's  arrival,  but  had  fled 
north,  on  the  pretext  of  leading  a  force  to  join  Montrose; 
and  it  was  thought,  on  all  sides,  that  he  had  done  wisely. 
The  King  no  sooner  heard  of  his  nephews'  arrival  at  Belvoir 
than  he  sent  to  forbid  their  nearer  approach.  "  Least  of  all 
I  cannot  forget  what  opinion  you  were  of  when  I  was  at 
Cardiff,  "  he  wrote  to  Rupert,  *'  and  therefore  must  remember 

*  Warburton,  III.  p.  194. 
«  Ibid.  pp.  194 — 5. 


THE  SCENE  AT  NEWARK  195 

you  of  the  letter  I  wrote  to  you  from  thence,  in  the  Duke 
of  Richmond's  cipher,  warning  you  that  if  you  be  not 
resolved  to  carry  yourself  according  to  my  resolution,  therein 
mentioned,  you  are  no  fit  company  for  me."  ^ 

In  defiance  of  this  prohibition,  Rupert  came  on  next  day 
to  Newark.  Within  the  town  there  existed  a  considerable 
party  in  his  favour,  headed  by  the  Governor,  Sir  Richard 
Willys.  Two  days  earlier  Willys  had  received  the  King  at 
the  city  gates,  but  he  now  rode  out  a  couple  of  miles,  with 
a  large  escort  of  horse,  to  meet  the  Prince.  The  accounts 
of  the  scene  that  followed  are  many,  but  all  agree  in  the 
main  points.  Rupert  walked  straight  into  the  presence  of 
the  King,  and,  without  any  apology  or  ceremony,  abruptly 
informed  him  ''that  he  was  come  to  render  an  account  of 
the  loss  of  Bristol."  '  The  King  made  no  reply, — he  probably 
did  not  know  what  to  say, — and  immediately  went  to  supper. 
His  nephews  followed,  and  stood  by  him  during  the  meal ; 
but,  though  he  asked  a  few  questions  of  Maurice,  he  still 
would  not  speak  to  Rupert.  After  an  embarrassing  hour  the 
King  retired  to  his  bed-chamber,  and  the  Princes  went  to 
the  house  of  Willys. 

On  the  next  morning  Rupert  was  permitted  to  lay  his 
defence  before  a  court-martial,  which  acquitted  him  of  any 
lack  of  "courage  or  fidelity,"  though  not  of  indiscretion.'* 
The  verdict,  though  qualified,  was  in  effect  a  triumph  for 
Rupert,  and  completely  vindicated  his  honour.  As  to  the 
relief  which  the  King  fancied  he  had  intended  to  send  to 
Bristol,  Sir  Edward  Walker,  no  friend  to  Rupert,  admits 
that  "  it  was  a  very  plausible  design  on  paper, . . .  and  I 
fear  it  would  have  been  a  longer  time  than  we  fancied  to 
ourselves,  before  we  made  both  ends  to  meet."  *  Here  the 
matter  should  have  ended,  and  had  it  done  so,  the  whole 


1  Add.  MSS.  31022.  King  to  Rupert,  Oct.  15,  1645. 

2  Walker,  pp.  136 — 137. 

•*  Warburton,  III.  201 — 203. 
^  Walker,  137. 


196  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

affair  would  have  been  little  to  Rupert's  discredit.  Unfor- 
tunately his  passionate  temper  now  put  him  completely  in 
the  wrong. 

The  King  had  resolved  to  quit  Newark,  and,  remember- 
ing Willys's  frequent  quarrels  with  the  Commissioners  of  the 
County,  and  also  his  recent  display  of  partisanship,  he  judged 
it  unwise  to  leave  him  behind.  For  this  reason  he  ordered 
him  to  change  posts  with  Bellasys,  who,  since  the  death 
of  Lord  Bernard  Stuart,  had  commanded  the  King  s  guards. 
This  was  promotion  for  Willys,  but  a  very  unwelcome  pro- 
motion, for  which  he  perfectly  understood  the  King's  motives. 
Moreover,  Bellasys  was  Digby's  friend,  and  the  whole  miH- 
tary  party  rose  in  protest  against  this  new  evidence  of  Digby's 
power.  It  was  agreed  that  Willys  should  demand  the  grounds 
for  his  removal,  and  a  trial  by  court-martial.  The  stormy 
scene  which  resulted  has  been  rather  confusedly  described 
by  Walker,  Clarendon  and  others,  but  the  best  account  is 
to  be  found  in  the  diary  of  Symonds,  though  he  unhappily 
repented  of  having  written  it,  and  tore  a  part  of  it  out  of 
his  book. 

The  King  had  just  returned  from  church,  and  sat  down 
to  dinner,  when  Rupert,  Maurice,  Gerard,  Willys  and  some 
other  officers  entered  the  room.  Rupert  ''came  in  discon- 
tentedly, with  his  hands  at  his  sides,  and  approached  very 
near  the  King."  Charles  thereupon  ordered  the  dinner  to 
be  taken  away,  and,  rising,  walked  to  a  corner  of  the  room. 
Rupert,  Gerard  and  Willys  followed  him.  Willys  spoke 
first,  asking,  respectfully  enough,  to  be  told  the  names  of 
his  accusers.)  Rupert  broke  in  impatiently:  "By  God!  This 
is  done  in  malice  to  me,  because  Sir  Richard  hath  always 
been  my  faithful  friend !  "  Gerard  then  launched  into  a  protest 
on  his  own  account,  and  Rupert  again  interrupted,  saying : 
"The  cause  of  all  this  is  Digby!" — ''I  am  but  a  child! 
Digby  can  do  what  he  will  with  me,"  retorted  the  King 
bitterly. — A  long  and  violent  altercation  followed.  Rupert 
referred   to   Bristol,    and   the   King   sighed,  '' O    nephew!" 


THE  SCENE  AT  NEWARK  197 

and  then  stopped  short.  Whereupon  Rupert  cried,  for  the 
third  time:  ''Digby  is  the  man  that  hath  caused  all  this 
distraction  between  us!"  But  the  King  could  endure  no 
more:  *'They  are  all  rogues  and  rascals  that  say  sol"  he 
answered  sharply,  ''and  in  effect  traitors  that  seek  to  dis- 
honour my  best  subjects!"  There  was  no  more  to  be  said ; 
Gerard  bowed  and  went  out.  Rupert  "  showed  no  reverence, 
but  went  out  proudly,  his  hands  at  his  sides."  ' 

That  evening  the  Princes  and  their  party  sent  in  a  pe- 
tition to  the  effect  that:  "Many  of  us  trusted  in  high  com- 
mands in  Your  Majesty's  service,  have  not  only  our  com- 
missions taken  away  without  any  cause  or  reason  expressed, 
whereby  our  honours  are  blemished  to  the  world,  our 
fortunes  ruined,  and  we  rendered  incapable  of  command 
from  any  foreign  prince, — but  many  others,  as  we  have 
cause  to  fear,  are  designed  to  suffer  in  like  manner."  '  They 
repeated  their  demand  for  trials  by  court-martial,  and  de- 
sired that,  if  this  were  refused,  they  might  have  passes  to 
go  over  seas.  The  King  answered  that  he  would  not  make 
a  court-martial  the  judge  of  his  actions,  and  sent  the  passes. 
Next  morning  about  ten  o'clock,  the  two  princes  and  Lord 
Gerard  came  privately  to  the  bed-chamber  to  take  their 
leave.  Gerard  "  expressed  some  sense  of  folly,"  ^  but  the 
Princes  offered  no  apology,  and,  with  about  two  hundred 
officers,  they  rode  off  to  Belvoir,  "the  King  looking  out 
of  a  window,  and  weeping  to  see  them  go."  ' 

As  an  instance  of  the  way  in  which  stories  are  exagge- 
rated, Pepys's  account  of  the  affair,  written  some  twenty 
years  after,  is  instructive:  "The  great  officers  of  the  King's 
army  mutinied  and  came,  in  that  manner,  with  swords 
drawn,  into  the  market-place  of  the  town  where  the  King 
was.     Whereupon    the     King     says,    'I    must   horse,'     and 

^   Symonds  Diary.  Camden  Society,  268 — 270,  also  Walker,  145 — 148. 

-  Evelyn's  Diary,  ed.  1852.  IV.  165—166. 

5  Walker,  p.  148. 

<  Pamphlet.  Merc.  Brit.  Warburtou.  III.  206,  note. 


198  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

there  himself  personally;  when  every  one  expected  they 
should  be  opposed,  the  King  came,  and  cried  to  the  head 
of  the  mutineers,  which  was  Prince  Rupert, — 'Nephew,  I 
command  you  to  be  gone ! '  So  the  Prince,  in  all  his  fury 
and  discontent,  withdrew;  and  his  company  scattered."  * 

This  was  the  climax  of  the  long-continued  strife  between 
the  military  and  civilian  parties ;  the  civilians  had  triumphed, 
and  the  princes  now  resolved  to  leave  the  country.  In 
great  indignation,  a  large  number  of  officers  prepared  to 
follow  them.  **  This  is  an  excellent  reward  for  Rupert  and 
Maurice!"  declared  Gerard  wrathfully.  -  Rupert  himself 
wrote  to  Legge :  "  Dear  Will,  I  hope  Goodwin  has  told 
you  what  reasons  I  had  to  quit  His  Majesty's  service.  I 
have  sent  Osborne  to  London  for  a  pass  to  go  beyond 
seas;  when  I  have  an  answer  you  shall  know  more.  Pray 
tell  Sir  Charles  Lucas  that  I  would  have  written  to  him 
before  this,  and  to  George  Lisle,  but  I  was  kept  close  here. 
...  If  I  can  but  get  permission,  I  shall  hope  to  see  you 
and  the  rest  of  my  friends  once  more;  and  in  particular 
to  bid  farewell  to  my  Lord  Portland.  I  forgot  to  tell  you 
that  Lord  Digby  is  beaten  back  again  to  Shipton.  Alas, 
poor  manl"  "^ 

Osborne,  whom  Rupert  had  sent  to  London  to  obtain 
from  the  Parliament  a  pass  and  safe  convoy  to  a  sea-port, 
found  his  mission  greatly  facilitated  by  Digby's  new  defeat, 
and  the  consequent  capture  of  his  papers.  It  was  cha- 
racteristic of  the  Secretary,  that,  though  his  love-letters 
were  carefully  preserved  in  cipher,  all  those  of  political 
importance  were  written  in  plain  language.  Among  these 
papers  was  found  a  copy  of  the  King's  answer  to  Rupert's 
advice  to  treat,  and  the  Parliament  was  moved  thereby  in 
Rupert's  favour.  A  pass  was  granted,  but  on  condition  of 
a  promise  given  never  again  to  bear  arms  against  the  Par- 

1  Pepys  Diary,  4  Feb.  1665. 

2  State  Papers.  Gerard  to  Skipworth,  Nov.  2,  1645. 

*   Dom.  State  Papers.  Anon,  to  Legge,  Nov.  3,  1645. 


RECONCILIATION  WITH  THE  KING  199 

liament.  This  promise  the  Princes  would  not  give ;  and, 
as  they  could  not  possibly  leave  the  country  without  the 
Parliament's  good  will,  they  fought  their  way  back  to 
Woodstock. 

A  few  weeks  later  Charles  returned  to  Oxford,  and  at 
once  released  Legge  from  his  confinement.  Rupert  was 
still  at  Woodstock,  and  his  faithful  friend  lost  no  time  in 
attempting  to  mediate  between  him  and  the  King.  ''My 
most  dear  Prince,"  he  wrote,  November  21st,  "the  liberty 
I  have  got  is  but  of  little  contentment  when  divided  from 
you. . . ,  I  have  not  hitherto  lost  a  day  without  moving  His 
Majesty  to  recall  you ;  and  truly,  this  very  day,  he  protested 
to  me  he  would  count  it  a  great  happiness  to  have  you 
with  him,  so  he  received  the  satisfaction  he  is  bound  in 
honour  to  have.  What  that  is  you  will  receive  from  the 
Duke  of  Richmond.  The  King  says,  as  he  is  your  Uncle, 
he  is  in  the  nature  of  a  parent  to  you,  and  swears  that  if 
Prince  Charles  had  done  as  you  did  he  would  never  see 
him  again,  without  the  same  he  desires  from  you. . . .  you 
must  thank  the  Duchess  of  Richmond,  for  she  furnished  a 
present  to  procure  this  messenger — I  being  not  so  happy 
as  to  have  any  money  myself."  '  And  four  days  later,  he 
wrote  again :  **  I  am  of  opinion  you  should  write  to  your 
Uncle — you  ought  to  do  it — ;  and  if  you  offered  your 
service  to  him  yet,  and  submitted  yourself  to  his  disposing 
and  advice,  many  of  your  friends  think  it  could  not  be  a 
dishonour,  but  rather  the  contrary,  seeing  he  is  a  King, 
your  Uncle,  and,  in  effect,  a  parent  to  you."  - 

But  Rupert  sulked,  like  Achilles  in  his  tent,  and  his 
other  friends  took  up  the  protest.  ''This  night  I  was  with 
the  King,  who  expresses  great  kindness  to  you,  but  beleevs 
y'"  partinge  was  so  much  the  contrary  as  Y"  Highnes  cannot 
but  think  it  finill,"  wrote  an  anonymous  correspondent, 
"  Now    truly,    Sir,    His    Majesty    conceiving    it   soe,   in  my 

1   Warburton,  III.  p.  211.  Legge  to  Rupert,  Xov.  21,  1645. 
-    Ibid.  p.  212.  Legge  to  Rupert,  Xov.  25.   1645. 


200  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

opinion,  'tis  fifitt  you  should  make  sume  hansume  apply - 
cation,  for  this  reason;  because  my  Lord  Duke  and  others 
here,  are  much  your  servants,  and  all  that  are  so  wish 
your  return  to  courte,  though  it  be  but  to  part  frindlye. 
But  I  think  it  necessary  you  should  prepare  the  way  first 
by  letters  to  the  Kinge.  Sir,  I  have  no  designes  in  this 
but  your  service,  and  if  you  understand  me  rightlye,  that 
will  prevayle  so  far  as  you  will  consider  what  I  saye  before 
you  resolve  the  contrarye.  I  knowe  there  be  sum  that  are 
your  enemies,  but  they  are  such  as  may  barcke,  but  I  am 
confident  are  not  able  to  fight  against  you  appeare.  There- 
fore, Sir,  I  beseech  you,  do  not  contrybute  to  the  satisfac- 
tion of  your  foes,  and  the  ruyne  of  your  friends,  by  neglect- 
ing anything  in  your  power  to  make  peace  with  fortune. 
If  after  all  your  attempts  to  be  rightlye  understood  you 
shall  fayle  of  that,  yet  you  cannot  waynt  honor  for  the 
action.  'Tis  your  Uncle  you  shall  submit  to,  and  a  King, 
not  in  the  condition  he  meryt!  What  others  may  saye  I 
knowe  not,  but  really,  soe  may  I  speak  my  opinion  as  a 
person  that  valews  you  above  all  the  world  besydes.  I  am 
confident  you  know  how  faithfully  my  harte  is  to  your 
Highness ! "  ^  Also  from  Lord  Dorset  came  a  pathetic  appeal : 
**  If  my  prayers  can  prevail,  you  shall  not  have  the  heart 
to  leave  us  all  in  our  saddest  times.  If  my  advice  were 
worthy  of  following,  surely  3'ou  should  not  abandon  your 
Uncle  in  the  disastrous  condition  these  evil  storms  have 
placed  him  in."  ' 

These  exhortations  and  entreaties  at  length  prevailed; 
the  Prince  suffered  his  natural  generosity  to  overcome  his 
pride,  and  was  induced  to  write  the  required  apology:  "I 
humbly  acknowledge  that  great  error,  which  I  find  your 
Majesty  justly  sensible  of,  which  happened  upon  occasion 
at  Newark."  "  Several  letters  passed,  and  Charles  then  sent 

1   Pythouse  Papers,  p.  27. 

-  Warburton,  III.  213.  Dorset  to  Rupert,  Dec.  25.  1645. 

'''  Ibid.,  p.  222.  Rupert  to  King.  No  date. 


THE  FALL  OF  OXFORD  201 

his  nephew,  '*  by  Colonel  Legge,  a  paper  to  confess  a 
fault."  Rupert  returned  a  blank  sheet  with  his  signature 
subscribed,  to  signify  his  perfect  submission  to  his  Uncle's 
will:  ''the  King,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  took  that  so  well 
that  all  was  at  peace  .  .  .  The  Prince  went  to  Oxford,  and 
the  King  embraced  him,  and  repented  much  the  ill-usage 
of  his  nephew."  To  this  account  of  the  reconciliation,  is 
appended  the  marginal  note,  "ask  the  Duchess  of  Rich- 
mond," but  the  information  that  she  was  able  to  supply 
was  never  filled  in.  ^ 

Rupert  was  now  restored  to  the  favour  and  the  counsels 
of  his  Uncle,  but  not  to  military  command.  The  war  was 
practically  over,  and  though  the  King  would  have  had  his 
nephew  raise  a  new  life-guard,  the  Oxford  Council  quashed 
the  design.  Then  Charles  confided  to  Rupert  his  intention 
of  taking  refuge  with  the  Scottish  army.  The  Prince  distrusted 
the  Scots,  and  strongly  combated  the  idea;  but,  finding 
that  he  could  not  move  the  King's  resolution,  he  obtained 
from  him  a  signed  statement  that  he  acted  against  his 
nephew's  advice.  For  one  mistake,  at  least,  the  Prince  would 
not  be  held  responsible.  April  27th,  1646,  the  King  left 
Oxford  secretly,  rejecting  Rupert's  companionship  on  the 
grounds  that  his  "tallness"  would  betray  him." 

Oxford  was  now  almost  the  last  town  holding  out;  on 
the  first  of  May,  Fairfax  sat  down  before  it,  and  the  end 
was  not  long  in  coming.  A  little  skirmishing  took  place, 
but  the  Royalists  had  no  real  hope  of  success.  On  one 
occasion  Rupert,  Maurice  and  Gerard  went  out  against  the 
Scots,  with  "about  twenty  horse,  in  stockings  and  shoes." 
In  mere  bravado,  they  charged  three  troops  of  the  enemy, 
and  Maurice's  page,  Robert  Holmes,  of  whom  we  shall 
hear  more  hereafter,  was  wounded.  Rupert  also  was  hurt, 
for  the  first  time  in  the  war ;  "a  lieutenant  of  the  enemy 
shot   the    Prince    in   the    shoulder,    and  shook  his  hand,  so 

I    Warburtou,  III.  pp.   195 — 196. 
■^   Ibid.  p.  196. 


202  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

that  his  pistol  fell  out  of  his  hand;  but  it  shot  his  enemy's 
horse."  ' 

Rupert  had  previously  demanded  of  the  governor,  Sir 
Thomas  Glemham,  whether  he  would  defend  the  town,  but 
Glemham  replied  that  he  must  obey  the  Council,  and  Rupert 
therefore  interfered  no  more  in  the  matter.  On  May  i8th 
a  treaty  was  opened  with  Fairfax,  but  broken  off  on  a 
disagreement  about  terms.  But  by  June  ist,  all  the  water 
had  been  drawn  off  from  the  city,  and  surrender  was  inevit- 
able. The  treaty  was  renewed,  and  Rupert  prudently  came 
to  the  Council  to  demand  a  particular  clause  for  the  safety 
of  himself  and  his  brother.  This  occasioned  a  quarrel  with 
Lord  Southampton,  who  retorted  that  "the  Prince  was  in 
good  company,"  and  was  understood  by  Rupert  to  imply 
disrespect  to  his  person.  He  sent  Gerard  to  expostulate 
with  Southampton,  who  offered  no  apology,  but,  saying 
that  his  words  had  been  unfaithfully  reported,  repeated  them 
accurately.  Rupert  was  not  satisfied,  and  sent  Gerard  again, 
with  a  message  that  he  expected  to  meet  Southampton 
*'with  his  sword  in  his  hand,"  and  at  as  early  a  date  as 
possible,  lest  the  duel  should  be  prevented.  The  Earl  cheer- 
fully appointed  the  next  morning,  and  selected  pistols  as 
his  weapons,  acknowledging  that  he  was  no  match  for  the 
Prince  with  the  sword.  But  fortunately  the  suspicion  of  the 
Council  had  been  roused ;  the  gates  were  shut,  the  would-be 
combatants  arrested,  and  a  reconciliation  effected.  "  And 
the  Prince  ever  after  had  a  good  respect  for  the  Earl."  - 
There  was  no  surer  way  of  winning  Rupert's  esteem  than 
by  accepting  a  challenge  from  him. 

After  this  episode,  the  special  clause  by  which  the  Princes 
were  to  have  the  benefit  of  all  the  other  articles,  and  free 
leave  to  quit  the  country,  was  inserted  in  the  treaty,  and  ac- 
cepted by  Fairfax.  Indeed  the  Parliament  showed  the  Princes 
a   greater   leniency  than  might  have  been  expected.     They 

»  Warburton,  III.  p.  197. 

2  Clarendon's  Life,  ed.  1827,  vol.  III.  p.  235. 


THE  FALL  OF  OXFORD  203 

were  permitted  to  take  with  them  all  their  servants,  and 
to  remain  in  England  for  six  months  longer,  provided  they 
did  not  approach  within  twenty  miles  of  London.  But  on 
their  quitting  Oxford,  June  22nd,  Fairfax  gave  them  leave 
on  his  own  authority  to  go  to  Oatlands,  which  was  within 
the  proscribed  distance  of  the  capital.  The  reason  for  their 
move  thither,  was  their  desire  to  see  the  Elector,  who  was 
then  in  London ;  but  it  greatly  excited  the  wrath  of  the 
Parliament.  Notwithstanding  the  express  permission  of  Fair- 
fax, it  was  declared  that  the  Princes  had  broken  the  articles, 
and  they  were  ordered  to  leave  the  country  immediately, 
on  pain  of  being  treated  as  prisoners.  In  a  letter  curiously 
signed  "  Rupert  and  Maurice,"  they  answered,  meekly  enough, 
that  they  had  acted  in  all  good  faith,  believing  the  general's 
pass  sufficient,  and  that  in  coming  to  Oatlands  they  had 
regarded  the  convenience  of  the  house  more  than  the  dis- 
tance from  London,   '*  of  which  we  had  no  doubt  at  all."  ' 

But  the  Parliament  refused  to  be  pacified,  and  insisted 
that  the  Princes  must  depart  within  ten  days.  A  long  cor- 
respondence ensued,  relating  chiefly  to  passes  for  various 
servants,  ''whom  we  would  not  willingly  leave  behind." 
The  hst  forwarded  to  the  Parliament  by  Rupert,  included 
a  chaplain,  some  seven  or  eight  gentlemen,  footmen,  grooms, 
a  tailor,  a  gunsmith,  a  farrier,  a  secretary,  "my  brother's 
secretary's  brother,"  and  **a  laundress  and  her  maid."  '  On 
July  4th  the  brothers  reached  Dover,  whence  Rupert  took 
ship  for  Calais,  and  Maurice  for  the  Hague.  Rupert's 
*'  family,"  as  his  train  was  called,  followed  more  slowly,  and 
rejoined  him  on  July  23rd,  at  St  Germains.  ''Blessed  be 
God,  for  his  and  our  deliverance  from  the  Parliament,"  "* 
piously  concludes  the  journal  of  his  secretary. 

So  ended  Rupert's  part  in  the  Civil  War ;  a  part  played, 
on  the  whole,  creditably,  and  yet  not  without  serious  faults 

^  Gary's  Memorials  of  Civil  War,  ed.  1842,  vol.  I.  pp.  114— 115. 
2  Warburton,  III.  pp.  234—235,  note.  Gary,  I.  121— 122. 
»  Prince  Rupert's  Journal.  Clar.  State  Papers. 


204  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

both  of  temper  and  judgment.  In  the  earlier  days  of  the 
war,  while  possessed  of  the  King's  confidence,  the  Prince 
had  been  almost  uniformly  successful.  Later,  when  he  had 
to  struggle  against  plots  and  counter-plots,  a  vacillating 
King,  false  friends,  and  open  enemies,  he  failed.  That  Digby 
had  laid  a  deliberate  scheme  for  his  overthrow  is  evident; 
yet  he  had  made  Digby  his  enemy  by  his  own  faults  of 
temper,  and  his  own  indiscretions  had  placed  the  necessary 
weapons  in  the  Secretary's  hands.  That  he  was  unjustly 
treated  with  regard  to  Bristol  there  can  be  no  doubt,  but 
he  ruined  his  own  cause  by  his  hopeless  loss  of  temper. 
Nothing  could  justify  the  mutinous  scene  at  Newark,  and 
Rupert  afterwards  confessed  himself  ashamed  of  it.  That 
the  King's  affairs  would  have  prospered  better  had  Digby's 
influence  been  less  and  Rupert's  more,  seems  probable. 
Faults  and  limitations,  Rupert  had,  but  he  understood  war 
as  Digby  did  not.  His  fidelity  was  irreproachable,  and 
could  never  have  been  seriously  doubted.  But  he  knew 
when  the  cause  was  lost,  though  the  sanguine  secretary 
failed  to  perceive  it,  and  his  advice  to  make  peace  was 
reasonable  enough.  It  was  unfortunate  that  the  position 
was  such  as  made  that  reasonable  advice  impossible  to 
follow. 


CHAPTER    XI 

THE   ELECTOR'S  ALLIANCE  WITH  THE   PARLIAMENT. 

EDWARD'S  MARRIAGE.     ASSASSINATION   OF 

D'EPINAV   BV   PHILIP 

Before  their  departure  from  England,  Rupert  and  Maurice 
had  received  a  visit  from  their  brother,  the  Elector.  The 
Thirty  Years'  War  was  drawing  to  a  close,  and  the  Peace 
of  Munster  which  was  to  restore  Charles  Louis  to  the  Pala- 
tinate, was  already  under  consideration.  But  the  Elector 
could  not  make  terms  with  the  Emperor  without  the  con- 
sent of  his  brothers,  and  therefore  June  30th,  1646,  he 
wrote  to  the  Parliament: 

*'  Having  received  information  from  Munster  and  Osna- 
burgh,  that  in  whatsoever  shall  be  agreed  at  the  general 
treaty  concerning  my  interests,  the  consent  of  all  my  brothers 
will  be  required,  I  am  desirous  to  confer  with  my  brothers 
Rupert  and  Maurice,  afore  their  departure  out  of  this 
kingdom,  about  this,  and  other  domestic  affairs  which  do 
concern  us.  Whereby  I  do  not  at  all  intend  to  retard 
my  said  brothers'  journey;  but  shall  endeavour  to  efface 
any  such  impressions  as  the  enemies  of  these  kingdoms, 
and  of  our  family  beyond  seas,  (making  use  of  their  present 
distresses,)  may  fix  upon  them,  to  their  own  and  our  family 
prejudice."  '  The  desired  interview  was  permitted  by  the 
Parliament,  and  on  July  ist  the  Elector  met  his  brothers 
at  Guildford.  What  reception  he  had  we  do  not  know,  but 
it  cannot,  in  the  nature  of  things,  have  been  very  cordial. 

With  all  their  faults,  which  were  many,  Rupert  and 
Maurice   were  incapable  of  the  meanness  to  which  Charles 

^    Cary's  Memorials.  Vol.  I.  p.  120. 


2o6  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Louis  had  descended,  and  for  which  he  did  not  conceal 
the  mercenary  motive.  During  the  King's  prosperity  he 
had  lived  much  in  England ;  and  from  the  King  he  had 
received  nothing  but  kindness  and  affection,  though  the 
Queen  apparently  gave  him  cause  of  complaint.  In  1642 
he  had  accompanied  the  King  to  York,  but,  finding  war 
inevitable,  he  had  quitted  the  Court  at  a  moment's  notice, 
and  returned  to  Holland,  just  when  Rupert  and  Maurice 
were  hastening  to  their  uncle's  assistance.  The  Parliament 
"expressed  a  good  sense"  of  this  desertion,  pretending  to 
believe  that  Charles  Louis  had  discovered  secret  designs 
of  the  King  to  which  he  could  not  reconcile  his  conscience.  ^ 
And  for  some  time  the  Elector  watched  events  from  a  dis- 
tance, taking  care  to  detach  himself  from  all  connection 
with  his  brothers  by  declarations,  and  messages  to  the 
Parliament. 

By  1644,  it  appeared  to  him  that  the  Parliament  was 
likely  to  have  the  better  in  arms,  as  it  certainly  had  in 
money,  and  in  the  August  of  that  year  he  suddenly  arrived 
in  London.  In  a  very  long,  and  very  pious  document  he 
stated  his  reasons  for  his  conduct.  The  Puritans,  as  "the 
children  of  truth  and  innocency  who  are  not  changed 
with  the  smiles  or  frowns  of  this  inconstant  world,"  were, 
he  declared,  his  "best  friends,  and,  under  God,  greatest 
confidants,"  and  he  wound  up  with  a  direct  attack  on 
Rupert.  "  Neither  can  His  Highness  forbear,  with  unspeak- 
able grief,  to  observe  that  the  public  actions  of  some  of 
the  nearest  of  his  blood  have  been  such  as  have  admitted 
too  much  cause  of  sorrow  and  jealousy,  even  from  such 
persons,  upon  whose  affections,  in  respect  of  their  love  and 
zeal  to  the  reformed  religion,  His  Highness  doth  set  the 
greatest  price.  But,  as  His  Highness  is  not  able  to  regulate 
what  is  out  of  his  power,  so  is  he  confident  that  the  justice 
of  the  Parliament,  and  of  all  honest  men,  will  not  impute 

»  Clarendon.  Hist.  Bk.  VII.  p.  414. 


THE  ELECTOR'S  ALLIANCE  WITH  THE  PARLIAMENT  207 

to  him  such  actions  as  are  his  afflictions,  and  not  his 
faults."  ' 

Princes  were  scarce  with  the  Puritans,  and  Charles  Louis 
was  well  received,  lodged  in  Whitehall,  and  granted  a  large 
pension.  -  In  recognition  of  this  he  took  the  Covenant, 
and  begged  leave  to  sit  in  the  Assembly  of  Divines,  then 
debating  on  religious  ''reforms".  His  request  was  readily 
granted,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  he  suffered  some 
weariness  from  the  long-winded  debates  to  which  he  thus 
condemned  himself. 

The  King  regarded  his  conduct  with  quiet  indifference, 
only  remarking  that  he  was  sorry,  for  his  nephew's  sake, 
that  he  thought  fit  to  act  in  such  a  manner.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  he  willingly  connived  at  this  hypocrisy  as 
the  only  means  by  which  the  Elector  could  obtain  money, 
but  Charles  Louis'  own  letters  to  his  mother  disprove  that 
view.  In  1647,  when  the  King  was  a  prisoner,  he  often 
received  the  visits  of  his  eldest  nephew,  and  the  Elector 
thus  described  their  mutual  attitude  to  EHzabeth :  "  His 
Majesty,  upon  occasion,  doth  still  blame  the  way  I  have 
been  in  all  this  time,  and  I  do  defend  it  as  the  only  shelter 
I  have,  when  my  public  business,  and  my  person,  have 
received  so  many  neglects  at  Court.  Madame,  I  would 
not  have  renewed  the  sore  of  his  ill-usage  of  me  since  the 
Queen  hath  had  power  with  him,  but  that  he  urged  me  to 
it,  saying  that  I  should  rather  have  lived  on  bread  and 
water,  than  have  complied  with  the  Parliament,  which  he  said 
I  did  *  only  to  have  one  chicken  more  in  my  dish ' ;  and  that 
he  would  have  thought  it  a  design  more  worthy  of  his 
nephew  if  I  had  gone  about  to  have  taken  the  crown  from 
his  head.  These  and  such-like  expressions  would  have  mov- 
ed a  saint.  Neither  do  I  know  of  anyone,  but  Our  Saviour, 
that  would  have  ruined  himself  for  those  that  hate  one."  ' 

•  Rupert  Transcripts.  Declaration  of  the  Prince  Elector. 

2  Whitelocke,  85,  101. 

'  Forster's  Eminent  Statesmen.  1847.  Vol.  VI.  pp,  80—81. 


2o8  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

The  King  seems  to  have  entertained  no  suspicions  of 
actual  treachery  on  the  part  of  his  nephew,  but  it  is  by 
no  means  unlikely  that  Charles  Louis  really  did  cherish 
some  vague  design  of  ^'taking  the  crown  from  his  head". 
If  the  King  were  deposed,  and  his  children  rejected  as  the 
children  of  a  Roman  Catholic  Queen,  then  the  Elector, 
after  his  mother,  was  the  Protestant  heir  to  the  throne. 
Probably  the  aspersions  cast  upon  Rupert  would  have 
better  fitted  his  elder  brother,  and  the  French  Ambassador 
did  not  hesitate  to  assert  plainly  in  1644:  "Some  enter- 
tain a  design  for  conveying  the  crown  to  the  Prince  Pala- 
tine". ^  But,  whatever  his  degree  of  guilt,  the  political  con- 
duct of  Charles  Louis  could  be  regarded  only  with  con- 
tempt by  Rupert  and  Maurice,  though  concerning  their 
''domestic  affairs"  they  seem  to  have  been  of  one  mind 
with  him. 

During  the  years  of  turmoil  in  England  the  Palatines 
on  the  Continent  had  not  been  inactive.  Edward  and 
Philip,  clinging  together  as  did  Rupert  and  Maurice,  had 
resided  chiefly  in  Paris,  where  they  seem  to  have  led  a 
very  gay  life,  if  Sir  Kenelm  Digby  is  to  be  credited.  ''All 
my  conversation  is  in  the  other  world,  and  with  what 
passes  in  the  Elysian  fields,"  wrote  that  romantic  person- 
age to  Lord  Conway;  "gaieties  of  Paris,  gallantries  of 
Prince  Edward,  his  late  duel  with  Sir  James  Leviston,  who 
extremely  forgot  his  duty.  In  a  word,  it  was  impossible 
for  a  young  man,  and  a  noble  prince,  to  do  more  bravely 
than  His  Highness  did."  - 

A  month  later,  Edward,  inspired  probably  by  Queen 
Henrietta,  wrote  to  Rupert  to  suggest  that  he  also  should 
come  over  to  fight  for  his  uncle's  cause.  "I  have  a  letter 
from  my  brother  in  France  who  desires  my  order  to  come 
to  me;  if  it  be  His  Majesty's  desire  I  should  send  word 
presently,"   Rupert  wrote  to  Legge  in  April   1645;  and  he 

1   Von  Raumer's  History  of  England  in  17th  Century.  III.  p.  330. 
-•   Cal.  Dom.  State  Papers    1^/23  Feb,  1645.  ^^rl  I.  DVI.  f.  43. 


EDWARD'S  MARRIAGE  209 

added  a  postscript  curiously  indicative  of  the  haste  and 
want  of  thought  with  which  he  must  have  written.  **  Since 
I  wrote  I  remember  the  King  was  contented,  and  there- 
fore I  will  send  an  express  for  my  brother."  ' 

The  express  was  sent:  ''This  day  arrived  a  gentleman 
from  Prince  Rupert  to  fetch  his  brother  Edward  into  Eng- 
land," wrote  Jermyn  to  Digby.  '  But  ere  the  messenger 
could  arrive  Edward  had  eloped  with  a  fair  heiress,  for 
whose  sake  he  joined  the  Roman  Church.  Jermyn  hastened 
to  inform  Rupert  of  the  event.  **  Your  Highness  is  to 
know  a  romance  story  which  concerns  you  here  in  the 
person  of  Prince  Edward,  who  is  last  week  married  privately 
to  the  Princess  Anne,  the  Duke  of  Nevers'  daughter.  This 
Queen, ''  the  thing  being  done  without  her  consent,  hath  been 
very  much  offended  at  it,  and,  notwithstanding  all  the 
endeavours  of  your  brother's  friends,  he  hath  received  an 
order  to  retire  himself  into  Holland,  which  he  hath  done, . . . 
But  there  will  come  no  further  disadvantage  to  him  than 
a  little  separation  from  his  wife.  She  is  very  rich,  ^6,000 
or  ^7,000  a  year  is  the  least  that  can  fall  to  her,  maybe 
more;  and  she  is  a  very  beautiful  young  lady."* 

Edward's  bride,  Anne  de  Gonzague,  was  in  fact  a  very 
distinguished  personage, — famous  already  for  her  startling 
adventures,  and  destined  to  become  more  famous  as  a 
political  intrigante.  ■'  The  displeasure  of  the  Queen  Regent 
was  speedily  softened  by  the  intercession  of  Queen  Hen- 
rietta, and  still  more  by  Edward's  conversion,  which  went 
far  to  palliate  his  fault.  On  his  own  family  it  had  precisely 
the  opposite  effect.  His  mother  was  furious ;  and  the  Elector, 
moved  by  fear  of  the  English  Parliament's  disapproval, 
wrote  indignantly  that  Edward  could  not  be  really  ''persuaded 

1  Warburton,  III.  p.  75. 

2  Cal.  Dom.  State  Papers.  Jermyn  to  Digby,  12  May,  1645. 

3  Anne  of  Austria,  Queen  Regent  of  France. 
*  Warburton,  III.  p.  82.  5  May,  1645. 

'•  Memoirs    of  Anne    de    Gonzague.  Ed.    Senac  de  Meilhan.     Memoirs  of 
Cardinal  De  Retz,  and  of  Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier. 

14 


210  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

of  those  fopperies  to  which  he  pretends."  ^  He  also  ordered 
Philip  to  quit  Paris,  where  ''only  atheists  and  hypocrites" 
were  to  be  found,  and  he  exhorted  his  mother  to  remove 
a  Roman  CathoHc  gentleman  from  attendance  on  the  boy, 
and  to  lay  her  curse  upon  him  should  he  ever  change  his 
religion. " 

Philip  had  no  sooner  returned  to  the  Hague  than  he 
distinguished  himself  in  a  way  which  won  him  the  affection- 
ate admiration  of  all  his  brothers,  and  the  lasting  displeasure 
of  his  mother.  Elizabeth's  favourite  admirer,  at  that  period, 
happened  to  be  the  Marquis  d'Epinay,  a  French  refugee, 
remarkable  for  his  fascinating  manners  and  disreputable 
character.  The  young  Palatines  detested  him,  but  the  man, 
notwithstanding,  became  intimate  at  the  Court,  and  was 
soon  acquainted  with  the  Queen's  most  private  affairs.  The 
intimacy  produced  scandal  without,  and  dissension  within 
the  household.  D'Epinay  boasted  of  his  conquest,  and 
Philip,   a  boy  of  eighteen,  could  not  endure  his  insolence. 

On  the  evening  of  June  20,  1646,  D'Epinay,  and  several  of 
his  countrymen  encountered  Philip  alone.  They  greeted  him 
by  name,  insulting  both  him  and  his  mother,  but  eventually 
fled  before  the  fierce  onslaught  of  the  youngest  Palatine. 
The  affair  could  not  end  thus.  On  the  following  morning, 
as  he  drove  through  the  Place  d'Armes,  Philip  caught  sight 
of  his  enemy.  Without  a  moment's  thought  he  sprang  from 
his  curricle,  and  rushed  upon  D'Epinay.  D'Epifiay  was  armed, 
and  received  Philip  on  the  point  of  his  sword,  wounding 
him  in  the  side.  Philip  had  no  sword,  but  he  was  a  Palatine, 
and  he  plunged  his  hunting-knife  deep  into  the  Frenchman's 
heart.  D'Epinay  fell  dead,  and  Philip,  flinging  his  knife 
from  him,  regained  his  curricle  and  drove  off  to  the  Spanish 
border.  ^ 

Then   arose   a   mighty    storm.    The   Queen,  passionately 

1  Bromley  Letters,  p.  127,  28  Nov.  1645. 

2  Bromley,  pp.  129 — 131. 

3  Soeltrs  Elizabeth  Stuart,  1840.  Bk.  IV.  Chap.  7,  pp.  402—403. 


ASSASSINATION  OF  D'fePINAY  BY  PHILIP  2ir 

bewailing  her  misfortune  in  having  such  a  son,  vowed 
that  she  would  never  look  on  PhiHp's  face  again.  But 
Philip's  brothers  and  sisters  rose  up  in  his  defence.  The 
Princess  Elizabeth  boldly  averred  that  "PhiHp  needed  no 
apology,"  *  and,  finding  her  position  in  her  mother's  house 
untenable,  retreated  to  her  Aunt  at  Brandenburg.  And  both 
Rupert  and  the  Elector  warmly  espoused  Philip's  cause. 
''Permit  me,  madame,"  wrote  Charles  Louis,  '*  to  solicit  your 
pardon  for  my  brother  Philip, — a  pardon  I  would  sooner 
have  asked,  had  it  ever  entered  my  mind  that  he  could 
possibly  need  any  intercession  to  obtain  it.  The  considera- 
tion of  his  youth,  of  the  affront  he  received,  and  of  the 
shame  which  would,  all  his  life,  have  attached  to  him  had 
he  not  revenged  it,  should  suffice."  '  Rupert  wrote,  in  the 
same  strain,  from  Oatlands,  and  his  letter  was  accompanied 
by  a  second  from  the  Elector,  in  which  he  declared  that 
the  very  asking  pardon  for  Philip  would  *'more  justly 
deserve  forgiving  than  my  brother's  action."  ^  The  Queen 
ultimately  accorded  a  nominal  pardon  to  the  unfortunate 
Philip,  for  in  July  1648,  he  was  again  at  the  Hague,  under 
the  protection  of  Rupert  and  Maurice,  whom  he  accompanied 
to  a  dinner  at  which  Mary,  Princess  of  Orange,  entertained 
her  two  brothers  and  three  cousins.  ' 

He  had,  in  the  meantime  entered  the  Venetian  service, 
rather  to  the  annoyance  of  the  Elector,  who  wrote :  "I 
could  wish  my  brother  Rupert  or  Maurice  would  undertake 
the  Venetian  business,  my  brother  Philip  being  very  young 
for  such  a  task."  ''  But  neither  of  the  other  two  brothers 
had  any  intention  of  deserting  the  Stuart  cause,  and  the 
Elector  obtained  leave  from  the  Parliament  for  Philip  to 
raise  a  thousand  men  in  England.    For  this  purpose,  Philip 


*  Strickland's  Elizabeth  Stuart,  p.  209. 

2  Ibid. 

'  Bromley  Letters,  p.  134. 

*  Queen's  Princesses,  VI.  p.  149. 

3  Bromley  Letters,  p.  136.  Elector  to  Elizabeth,  Jan.  9,  1646 — 7. 


212  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

visited  his  eldest  brother  in  London,  but  stayed  only  a 
few  weeks.  *  Returning  to  Holland,  he  completed  his  levies 
in  the  states,  with  some  assistance  from  Maurice ;  "  and  in 
the  autumn  of  1648  he  departed  to  Italy,  whence  he  wrote 
to  Rupert  that  the  Venetians  were  ''unworthy  pantaloons."  ^ 
Rupert  was,  meanwhile,  watching  over  the  Stuarts  in 
France,  and  Maurice  remained  quietly  at  the  Hague  with 
his  mother  and  sisters.  We  find  him  with  no  more  exciting 
occupation  than  the  paying  of  visits  of  compliment  on  behalf 
of  his  mother ;  or  walking  meekly  behind  her  and  his  sisters, 
when  they  met  distinguished  visitors  in  the  garden  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange.  Perhaps  his  health  had  suffered  from  his 
two  severe  illnesses  in  England,  and  he  needed  the  long 
rest.  But,  whatever  the  reason,  at  the  Hague  he  stayed, 
until  May  1648,  when  he  was  summoned  by  Rupert  to  join 
the  Royalist  fleet. 

1  Whitelocke.  p.  306. 

'  State  Papers,  20  April,  1647. 

3  Rupert  Transcripts,  Sept.  30,  1648. 


CHAPTER    XII 

COMMAND   IN   THE  FRENCH   ARMY.      COURTSHIP   OF   MADE- 
MOISELLE.      DUELS   WITH   DIGBY  AND   PERCY 

Sometime  before  the  end  of  the  war  the  Queen  of  Eng- 
land had  fled  to  France,  and  had  set  up  her  court  at  that 
home  of  Royal  exiles, — St.  Germains  I  There  she  had  been 
joined  by  her  son,  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  by  many  Eng- 
lish Cavaliers;  and  thither  went  Rupert  in  July  1646.  "If 
thou  see  Prince  Rupert,"  wrote  King  Charles  anxiously  to 
his  wife,  ''tell  him  that  I  have  recommend  him  unto  thee. 
For,  albeit  his  passions  may  sometimes  make  him  mistake, 
yet  I  am  confident  of  his  honest  constancy  and  courage, 
having  at  the  last  behaved  himself  very  well."  '  Henrietta, 
convinced  by  her  husband's  words,  or  forgetful  of  the 
reproaches  she  had  so  recently  heaped  upon  her  nephew, 
received  Rupert  graciously,  and  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  he 
was  of  course  very  welcome. 

Nor  was  his  reception  at  the  French  court  less  cordial. 
The  Queen  Regent,  impressed  by  his  romantic  history  and 
famous  courage,  showered  marks  of  her  favour  upon  him  ; 
and  Mazarin,  the  true  ruler  of  France,  at  once  offered  him 
a  command  in  the  French  army,  ''  upon  whatever  conditions 
of  preferment  or  advantage  he  could  desire."  -  Rupert 
hesitated  to  accept  the  flattering  offer,  without  his  Uncle's 
sanction.  ''Prince  Rupert  had  several  assurances  by  the 
mouth  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  Cardinal  Mazarin  and  others, 
of  the  charge  of  the  foreign  forces  mentioned  in  my  last," 
says   a   letter    in    the  Portland  MSS.,  "  but  I  am   informed 

1  Letters  of  Charles  I.  p.  58.  Camden  Society,  ist  Series.  King  to  Queen, 
5  Aug.  1646. 

3  WarburtoUj  III.  p.  236, 


214  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

he  defers  to  accept  the  commission  of  it,  until  he  hears 
his  Uncle,  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  doth  approve  it ;  which 
deference  is  well  taken  here."  ' 

Apparently  Charles  expressed  approval  of  the  arrange- 
ment, for  Rupert  finally  entered  the  French  service,  reserving 
to  himself  the  right  of  quitting  it  whenever  his  Uncle  should 
need  him.  He  was  immediately  given  the  rank  of  Field) 
Marshal,  with  a  regiment  of  foot,  a  troop  of  horse,  and  a 
commission  to  command  all  the  English  in  France.  The 
Cavaliers,  exiled  and  destitute,  eagerly  embraced  the  op- 
portunity of  serving  under  their  Prince,  and  Rupert  had  no 
difficulty  in  raising  a  large  corps,  more  especially  as  the 
conditions  of  service  were  exceptionally  good.  Among  those 
who  applied  for  a  commission  was  the  ever  plausible  Goring, 
but  he  found  himself  promptly  refused,  and  thereupon 
took  service  under  Spain. 

The  summer  of  1647  found  Rupert  fighting  his  old  enemies 
the  Spaniards,  in  Northern  France,  and  on  the  borders  of 
Flanders.  The  campaign  was  a  desultory  one,  in  which 
little  was  effected,  owing  partly  to  the  jealousies  of  the 
French  officers,  who  were  little  more  in  concord  than  those 
of  the  English  army  had  been.  The  two  Marshals,  Rantzau 
and  Gassion,  detested  each  other,  and  Gassion,  at  least, 
was  exceedingly  jealous  of  Rupert's  reputation.  His  con- 
duct throughout  the  campaign  was,  if  not  treacherous,  ex- 
tremely eccentric,  and  he  seems  to  have  deserved  the  name 
of  "that  madman"  bestowed  on  him  by  Rantzau. 

They  marched  first  to  the  relief  of  Armentieres,  and,  on 
their  arrival  near  the  town,  Gassion  invited  Rupert  to  come 
and  "view  the  enemy,"  accordingly  they  set  out  alone,  and 
advanced  some  way  down  the  river,  concealing  themselves 
behind  the  sheltering  hedges.  Then  Gassion,  directing  the 
Prince  to  stay  behind  until  he  called  him,  proceeded  alone 
to  a  little  house  on  the  river  bank.    In  the  meantime  some 

I  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Rept.  13.  Portland  MSS.  III.  p  150. 


COMMAND  IN  THE  FRENCH  ARMY  215 

Spanish  soldiers  came  down  in  a  boat,  and  landed  by  the 
house.  Rupert  saw  them  clearly,  but  dared  not  warn  his 
comrade  lest  they  should  hear  him  sooner  than  could 
Gassion.  Luckily  the  French  Marshal  was  equal  to  the 
emergency.  He  was  wearing  a  Spanish  coat,  and  when  he 
came  face  to  face  with  the  Spanish  soldiers,  he  had  the 
presence  of  mind  to  address  them  in  their  own  language, 
and  as  though  he  were  one  of  their  officers.  This  so  sur- 
prised them  that  they  stood  still,  staring ;  and  Gassion,  with 
more  prudence  than  dignity,  took  to  his  heels.  In  spite 
of  the  enemy's  fire,  he  regained  the  hedge,  and  Rupert, 
coming  to  meet  him,  pulled  him  over  the  ditch.  "Mort 
Dieul"  gasped  the  Marshal.  **Qa  m'arrive  toujours!"  To 
which  Rupert  retorted  in  the  dry  manner  which  he  seems 
to  have  usually  assumed  towards  Gassion,  "Je  n'en  doute 
point,  si  vous  faites  souvent  comme  ga."  Both  got  safely 
away,  but  the  battle  intended  to  relieve  Armentieres  never 
took  place.  *  The  Spaniards  numbered  three  times  as  many 
as  the  French :  and  when  Gassion  began  to  draw  out  his 
troops  next  day,  Rantzau  flew  to  exhort  Rupert  to  stop 
such  madness.  The  Prince  thereupon  urged  Gassion  to  give 
up  the  idea  of  battle ;  the  army  was  withdrawn  to  Arras, 
and  Armentieres  fell  to  the  Spaniards. 

On  the  retreat  to  Arras,  Rupert  was  attacked  by  Picco- 
lomini,  in  great  force.  Again  and  again  Rupert  repulsed  his 
charge,  retreating  slowly  all  the  time.  Gassion,  actuated 
by  jealousy,  sent  an  order  to  the  Prince  to  remain  where 
he  was ;  but  Rupert,  retorting  fiercely  that  it  was  the  other 
Marshal's  day  of  command,  continued  his  retreat.  After 
that  he  despatched  a  formal  complaint  of  Gassion's  conduct 
to  the  Queen  Regent,  who  rebuked  Gassion  with  the 
curious  question— "Was  he  a  general  or  a  Croat?"  " 

The  Spaniards  marched  next  to  La  Bassee,  and  Gassion 
there  invited  Rupert  to  take  another  survey  of  their  forces, 

»   Benett  MSS.  Warburton,  III.  pp.  238—9. 
2  Ibid.  p.  240. 


2i6  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

asking,  "Are  you  well  mounted,  Sir?  Shall  we  go  seethe 
army?"  Rupert  assented,  and  they  started — not  this  time 
alone,  but  with  three  or  four  others  in  their  company.  They 
had  not  gone  far  when  they  fell  into  an  ambush  of  foot 
soldiers,  and  perceived  that  a  troop  of  Spanish  horse  was 
following  to  cut  off  their  retreat.  Seeing  this,  they  wheeled 
round,  and  two  of  Rupert's  gentlemen,  Mortaigne  and 
Robert  Holmes,  beat  back  a  troop  of  Spaniards  who  were 
crossing  the  rivulet  between  them  and  the  French.  Both 
were  hurt,  Mortaigne  in  the  hand  and  Holmes  in  the  leg. 
Mortaigne  retired,  but  Holmes  lay  upon  the  ground,  ex- 
posed to  the  sweeping  fire  of  the  enemy.  Rupert  was 
retreating  with  the  French,  but,  seeing  Holmes  in  this 
predicament,  he  turned  and  went  calmly  back  through  the 
Spanish  fire,  with  Mortaigne  following  him.  With  great 
danger  and  difficulty  he  lifted  Holmes  on  to  his  own  horse, 
and  brought  him  safely  off,  "not  a  man  of  the  French 
volunteers  coming  to  his  assistance.  ^ 

In  this  inglorious  campaign  there  seems  to  have  been 
little  save  retreats  to  record.  An  attempt  to  relieve  Lan- 
drecies  failed  as  that  at  Armentieres  had  done,  chiefly 
through  the  mistake,  or  treachery  of  a  guide.  Rupert  was  told 
off  to  secure  the  retreat  with  three  German  regiments  and 
one  of  Croats.  Continually  skirmishing  with  the  Spanish 
horse,  he  had  got  through  the  first  pass,  when  Gassion 
returned  to  him,  in  great  distress,  saying  that  the  cannon 
was  stuck  fast  in  the  mud,  and  would  have  to  be  aban- 
doned. Rupert  repHed  that,  if  he  might  have  the  Picardy 
guards  and  a  regiment  of  Swiss,  he  would  not  only  make 
good  the  retreat,  but  would  also  bring  off  the  cannon. 
Gassion  willingly  sent  back  the  required  troops,  and  Rupert 
made  good  his  promise,  without  losing  a  single  man.  This 
done,  "  he  thought  to  have  lain  down  and  refreshed  him- 
self,"  but   an    order  came  to  march  on  to  La  Bassee,  and 

1  Benett  MSS.  Warburton,  III.  p.  241. 


^.x 


COMMAND  IN  THE  FRENCH  ARMY  217 

he  at  once  set  out  with  the  horse,  leaving  the  foot  to 
follow.  At  La  Bassee  he  won  the  only  success  that  fell 
to  the  French  in  the  campaign.  Reaching  the  town  that 
night,  he  found  that  a  relief  of  some  four  hundred  men, 
under  Goring,  had  just  been  despatched  thither  by  the 
Spaniards ;  the  opportunity  was  more  than  welcome.  All 
Goring's  men  were  captured  by  Rupert's  guards,  and  most 
of  them,  being  English,  transferred  their  services  to  the 
Prince.  '  That  same  night  Rupert  began  his  line  round 
the  town,  and  in  less  than  three  weeks  it  was  his. 

Gassion  was  furiously  jealous.  During  the  whole  course 
of  the  siege,  he  had  refused  to  lend  any  aid  whatever, 
and  when  the  town  was  taken  in  spite  of  him,  his  jealousy 
led  him  to  play  the  Prince  a  very  treacherous  trick.  He 
invited  him  one  morning  to  ''  take  the  air,"  and  Rupert, 
for  the  third  time,  agreed  to  accompany  him.  They  went 
out  attended  by  a  guard  of  eighty  horse ;  but  a  peasant 
warned  the  Spaniards  of  their  whereabouts,  and  an  ambush 
was  laid  to  intercept  their  return.  As  they  came  back, 
Rupert  noticed  a  dog  sitting  with  its  back  towards  him, 
and  staring  into  the  wood.  The  circumstance  roused  his 
suspicions ;  he  took  off  his  cloak,  threw  it  to  his  page, 
and  pressing  after  Gassion  who  was  some  yards  ahead, 
cried:  ''Have  a  care,  sir!  There  is  a  party  in  that  wood  I" 
As  he  spoke  the  hidden  enemy  fired  a  smart  volley.  Setting 
spurs  to  their  horses,  the  French  party  broke  through  it, 
losing  only  Rupert's  page,  who  was  taken,  but  courteously 
released  next  day.  No  sooner  were  they  through  the  fire 
than  Gassion  faced  about,  saying :  ''  II  faut  rompre  le  col 
a  ces  coquins-la. — Pied  a  terre!"  He  took  his  foot  from 
his  stirrup ;  and  Rupert,  naturally  understanding  that  they 
were  to  attack  the  ambush,  dismounted.  A  few  oflficers 
followed  his  example,  and  thereupon  Gassion  marched  off 
with  their  horses,  leaving  them  to  face  the  difificulty  as  best 

1  Benett  MSS.  Warburton,  III.  p.  243. 


2i8  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

they  could.  A  sharp  skirmish  followed,  in  which  Rupert 
received  a  shot  in  the  head,  but  he  contrived  to  retreat 
after  Gassion,  who  was  calmly  waiting  at  some  distance. 
The  French  General  then  expressed  polite  regret  for  the 
accident:  *' Monsieur,"  he  said,  **je  suis  bien  fache  que 
vous  etes  blessel"  To  which  Rupert  replied,  with  crushing 
brevity:  *'Et  moi  aussi!"' 

This  little  skirmish  ended  an  uneventful  campaign,  and 
Rupert  returned  to  St.  Germains,  "  where  he  passed  his 
next  winter  with  as  much  satisfaction  as  the  tenderness 
he  felt  for  his  royal  uncle's  affairs  would  permit."  -  King 
Charles  was  then  a  prisoner  at  Hampton  Court,  whence 
he  wrote  a  very  affectionate  letter  to  his  nephew,  sympathis- 
ing with  him  for  his  recent  wound,  and  assuring  him  that, 
''next  my  children,  I  say  next,  I  shall  have  most  care  of 
you,  and  shall  take  the  first  opportunity  either  to  employ 
you,  or  to  have  your  company."  ^ 

Rupert  was  in  the  meanwhile,  exerting  himself  in  the 
service  of  the  Prince  of  Wales.  It  was  the  ambition  of 
Henrietta  to  unite  her  eldest  son  to  her  niece,  the  daughter 
of  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  known  as  La  Grande  Mademoiselle. 
This  lady,  as  heiress  of  the  Montpensiers,  had  inherited  an 
enormous  fortune,  which  Henrietta  desired  to  acquire  for 
her  son's  benefit.  But  young  Charles  did  not  care  for  his 
pompous  cousin,  and,  in  order  to  avoid  the  trouble  of 
love-making,  declared  that  he  could  not  speak  French. 
Though  Rupert  himself  had  obstinately  declined  to  mend 
his  fortunes  by  marriage,  he  seems  to  have  been  very 
anxious  to  overcome  his  cousin's  contumacy.  He  became 
his  interpreter,  in  which  role  he  was  obliged  not  merely  to 
translate,  but  to  invent  pretty  speeches  for  the  refractory 
Charles.  The  task  was  a  difficult  one,  for  Mademoiselle 
was  not  stupid,  and  observed  that  when  her  supposed  lover 

1  Benett  MSS.  Warburton,  III.  pp.  244—247. 

2  Warburton.  III.  p.  246. 

3  Ibid.  III.  p.  248.  King  to  Rupert,  Sept.  27,  1647. 


DUELS  WITH  DIGBY  AND  PERCY  219 

wished  to  discuss  dogs  and  horses  with  the  young  King  of 
France  he  could  speak  French  well  enough.  ^  Moreover, 
neither  Rupert  nor  Henrietta  could  make  Prince  Charles 
dance  with  his  cousin  if  he  did  not  choose  to  do  so. 
Mademoiselle  pointed  out  his  neglect  of  her  to  Rupert, 
''  who,"  says  she,  **  immediately  made  me  all  the  excuses 
imaginable." "  But  neither  Rupert's  excuses,  nor  Hen- 
rietta's protestations  could  bring  the  affair  to  the  desired 
conclusion. 

An  occupation  more  natural  and  congenial  to  Rupert 
than  making  love  on  behalf  of  an  unwilling  lover,  was  the 
settling  of  old  scores,  for  which  he  now  found  leisure  and 
opportunity.  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  he  should 
meet  Digby  peaceably,  and  when  the  Secretary  arrived  in 
France  in  September  1647,  a  duel  was  universally  expected. 
**  My  Lord  Digby,  at  his  coming  from  Rouen  towards  Paris, 
received  news  of  Prince  Rupert  being,  two  nights  before, 
come  from  the  army  to  St.  Germains,"  wrote  O'Neil  to 
Ormonde.  **  His  Highness  and  his  dependants  being  the 
only  persons  from  whom  his  Lordship  could  suspect  any 
resentment,  his  Lordship  prepared  himself  by  the  best  fore- 
thought he  could  for  any  accident  that  night  happen  to 
him  in  that  way."  ^ 

The  Queen  was  resolved  to  prevent  any  such  "accident," 
and  to  keep  a  close  watch  over  her  nephew,  to  that  end, 
but  Rupert's  prompt  action  took  her  by  surprise.  On  the 
morning  after  his  arrival,  while  he  was  yet  in  bed,  Digby 
received  the  Prince's  challenge.  "About  nine  of  the  clock," 
says  O'Neil,  *'  I  came  to  the  Lord  Digby's  chamber,  being 
sent  for  hastily  by  him.  Who  told  me  that  Prince  Rupert 
had,  a  little  before,  sent  him  word,  by  M.  de  la  Chapelle, 
that   he    expected   him,  with  his  sword  in  his  hand,  at  the 


^  Memo  ires  de  Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier.   Michaud's  Collections.    Vol. 
IV.  p.  57. 
2  Ibid.  pp.  35,  37. 
■5  Carte's  Letters,  I.  152—156,  9  Oct.  1647. 


X 


220  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Cross  of  Poissy,  a  large  league  off  in  the  forest,  with  three 
in  his  company."  Digby  sent  back  word  that  he  was 
*' highly  sensible  of  the  honour,"  and  would  come  as  soon 
as  he  could  get  on  his  clothes,  but  feared  that  there  would 
be  an  hour's  delay,  since  he  had  no  horse,  and  was  lame 
**in  regard  of  a  weakness  in  his  hurt  leg."  Rupert  received 
this  message  ''with  much  nobleness  and  civility,"  and  at 
once  placed  his  own  horse  at  Digby's  service.  By  that 
time  rumours  of  the  impending  fray  were  afloat,  and  Jermyn 
was  sent  by  the  Queen  to  remonstrate  with  Digby.  But 
the  only  result  of  Jermyn's  intervention  was  to  produce  a 
quarrel  between  himself  and  Digby,  which  determined  him 
to  attend  the  duel  on  Rupert's  side.  The  delay,  however, 
had  given  the  Queen  time  to  act,  and  just  as  Digby  set 
foot  in  the  stirrup,  he  was  arrested  by  her  Guards.  The 
Prince  of  Wales  then  rode  into  the  forest,  where  he  arrested 
Rupert  and  his  seconds,  Gerard,  Chapelle  and  Guatier. 
That  evening,  the  Queen  held  an  inquiry  into  the  cause  of 
quarrel,  which  Rupert  declared  to  be  certain  private  speeches 
made  by  Digby,  and  not  his  actions  as  Secretary  of  State. 
The  matter  was  therefore  delivered  to  the  arbitration  of 
Culpepper,  Gerard,  Wentworth  and  Cornwallis;  and  ''  His 
Highness  was  so  generous  in  not  demanding  or  expecting 
from  the  Lord  Digby  anything  that  might  misbecome  him, 
that  the  business  was  concluded  that  night,  in  presence  of 
the  Queen  and  the  Prince  of  Wales,  much  to  the  satis- 
faction of  all  parties.  Since  which  reconciliation,"  adds 
O'Neil,  ''Prince  Rupert  has  carried  himself  so  nobly  to  the 
Lord  Digby,  and  the  Lord  Digby  is  so  possessed  with  His 
Highness' s  generous  proceedings  towards  him,  that  I  think, 
in  my  conscience,  there  is  no  man,  at  present  more  heartily 
affected  to  His  Highness's  person  and  service."  ^ 

Thus    happily   and   unexpectedly   ended   the   long   feud. 
Rupert's  resentment  was  hot  and  passionate,  but  he  could 

1  Carte  Lettersj  I.  152—156.  9  Oct.  1647. 


DUELS  WITH  DIGBY  AND  PERCY  221 

always  forego  it  graciously,  provided  that  advances  were 
made  from  the  other  side.  Nor  were  Digby's  protestations 
of  friendship  insincere ;  in  proof  of  which  he  promptly  fought 
with  and  wounded  Wilmot,  because  that  gentleman  had 
maligned  the  Prince.  ^ 

Digby  and  Wilmot  being  thus  disposed  of,  there  remained 
Percy  with  whom  the  Prince  had  yet  to  deal.  Of  this  duel 
Rupert  was  resolved  not  to  be  cheated,  and  he  therefore 
dispensed  with  formality.  Seizing  his  opportunity  on  a 
hunting  expedition,  he  rode  up  to  Percy,  and  laying  a  hand 
on  his  bridle,  abruptly  demanded  "satisfaction."  Percy 
retorted  angrily  that  he  was  quite  ready  to  give  it,  and  that 
the  Prince's  hold  on  his  bridle  was  unnecessary.  Both  then 
sprang  from  their  horses  and  drew  their  swords.  Rupert 
"  being  as  skilful  with  his  weapon  as  valiant,"  ran  Percy 
through  the  side,  at  the  second  pass ;  they  closed,  and  both 
fell  to  the  ground,  Percy's  hand  being  wounded  in  the  fall. 
Upon  this,  one  of  Prince  Charles 's  gentlemen  came  in  and 
separated  them,  and  so  the  affair  ended,  with  advantage  to 
Rupert.  Report  said,  afterwards,  that  the  Prince  had  had 
the  longer  sword,  but  as  in  French  duelling  law  there  was 
no  rule  about  length  of  weapon,  that  fact  could  not  be 
held  to  affect  the  case  in  any  way. " 

This  was  the  last  of  Rupert's  adventures  in  France.  Within 
a  few  weeks  an  event  occurred  which  recalled  him  to  Holland, 
and  gave  him,  once  more,  the  opportunity  of  serving  his 
uncle,  King  Charles. 

1   Carte  Letters.  I.  152—156.  9  Oct.  1647. 

'^  Hamilton  Papers,  p.   178.  Camden  Soc.  New  Series. 


CHAPTER    XIII 

RUPERT'S     CARE    OF     THE     FLEET.       NEGOTIATIONS     WITH 

THE  SCOTS.    RUPERT'S   VOYAGE  TO   IRELAND.    THE 

EXECUTION    OF- THE  KING.       LETTERS  OF 

SOPHIE    TO   RUPERT  AND  MAURICE 

By  May  1648  a  Royalist  reaction  was  setting  in  in 
England.  The  King  had  been  two  years  a  prisoner,  and 
the  people,  already  weary  of  the  Army  and  the  Parliament, 
began  to  think  with  favour  of  their  unfortunate  sovereign. 
Royalist  risings  took  place  in  Kent  and  some  of  the  Eastern 
Counties,  and  a  large  portion  of  the  fleet,  encouraged  by 
this,  revolted  from  the  Parliament  and  came  over  to  Holland. 
Thither  Rupert  and  the  younger  Charles  hastened  to  meet 
it.  The  French,  eager  to  detain  Rupert  in  their  service, 
again  and  again  offered  him  "any  conditions"  to  remain 
with  them,  but  he  adhered  firmly  to  the  Stuart  fortunes.  ^ 
And  well  was  it  for  young  Charles  that  he  did  so ;  for,  as 
even  his  enemies  acknowledged,  no  other  man  could,  or 
would  have  competed  successfully  with  the  terrible  difficul- 
ties which  they  had  now  to  encounter.  Fortunately,  his 
experience  in  England  had  not  been  wasted.  He  was  learn- 
ing to  cultivate  patience,  tolerance  and  self-control,  and 
never  were  such  qualities  more  needed.  A  letter,  dated 
August  9,  1648,  bears  witness  to  the  change  in  the  Prince's 
manners. — **Let  me  assure  you,  Sir,  that  Prince  Rupert's 
carriage  was  such  at  Calais,  and  throughout  the  journey 
thither,  that,  I  protest,  I  was  overjoyed  to  see  it,  both 
for  the  public,  and  for  the  Prince's  (Charles)  happiness  in 
his   company . . .  Certainly,  Sir,  he  appears  to  me  to  be  a 

1  Benett  MSS.  Warburton,  III.  p.  250. 


RUPERT'S  CARE  OF  THE  FLEET  223 

strangely  changed  man  in  his  carriage ;  and  for  his  temper- 
ance and  his  abilities,  I  think  they  were  never  much 
questioned."  ' 

His  abilities  were  about  to  be  taxed  to  the  uttermost. 
The  small  fleet  was  in  a  most  unsatisfactory  state.  Pro- 
visions were  scarce,  the  sailors  mutinous,  and  the  loyalty 
of  the  Commanders — their  recent  revolt  notwithstanding — 
exceedingly  doubtful.  As  usual,  counsels  were  divided. 
Batten  and  Jordan,  the  two  officers  who  had  brought  over 
the  fleet  from  the  Parliament,  were  for  sailing  to  Scotland ; 
others  desired  to  relieve  Colchester,  which  had  been  seized 
for  the  King ;  Rupert  wished  to  make  for  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
where  the  King  was  confined ;  the  sailors  desired  to  hover 
about  the  Thames  and  capture  returning  merchant  vessels. 
Consequently,  all  that  could  be  done  was  to  hang  about 
the  Downs,  capturing  a  few  prizes  and  making  occasional 
assaults  upon  the  English  coast.  An  attack  on  Deal  resulted 
in  the  death  of  Captain  Beckman,  but  the  sailors  were  still 
unwilling  to  return  to  Holland.  On  the  approach  of  the 
Parliamentary  fleet,  commanded  by  Lord  Warwick,  it  was 
resolved  to  fight,  but  the  engagement  was  prevented, — once 
by  a  sudden  storm,  and  again  by  the  contumacy  of  Batten, 
who  refused  to  follow  Rupert. 

Finally,  in  September  it  was  decided  to  return  to  Holland ; 
but  Warwick  followed  the  Royalist  fleet  closely,  and  there 
ensued  a  curious  race  for  the  possession  of  the  Helvoetsluys 
harbour.  Warwick  gained,  and  seemed  likely  to  win  the 
day;  but  a  Captain  Allen,  who  happened  to  be  on  the 
shore,  came  to  the  aid  of  the  Royalists.  As  Warwick's 
ship  drew  near,  Allen  signed  for  the  line  to  draw  him  in, 
and,  when  it  was  thrown  to  him,  contrived  to  let  Warwick 
slip  back,  so  that  Rupert's  ship  came  in  before  him.  After 
that,  Rupert  successfully  hauled  up  all  the  rest  of  his  fleet, 
except  the  *' Convertine,"  which  came  in  with  the  next  tide; 

^  Nicholas  Papers,  I,  95.  Camden  Soc,  New  Series.  Hatton  to  Nicholas, 
Aug.  9,  1648. 


224  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

nevertheless  Warwick  followed  him  into  the  harbour,  and 
for  more  than  a  month  the  hostile  fleets  remained  in  this 
curious  position;  so  close  that  the  sailors  could  shout  to 
one  another,  and  yet  unable  to  proceed  to  hostilities, 
because  they  were  in  a  neutral  harbour:  ^  Sometimes  the 
sailors  met  on  shore,  and  then  brawls  arose  amongst  them. 
But  much  worse  was  the  frequent  desertion  of  Rupert's 
men.  Warwick  spared  no  pains  to  win  them  over,  and  once 
he  even  sent  an  officer  to  the  Prince,  with  a  request  that 
he  might  speak  to  his  men.  Rupert's  reply  was  characteris- 
tic: *'The  Prince  told  him,  'Yes,  in  his  hearing;  but,  if  he 
spake  anything  amiss  he  would  throw  him  overboard'." 
Needless  to  add,  the  man  retired  without  speaking  at  all.  "^ 

Yet  in  spite  of  Rupert's  vigilance,  bribes  and  other 
temptations  drew  some  of  the  ships  over  to  the  enemy, 
until  only  nine  remained.  Thereupon  the  Prince  man- 
ned the  "Convertine"  with  his  most  loyal  men,  furnished 
her  with  cannon,  and  laid  her  athwart  the  rest  of  his  fleet. 
The  Dutch  remonstrated  against  this  warlike  action,  but 
Rupert  answered  that  if  they  promised  him  protection,  he 
would  rely  on  their  word ;  if  not,  he  would  himself  protect 
the  fleet  entrusted  to  him  by  the  King.  And  the  Dutch, 
who  seem  to  have  been  very  compliant  towards  the  young 
Prince  who  had  grown  up  amongst  them,  let  him  have 
his  way. 

The  Hague  was  now  the  head-quarters  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  and  thither  flocked  all  his  old  Councillors,  besides 
many  other  Cavaliers.  Faction  raged  amongst  them  as 
violently  as  ever.  **It  was,"  says  Clarendon,  **no  hard 
matter  to  get  anything  disliked  that  was  resolved  in  the 
Council."  ■*  That  the  administration  of  affairs  was  bad  was 
a  point  on  which  every  one  agreed,  but  they  concurred  in 
nothing  else. 

1  Warburton,  III.  pp.  250—254. 

2  Ibid.  p.  253. 

»  Clarendon,  Bk.  XI.  p.  63. 


RUPERT'S  CARE  OF  THE  FLEET  225 

Rupert  had  fallen  under  the  influence  of  Sir  Edward 
Herbert,  the  quarrelsome  attorney-general,  and  Hyde  and 
Cottington  found  themselves  eagerly  welcomed  by  these 
two,  who  '*  inveighed  bitterly  against  the  whole  administra- 
tion of  the  fleet."  Batten,  Rupert  held  for  a  coward  or  a 
traitor;  Long,  the  secretary  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  for 
a  mere  swindler,  and,  despite  his  ''changed  carriage",  he 
had  not  renounced  his  old  hatred  of  Culpepper.  Their 
mutual  animosity  ''infinitely  disturbed  councils,"  *  and  was 
in  all  respects  unfortunate.  Their  policy  was  diametrically 
opposed.  Culpepper  was  for  conciHating  the  English  popu- 
lace, and  when  the  Royalist  rising  took  place  in  1648,  he 
was  averse  to  permitting  the  young  Duke  of  Buckingham  to 
share  in  it,  unless  he  would  declare  for  the  Covenant,  "  and 
such-like  popular  ways."  Such  views  naturally  did  not  find 
favour  with  the  Prince,  who  adhered  to  the  young  Duke's 
cause. — "Prince  Rupert  stuck  to  itt,"  wrote  Hatton,  ''and 
we  carried  it  against  him ; "  *  that  is,  against  Culpepper. 

The  disputes  came  to  a  climax  over  a  question  of  supply. 
A  cargo  of  sugar,  captured  at  sea,  had  to  be  sold  for  the 
payment  of  the  fleet,  and  Rupert  proposed  to  employ  a 
certain  Sir  Robert  Walsh  in  the  business.  Culpepper  pro- 
tested such  vehement  distrust  of  the  man  in  question  that 
Rupert  took  his  expressions  as  reflecting  on  himself,  and 
haughtily  demanded :  "  What  exceptions  there  were  to  Sir 
Robert  Walsh,  that  he  might  not  be  fit  for  it?"  Culpepper 
returned,  nothing  daunted,  that  Walsh  was  "a  shark,  and 
a  fellow  not  fit  to  be  trusted."  Whereupon,  said  Rupert: 
"  Sir  Robert  is  my  friend,  and  you  must  not  think  to  meet 
him  but  with  your  sword  in  your  hand,  for  he  is  a  gentle- 
man and  a  soldier  1 "  Culpepper,  grown  reckless  of  his  words, 
declared  fiercely  that  he  would  not  fight  with  Walsh,  but 
with  the  Prince  himself,  to  which  Rupert  replied,  very  quietly, 
"It  is  well!"  The  Council  rose  in  confusion;  but  the  Prince 

1  Clarendon,  Bk.  XL  p.  127. 
^  Nicholas  Papers,  I.  p.  96. 


226  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

of  Wales,  who  was  greatly  agitated,  ultimately  succeeded  in 
soothing  his  cousin.  Culpepper  proved  more  implacable, 
and  several  days  elapsed  before  he  could  be  induced  to 
offer  an  apology,  which  Rupert  received  graciously.  ^ 

The  fleet  was  at  this  time  formally  given  over  to  Rupert's 
command.  For  many  reasons  he  accepted  the  charge 
reluctantly,  and  offered  to  serve  nominally  under  the  Duke 
of  York.  But  of  this  Prince  Charles  would  not  hear,  and 
Rupert  was  therefore  invested  "with  all  the  command  at 
sea  that  he  formerly  held  on  shore."  -  The  facility  with 
which  the  exiled  Cavaliers  took  to  the  sea  is  strange  to 
modern  ideas,  but  in  the  seventeenth  century  the  line  be- 
tween soldier  and  sailor  was  not  very  finely  drawn.  In 
Rupert's  own  case  his  education  among  the  amphibious 
Hollanders  probably  stood  him  in  good  stead.  Certainly 
he  seems  to  have  thoroughly  understood  all  nautical 
matters,  and  on  one  occasion  we  read :  "By  the  ill-conning 
of  the  mates  the  ship  was  brought  to  leeward,  which  caused 
the  Prince  to  conn  her  himself'''  '^ 

Some  of  Rupert's  friends  would  fain  have  dissuaded  him 
from  "an  undertaking  of  so  desperate  an  appearance,"  * 
but  he  was  determined  to  do  his  best,  and  the  Prince  of 
Wales  frankly  acknowledged  that,  but  for  his  cousin's  "  in- 
dustry and  address"  there  would  have  been  no  fleet  at  all. " 
And  Hyde,  who,  as  we  know,  had  never  loved  the  Prince, 
wrote  to  Sir  Richard  Fanshaw,  that  the  preservation  of  the 
fleet  must  be  entirely  ascribed  to  Prince  Rupert,  ''who, 
seriously,  hath  expressed  greater  dexterity  and  temper  in 
it  than  you  can  imagine.  I  know  there  is,  and  will  be, 
much  prejudice  to  the  service  by  his  being  engaged  in 
that   command,    but   the   truth   is   there  is  an   unavoidable 


1  Clarendon,  Bk.  XI,  pp.  128—1305  Carte  Letters,  I.  p.  192. 

2  Warburton,  III.  p.  257. 
»  Ibid.  p.  386. 

*  Ibid.  255. 

5  Transcripts.  Charles  II  to  Rupert,  20  Jan.  1649. 


RUPERT'S  CARE  OF  THE  FLEET  227 

necessity  for  it."  And,  after  recounting  the  bad  behaviour 
of  Batten  and  Jordan,  who  had  corrupted  the  sailors,  and 
refused  to  put  to  sea,  he  adds :  *'  In  this  distress  Prince 
Rupert  took  the  charge,  and  with  unrivalled  pains  and  toil, 

put  all  things  in  reasonable  order And  really  I  believe 

that  he  will  behave  himself  so  well  in  it  that  nobody  will 
have  cause  to  regret  it."  ^ 

And  Rupert  did  behave  himself  well.  No  toil  proved  too 
arduous  for  him,  no  undertaking  too  dangerous.  Indeed, 
the  labours  involved  in  his  task  were  so  great  and  so  many 
that  it  seems  scarcely  credible  that  they  could  be  performed 
by  one  man.  He  became  a  merchant:  he  discussed  the 
prices  of  sugar,  indigo,  tobacco,  and  other  commodities, 
and  personally  conducted  the  sale  of  his  prizes.  He  attended 
to  his  own  commissariat;  dispensing  with  the  cheating 
commissioners,  as  ''  unuseful  evils."  -  We  find  him  gravely 
considering  the  quality  of  '*  pickled  meat,"  or  lamenting 
that  peas  and  groats  are  both  too  dear  to  buy.  ^  "Concern- 
ing the  pork,  he  tells  me  he  doth  not  think  there  can  be 
so  great  a  quantity  provided  suddenly,"  says  a  correspondent. 
'*He  hath  not  yet  provided  any  shirts  nor  apparel  for  the 
men."  ^  He  was  his  own  recruiting  officer,  and  went  from 
port  to  port  in  Ireland,  persuading  men  to  join  his  fleet. 
The  conduct  of  each  man  was  his  personal  concern;  and, 
as  in  the  war  in  England,  he  was  overwhelmed  with  com- 
plaints and  correspondence  by  his  oflficers.  One  letter  may 
serve  as  an  example  of  the  rest. 

'*  According  to  the  service  and  duty  I  owe  unto  your 
Highness,"  writes  Thomas  Price,  **  I  am  enforced  to  certify 
your  Highness  of  the  dangerous  and  unbeseeming  carriage 
of  Robert  Pett,  gunner  of  His  Majesty's  ship  the  Revenge, 


1  Clar.  St.  Papers.  Hyde  to  Fanshaw,  21  Jan.  1649. 
'  Warburton,  III.  p.  295. 

3  Rupert    Transcripts.  Hyde  to  Rupert,  Dec.  11,  1648.  Mennes  to  Rupert, 
Jan.  12,  1649. 

*  Ibid.  Ball  to  Rupert,  15  Dec.  1648. 


228  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

who,  upon  Saturday  night  last,  being  the  tenth  of  January, 
about  nine  o'clock  at  night,  being  very  much  in  drink, 
would  have  taken  tobacco  over  a  barrell  of  powder,  (being 
in  his  cabin,  which  is  in  the  gun  room  and  a  great  quantity 
of  loose  powder  lying  round  about),  had  he  not  been 
prevented  by  Captain  Payton  Cartwright,  who  was  called 
by  some  of  the  gun  room  for  that  purpose.  The  gunner, 
being  something  unruly,  he  was  forced  to  go  up  to  His 
Highness  Prince  Maurice  to  acquaint  him  with  it.  Upon 
which  he  was  committed  to  the  guard,  for  fear  of  further 
danger."  ^ 

Mutiny  was  unhappily  only  too  frequent ;  but  the  Prince's 
presence  usually  sufficed  to  quell  it.  While  the  fleet  was  at 
Helvoetsluys,  there  arose  some  discontent  in  the  ''  Antelope," 
beginning  with  "a  complaint  upon  victuals."  Rupert  went 
on  board,  and  promptly  told  the  men  that  they  were  free 
to  leave  the  service.  To  this  they  made  no  answer,  but 
they  were  unappeased,  and  when,  two  days  later,  Rupert 
sent  for  twenty  of  them  to  help  to  rig  up  his  own  ship, 
they  refused  to  come.  The  Prince  then  went  again  to  the 
** Antelope,"  and  "walked  the  deck,  to  see  his  commands 
obeyed."  The  sailors  crowded  about  him,  and  one  gathered 
courage  to  shout  defiance.  His  example  would  have  dis- 
astrously inspired  the  rest,  had  not  Rupert  acted  with  extra- 
ordinary promptitude.  Seizing  the  mutineer  in  his  arms,  he 
held  him  as  though  about  to  drop  him  over  the  ship's  side, 
which  remarkable  action  "wrought  such  a  terror  upon  the 
rest,  that  they  forthwith  returned  to  their  duty."  ■  Claren- 
don exaggerates  this  incident  much  as  Pepys  does  the  affair 
at  Newark.  The  Prince,  he  says,  '*with  notable  vigour  and 
success,  suppressed  two  or  three  mutinies,  in  one  of  which 
he  was  compelled  to  throw  two  or  three  of  the  seamen 
overboard,  by  the  strength  of  his  own  arms."  ^    Since  there 


1  Rupert  Transcripts.  Price  to  Rupert,  15  Jan.  1651. 

2  Warburton,  III.  pp.  262 — 264. 

3  Clarendon,  Bk.  XI.  p.  152. 


t 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  SCOTS  229 

was  frequently  no  money  to  pay  the  sailors,  mutiny  was 
of  course  to  be  expected.  Nominally  the  men  were  paid 
2^s  a  month,  but,  unless  prizes  were  taken,  they  did  not 
get  the  money.  Usually  they  acquiesced  in  the  condition 
of  affairs  with  admirable  resignation.  In  1648,  a  deputation 
of  five  sailors  came  from  Helvoetsluys  to  Prince  Charles 
at  the  Hague,  with  a  request  to  be  told  whether  he  had 
or  had  not  any  money.  Being  truthfully  answered  that  he 
had  none,  they  expressed  themselves  satisfied  with  a  pro- 
mise of  shares  in  the  next  prizes,  and  returned  to  the  fleet, 
having,  as  Hyde  informed  Rupert,  "  behaved  themselves 
very  civilly."  ^  And  not  only  for  money  to  pay  his  sailors, 
but  for  every  other  necessary  Prince  Charles  was  dependent 
on  the  prizes  taken  by  Rupert.  ''  Being  totally  destitute  of 
means,  we  intend  to  provide  for  the  satisfaction  of  our 
debts  out  of  tLe  proceeds  of  the  goods  in  the  ship  lately 
taken,"  he  wrote  in  1650.  '  In  short  the  fleet  represented 
all  the  funds  which  the  poverty-stricken  Royalists  could 
gather  together,  and  for  the  next  three  years  the  exiled 
Court  was  supported  by  the  exertions  of  Rupert. 

While  the  fleet  lay  inactive  in  1648  the  Prince  of  Wales 
Avas  engaged  in  negotiations  with  the  Scots.  In  Scotland 
the  Royalist  reaction  was  stronger  than  it  was  in  England ; 
the  Scottish  Presbyterians  were  wholly  dissatisfied  with 
Cromwell  and  the  English  Puritans,  and  they  now  sought 
to  make  terms  with  their  Sovereign.  But  one  of  their  first 
conditions  was  that  neither  Rupert  nor  Maurice  should  set 
foot  in  Scotland,  and  this  was  exceedingly  displeasing  to 
the  Prince  of  Wales.  The  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  who  had  been 
sent  to  the  Hague  to  negotiate  the  affair,  reported  that 
Rupert's  power  over  the  Prince  was  absolute,  and  that 
if  he  chose  to  come  to  Scotland  come  he  would,  in  spite 
of  the  negative  vote  of  the  whole  Council.  Rupert  himself 
proposed  to  accompany  Prince  Charles  in  a  private  capacity, 

1  Rupert  Transcripts.  Hyde  to  Rupert,  Jan.  1649. 

2  Warburton,  III.  p.  308.  Charles  II  to  Rupert.  Jan.  27.  1650. 


230  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

taking  no  share  in  the  affairs  of  State ;  '  but  the  Scots, 
who  knew  his  influence  over  his  cousin,  refused  to  entertain 
the  suggestion.  Prince  Charles  then,  with  his  own  hand, 
struck  out  the  clause  of  the  treaty  which  disabled  Rupert 
from  bearing  him  company;  an  arbitrary  action  which  se- 
riously annoyed  Lauderdale.  '  Rupert,  however,  smoothed 
the  matter  over,  saying  that,  provided  his  absence  were 
not  made  a  formal  condition,  he  would  remain  in  Holland. 
Altogether  he  "carried  himself  so  handsomely  "  *  as  to  win 
over  Lauderdale,  who  finally  declared  that  Rupert's  coming 
to  Scotland  would  be,  after  all,  ''of  great  advantage."^ 

But  Rupert,  in  spite  of  his  conciHatory  behaviour  inclined 
far  more  to  the  Royalism  of  Montrose  than  to  that  of  Lau- 
derdale and  Argyle.  The  Marquess  of  Montrose,  who  had 
sustained  the  King's  cause  in  Scotland  with  extraordinary 
heroism  and  brilliancy,  was  at  that  time  at  Brussels  and 
quite  ready  to  risk  another  venture  on  the  King's  behalf. 
He  was,  however,  so  obnoxious  to  the  Presbyterian  party 
that  no  hope  of  their  union  could  be  entertained.  Charles 
had  to  choose  between  the  two,  and  Rupert  strongly  inclined 
to  the  heroic  Montrose.  The  character  and  achievements 
of  the  Marquess  were  well  calculated  to  inspire  admiration 
in  the  Prince.  The  two  had  met  once  in  England,  during 
the  August  of  1643,  and  a  strong  mutual  esteem  existed 
between  them.  Therefore,  while  Charles  was  leaning  to 
Argyle,  Rupert  was  conducting  a  voluminous  correspondence 
with  Montrose.  The  "  noble  kindness "  of  the  Marquess, 
said  the  Prince,  made  him  anxious  to  serve  the  King  in 
his  company,  and  he  would  very  willingly  join  in  any  under- 
taking that  he  proposed. "'  Montrose  replied  with  equal 
friendliness :    **  I    will .  .  rather  hazard  to  sink  by  you  than 


*  Hamilton  Papers,  p.  219.  Camd.  Soc.  ]\me  24,  1648. 
2  Ibid.  p.  245. 

*  Hamilton  Papers,  p.  246,  Camden  Soc.  Lauderdale  to  Lanerick,  Aug.  1648. 

*  Ibid.  p.  249,  Aug.  20j  1648. 

5  Warburton,  III.  pp.  254,  262,  267—270. 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  SCOTS  2-31 

save  myself  aside  of  others."  But,  unfortunately,  a  meeting 
between  them  was  impossible.  The  Marquess  could  not 
come  to  the  Hague  on  account  of  the  Presbyterian 
emissaries  there  assembled,  and  also  because  he  was  con- 
tinually beset  by  spies,  from  whom  he  was  anxious  to  con- 
ceal his  alliance  with  the  Prince.  Rupert  would  fain  have 
visited  him  at  Brussels,  but  he  was  bound  *'  by  a  heavy 
tie"  to  the  fleet,  and  could  only  lament  that  "whilst  I 
am  separating  the  sheep  from  the  goats  I  dare  not  absent 
myself  without  hazard."  '  Montrose  was  anxious  to  take 
the  fleet  to  Scotland,  where,  he  said,  ''there  be  so  hand- 
some and  probable  grounds  for  a  clear  and  gallant  design  . . 
that  I  should  be  infinitely  sorry  that  you  should  be  in- 
duced to  hazard  your  own  person,  or  those  little  rests 
(remains)  upon  any  desperate  thrusts;  for,  while  you  are 
safe,  we  shall  ,find  twenty  fair  ways  to  state  ourselves.*'  - 
But  both  that  scheme,  and  the  negotiations  with  Lauder- 
dale fell  through,  and  it  was  finally  resolved  to  take  the 
fleet  to  Ireland,  where  the  Marquess  of  Ormonde  stood  out 
for  the  King  with  as  great  a  devotion  as  Montrose  had 
shown  in  Scotland. 

In  October  Rupert  received  a  letter  from  the  King,  at 
the  hands  of  Will  Legge,  who  bore  also  an  important  mes- 
sage which  the  King  dared  not  write.  He  had  now  laid 
a  plan  for  escape  from  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  he  required 
Rupert  to  send  a  ship  thither,  and  to  acquaint  ''no  other 
mortal"  with  the  matter,  except  the  Prince  of  Orange.  ' 
Rupert  would  have  gone  in  person,  but  was  still  detain- 
ed by  his  care  of  the  fleet.  However,  the  Prince  of 
Orange  willingly  sent  one  of  his  own  ships,  which  was 
boarded  and  searched  by  a  captain  of  the  Parliament.  For 
several  days  it  lingered  on  the  coast,  under  pretence 
of   waiting    for    a    wind,    but,    as    we    all  know,  Charles's 

1  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Rpt.  II.  Montrose  MSS.  p.  173. 

2  Warburton,  III.  p.  269, 
*  Ibid.  p.  272. 


232  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

attempt  at  escape  was  frustrated,  and  the  vessel  returned 
without  him. 

On  November  21st  Warwick  sailed  for  England,  and 
Rupert,  freed  from  the  surveillance  of  his  foe,  at  once  pre- 
pared his  ships  for  action.  Money  of  course  was  lacking, 
but  Rupert  sent  out  two  of  his  ships  to  take  prizes,  which 
was  successfully  done,  and  the  resources  were  further  in- 
creased by  the  sale  of  the  Antelope's  ordnance;  besides 
which,  ''the  Queen  of  Bohemia  pawned  her  jewels,  or  the 
work  had  never  been  done."  ^  Lord  Craven  also  added 
his  contribution.  "What  I  have  in  my  power  shall  be  at 
your  service,  unless  your  brother  Edward  in  the  meantime 
disfurnish  me,"  he  wrote  to  Rupert.  - 

A  difficulty  next  arose  about  the  use  of  the  standard. 
Properly,  only  the  Lord  High  Admiral  could  carry  it,  and 
that  title  the  Prince  of  Wales  had  no  power  to  confer.  Yet 
Warwick  made  use  of  the  standard,  and  it  was  therefore 
left  to  Rupert's  discretion  to  hoist  it  if  needful  for  the 
encouragement  of  his  men. 

Towards  the  end  of  January  1649,  all  was  ready,  and 
Rupert  sailed  for  Ireland  with  three  flag-ships,  four  frigates, 
and  one  prize ;  Maurice  of  course  accompanying  him.  They 
were  temporarily  joined  by  three  Dutchmen  requiring  con- 
sortship,  a  circumstance  which  proved  very  beneficial  to 
the  Royalists.  At  day-break,  January  22,  they  sighted  the 
Parliament  fleet  off  Dover,  and  Rupert  judging  valour  to 
be  the  better  part  of  discretion,  sailed  straight  for  it. 
Terrified  by  this  extraordinary  boldness,  and  believing  the 
Dutch  ships  to  be  in  Rupert's  pay,  Warwick's  fleet  sought 
shelter  beneath  the  forts ;  and  the  Prince,  much  encouraged 
by  this  success,  passed  unmolested  to  Kinsale.  ^ 

The  usual  endeavours  to  sow  ill-will  between  Rupert 
and    Ormonde   had   not   been  wanting.     Digby,  apparently 

1  Warburton,  III.  p.  273. 

2  Rupert  Transcripts.  Craven  to  Rupert,  29  Jan.  1649. 


VOYAGE  TO  IRELAND  233 

forgetful  of  his  recent  professions  of  friendship  for  Rupert, 
addressed  the  Lord  Lieutenant  in  his  old  strain.  "One 
thing  I  think  it  necessary  to  advertise  you  of,  that  Prince 
Rupert  hath  set  his  rest  to  command  this  expedition  of  the 
fleet,  and  the  Council  have  complied  with  him  in  it,  inso- 
much that  if  it  arrives  safe  in  Ireland  you  must  expect 
him  with  it.  I  hope  his  aim  is  only  at  the  honour  of 
conveying  the  fleet  thither,  through  so  much  hasard,  and 
then  returning  to  the  Prince.  But  if  he  have  any  further 
design  of  continuing  to  command  the  fleet,  or  of  remaining 
in  that  kingdom,  I  fear  the  consequences  of  it,  knowing 
what  applications  have  been  made  to  him  formerly,  and 
how  unsettled  and  weak  a  people  you  have  there,  apt  to 
catch  at  anything  that's  new."  '  Hyde,  on  the  other  hand, 
warned  Rupert  that  there  would  certainly  be  attempts  to 
excite  quarrels  bet\veen  himself  and  Ormonde,  but  added, 
with  a  confidence  he  did  not  feel:  *' Truly,  Sir,  I  do  not 
apprehend  any  danger  this  way.  I  know  your  Highness 
will  comply  in  all  things  with  him,  as  a  person,  besides 
his  great  merit,  of  the  clearest  and  most  entire  approba- 
tion of  any  subject  the  King  hath."  '  In  similar  terms  wrote 
Jermyn  at  the  Queen's  behest,  to  Ormonde,  who  replied 
rather  crushingly :  ''  I  am  infinitely  obliged  to  Her  Majesty 
for  her  care  to  keep  me  in  Prince  Rupert's  good  opinion. 
I  shall  be,  and  have  been,  industrious  to  gain  his  favour, 
and  my  endeavour  has  hitherto  been  successful.  Neither  do 
I  apprehend  any  danger  of  a  change ;  his  carriage  towards 
me  having  been  full  of  civility,  as  well  in  relation  to  my 
employment  as  to  my  person."  * 

There  was  in  fact  the  best  of  intelligence  between  Rupert 
and  Ormonde,  and  thanks  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant's  noble 
and  unsuspicious  nature,  nothing  could  destroy  it.  The 
"  applications  "  to  Rupert,  mentioned  by  Digby,  were  made 

1  Carte's  Ormonde,  VI.  587.  27  Nov.   1648. 

-   Warburton,  III.  p.  277,  Hyde  to  Rupert,  [an.  27,  1649. 

5  Carte  Letters,  II.  p.  406.  29  Sept,  1648. 


234  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

by  the  Roman  Catholic  rebels,  who  disliked  Ormonde's 
steady  hand  and  firm  adherence  to  the  established  religion. 
They  represented  to  Rupert  that  they  were  averse,  not  to 
the  King,  but  to  his  Lord  Lieutenant,  and  that  if  only  he 
(Rupert)  would  consent  to  lead  them  ''they  would  all  join 
in  one  to  live  and  die  for  His  Majesty's  service,  under 
Your  Highness's  command;  that  being  their  greatest  am- 
bition." ^  Rupert's  enemies  at  the  Hague  hastened  to  report 
these  intrigues  to  Ormonde,  colouring  them,  as  much  as 
possible,  to  Rupert's  discredit.  But  Ormonde  replied  calmly 
that  he  had  been  already  informed  of  them  by  Rupert 
himself,  who  had  asked  his  advice  as  to  the  answers  he 
should  send.  That  he  knew  those  who  desired  to  divide 
the  King's  party  "assumed  encouragements  from  Prince 
Rupert,  without  warrant  from  him."  That  he,  personally 
would  willingly  resign  his  charge  to  the  Prince,  if  it  were 
for  the  King's  advantage;  but  that  he  knew  it  to  be*'  im- 
possible for  the  Prince  to  descend  to  what  would  look  like 
supplanting  one  that  hath  endeavoured,  with  some  success, 
to  serve  him  in  his  charge."  ' 

But  though  Ormonde  refused  to  doubt  Rupert's  integrity, 
he  did  not  derive  from  him  the  assistance  he  had  hoped. 
Rupert  had  written,  on  his  arrival  at  Kinsale,  promising  to 
follow  Ormonde's  advice  in  all  things,  and  to  give  him 
all  the  aid  in  his  power.  But  his  want  of  men  made  it 
impossible  for  him  to  block  up  Dublin  harbour,  as  the 
Lord  Lieutenant  desired,  '^  and  the  necessity  of  capturing 
prizes,  the  sale  of  which  supported  the  fleet,  prevented  any 
action  of  importance.  The  Parliament  complained  bitterly 
that  no  ship  could  leave  the  Bristol  Channel  by  day  without 
falling  a  prey  to  the  Princes,  '  and  yet  Rupert  seldom  had 
money  to  send  to  Ormonde.    "Your  Lordship  may  be  as- 

1  Rupert  Transcripts.  Talbot  to  Rupert,  Nov.  7,  i648. 

2  Carte  Letters,  II.  427 — 430.  25  Jan.  1650. 

3  Ibid.  II.  381.  29  May,  1649. 

1  Clowes  Royal  Navy,  II.  p.  120. 


VOYAGE  TO  IRELAND  235 

sured  of  all  the  supplies  and  assistances  our  ships  can 
afford  you,"  he  wrote  in  answer  to  one  of  Ormonde's  fre- 
quent appeals  for  money.  ''  But  I  must  entreat  your  Lordship 
to  consider  the  great  charge  the  fleet  is  at,  and,  if  we  lose 
this  opportunity,  we  may  be  hindered  by  a  far  greater 
strength  than  yet  appears.  The  least  squadron  we  must 
now  send  out  must  be  of  five  ships.  Three  we  can  leave 
behind,  fitted  with  all  but  men,  ready  to  do  service  here. 
I  intend,  with  the  first  opportunity,  to  go  to  Waterford. 
.  .  .  From  thence  I  shall  not  fail  to  receive  your  commands. 
Mr.  Fanshaw  can  give  you  an  account  how  low  we  are  in 
matters  of  monies."  ' 

The  want  of  men  was  even  more  serious  than  the  want 
of  money.  In  the  summer  Rupert  hoped  to  really  fight  the 
Parliament  fleet,  and  with  that  view  he  personally  sought 
recruits  in  all  the  neighbouring  port  towns.  By  great  ex- 
ertions he  raised  a  considerable  number,  but,  when  the 
task  was  accomplished,  the  Council  of  War  hung  back  from 
the  risk  of  a  battle,  and  the  Prince,  rather  than  incur  the 
charge  of  ''vanity  and  rashness,"  dismissed  his  hard-won 
recruits  and  retired  into  harbour.  Changed  indeed  was  the 
man  who  had  fought  at  Marston  Moor !  ' 

But  in  spite  of  all  difficulties.  Rupert  contrived  to  take 
prizes,  to  support  the  Royalists  at  the  Hague,  and  even  to 
send  some  succour  to  the  Scilly  islands,  which  held  out 
for  the  King.  "I  believe  we  shall  make  a  shift  to  live 
in  spite  of  all  our  factions!"  '  he  wrote  cheerfully.  And 
make  a  shift  he  did,  through  "a  wearisome  summer,  passed 
in  anxiety  and  troubles."  *  Cromwell  had  arrived  in  June, 
and  was  rapidly  conquering  Ireland.  The  King's  army  was 
defeated  near  Dublin ;  the  towns  began  to  revolt  to  the 
Parliament ;  the  faithful  garrisons  were  mercilessly  massacred 


^  Carte  Letters,  II.  375. 

2  Warburton,  III.  pp.  293 — 294. 

'  Ibid.  p.  290.  Rupert  to  Grenvile^  Apr.  28,  1649. 

*  Ibid.  p.  297. 


236  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

by  Cromwell;  and  Rupert  only  escaped  the  treachery  of 
the  Governor  of  Cork  by  a  press  of  business  which  pre- 
vented him  from  accepting  an  invitation  to  hunt.  "The 
Governor  of  Cork,"  says  the  historian  of  Rupert's  voyages, 
"resolved  to  make  himself  famous  by  an  infamous  act, 
to  which  purpose,  knowing  His  Highness  loved  hunting,  he 
invited  him  to  a  chase  of  deer,  close  by  the  town ;  but 
Heaven  abhorring  such  inhumanity,  prevented  that  design, 
by  providing  importunate  business  to  impede  His  Highness' 
intentions."  '  But  though  thwarted  in  this  scheme,  the 
Governor  of  Cork  could  and  did  surrender  the  city  to  the 
enemy,  after  which  Kinsale  was  no  longer  a  safe  port  for 
the  Royalist  fleet.  If  the  ships  were  to  be  preserved,  it 
was  high  time  to  quit  the  Irish  coast.  The  Parliament  had 
already  sent  a  fleet  to  block  the  Prince  up  in  the  harbour, 
but  again  fortune  favoured  him.  A  friendly  wind  blew 
the  Parliament  fleet  out  to  sea,  and  enabled  Rupert  to  slip 
out  past  them.  For  want  of  men,  he  was  forced  to  leave 
three  of  his  ships  behind  him,  and  in  November  1649,  he 
began  the  world  anew  with  seven  sail. 

Within  a  few  days  of  Rupert's  first  arrival  at  Kinsale, 
the  execution  of  Charles  I  had  taken  place.  For  some 
weeks  Rupert  remained  ignorant  of  this  final  disaster,  but 
in  February  a  vague  rumour  reached  him,  and  he  wrote 
in  great  agitation  to  Ormonde :  "I  beseech  your  Lordship 
to  let  me  know  whether  you  have  any  certain  news  of  the 
King's  misfortune."  '  The  dreadful  rumour  was  only  too 
soon  confirmed.  From  the  Hague  he  received  dismal  accounts 
of  the  general  depression  and  confusion  — '' all  men  being 
full  of  designs  to  be  counsellors  and  officers ; "  and  he  was 
entreated  to  write  a  few  lines  to  cheer  and  encourage  his 
young  cousin,  now  Charles  II.  "    Very  shortly  he  received 


1  Warburton,  pp.  297 — 8. 

-  Carte  Papers.  Irish  Confederation,  VII.  256.  Rupert   to    Ormonde,    Feb. 

2,  1649. 

8  Warburton.  111.  pp    284—5.  Hyde  to  Rupert,  Feb.  28,  1649. 


EXECUTION  OF  THE  KING  237 

his  commission  as  Lord  High  Admiral,  which  the  new  King 
had  now  power  to  grant,  and  he  thereupon  published  a 
solemn  declaration  of  his  intention  to  fight  the  Parliament 
to  the  death. 

"The  bloody  and  inhumane  murder  of  my  late  dread 
uncle  of  ever  renowned  memory  hath  administered  to  me 
fresh  occasion  to  be  assistant,  both  in  Counsel  and  to  the 
best  of  my  personal  power,  to  my  dear  cousin,  now  Charles  II 
of  England ...  I  do  protest  and  really  speak  it,  it  was 
ever  my  intention  to  do  him  service  and  employ  my  best 
endeavours  for  enthroning  him,  as  bound  by  consanguinity, 
but  more  particularly  engaged  by  reason  of  former  favours 
received  from  his  late  royal  father,  my  murdered  uncle. 
Yet  I  do  ingeniously  confess  it  was  never  my  desire  to  be 
employed  in  this  great  and  weighty  matter  of  His  Majesty's 
Admiral.  I  sh'  uld  wiUingly  have  been  satisfied  with  an 
inferior  place,  where  I  might  have  had  the  freedom,  in 
part,  to  bring  to  condign  punishment  such  great  traitors 
and  rebels  who  had  a  hand  in  the  murder  of  my  late  uncle, 
and  do  still  persist  in  their  perverse  way  of  rebellion  and 
cruelty.  And  my  reasons  why  I  did  not  wish  so  great  a 
command  were  these — namely,  I  know,  and  was  ascertained, 
myself  had  been  rendered  odious  to  many  English  who 
did  not  rightly  understand  my  real  intentions,  but  only 
believed  lies  and  forged  reports  of  my  enemies'  framing. 
And  I  did  likewise  consider  that  my  undertaking  the 
admiralty  might  be  a  means  to  draw  away  the  affections 
of  His  Majesty's  subjects,  by  reason  such  rumours  had  been 
upon  me.  These,  and  many  other  reasons  which  now  I 
will  omit,  did  move  me  several  times  to  refuse  what, 
at  length,  His  Majesty's  Council  of  Lords,  knights  and  gentle- 
men, who  are  now  about  him,  did,  in  a  manner,  thrust 
upon  me."  ^  Rupert's  greatness  had  been,  in  truth,  thrust 
upon   him,    but   having   accepted    it,  he  resolved  to  use  it 

1  Prince  Rupert :  his  Declaration.   Pamphlet.  British  MMseun\»  Mar.  9,  1649. 


238  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

for  avenging  his  uncle  to  the  uttermost.  ''Prince  Rupert," 
declared  a  sailor  of  the  Parliament,  who  had  been  his 
prisoner,  ''  is  not  ashamed  openly  to  profess  that,  provided 
he  may  ruin  and  destroy  the  English  interest,  especially 
the  estates  of  the  merchants  and  mariners  of  London,  he 
cares  not  whether  he  gets  a  farthing  more  while  he  lives  than 
what  will  maintain  himself,  his  confederates,  and  his  fleet."  ^ 
Such  being  Rupert's  attitude,  it  is  worth  while  to  note 
that  of  his  brothers.  Maurice  was  of  course  one  with  him. 
Edward  also  expressed  himself  as  strongly  as  his  two  seniors 
could  have  wished.  "  I  should  die  happy  if  I  could  steep 
my  hands  (quand  j'aurai  tremp6  mes  mains)  in  the  blood 
of  those  murderers."  ■  That  satisfaction  was  denied  him, 
but  he  did  his  best  by  insulting  the  Ambassadors  of  the 
Parliament  in  the  streets  of  the  Hague.  This  affair  pro- 
duced great  excitement  in  England,  and  the  States  of 
Holland  were  forced  to  request  Edward  to  "keep  abetter 
tongue,"  or  else  to  quit  their  territory.  He  had  been  just 
about  to  depart  to  Heidelberg,  but,  with  true  Palatine  ob- 
stinacy, deferred  his  departure  for  another  week,  and  went 
about  boasting  his  status  as  a  "  freeborn  Prince  of  the 
Empire."  '  The  States,  with  their  wonted  prudence,  let 
him  alone  until  after  he  was  safely  departed,  when  they 
endeavoured  to  appease  the  English  Parliament  by  a  show 
of  indignation.  ''The  States  here,"  wrote  Nicholas,  "have 
lately  caused  a  summons  publicly  to  be  made,  by  ringing 
of  a  bell,  requiring  Prince  Edward — who  they  know  went 
hence  to  Germany  three  months  since — to  appear  in  the  State 
House,  by  a  day  prefixed,  to  answer  the  affront  he  did  to 
St.  John  and  his  colleagues ;  which  is  said  to  be  only,  as  they 
passed  him,  to  have  called  them  a  pack  of  rogues  and  rebels."  * 


1   Dom.  State  Papers.  Com.  24  fol.  60. 

-  Bromley  Letters,  p.  295.  Edward  to  Elizabeth. 

*  Perfect   Passages,   April   11,  1651.  Whitelockej  p.  49.  Green,  VI.  17 — 28. 
Mercurius  Politicus,  Apr.  3 — 10,  165 1. 

*  Carte  Lettei*s,  II.  p.  2.  14  May  1661, 


LETTERS  OF  SOPHIE  239 

The  conduct  of  Charles  Louis  contrasted  strongly  with 
that  of  the  rest  of  his  family.  He,  far  more  than  Edward, 
had  cause  for  gratitude  to  his  Uncle,  and  yet  he  could 
write  coldly  of  the  King's  trial : — "  Others,  (t.  e.  himself), 
who  are  but  remotely  concerned  in  the  effects  thereof, 
cannot  be  blamed  if  they  do  not  intermeddle.  Neither  is 
it  in  their  power  to  mend  anything,  for  it  hath  been  seen 
in  all  Governments  that  strength  will  still  prevail,  whether 
it  be  right  or  wrong."  '  Nevertheless  he  quitted  England 
after  the  King's  execution,  chiefly,  it  is  to  be  feared, 
because  he  had  become  convinced  that  he  himself  would 
not  be  elected  to  the  vacant  throne.  Having  renounced 
the  cause  of  the  Parliament,  he  was  anxious  to  be  recon- 
ciled to  his  brothers,  and  Sophie,  evidently  at  his  instigation, 
wrote  to  inform  Rupert  and  Maurice  of  the  Elector's  changed 
views.  Both  \zx  letters  are  dated  April  13th,  1649,  ^'^^ 
that  to  Rupert  is  written  in  French. 

*' Dearest  Brother, 

"It  is  only  through  printed  reports  that  we  hear 
any  news  of  Rupert  le  Diable,  for  no  one  has  received  any 
letters  from  you.  My  brother  the  Elector  is  now  here, 
and  cares  no  more  for  those  cursed  people  in  England, 
for  he  has  paid  his  duty  to  the  King,  which  he  might 
easily  have  avoided,  as  business  called  him  to  Cleves.  Here 
also  are  the  Scottish  Commissioners,  who  every  day  bring 
some  new  proposal  to  the  King,  full  of  impertinency.  They 
would  not  that  the  King  should  keep  any  honest  man 
about  him,  for  which  they  are  in  great  favour  with  the 
Princess  of  Orange,  who  declares  herself  much  for  the  Pres- 
byterians, and  says  that  Percy  is  the  honestest  man  the 
King  has  about  him.  But  I  believe  you  care  not  much 
to  know  of  intrigues  here,  for  which  cause  I  shall  not 
trouble  you  further ;  besides,  you  have  other  business  to  do 

1  Forster's  Statesmen,  VI.  p.  82. 


240  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

than   read  my  letters.     Only  I  entreat  you  to  take  notice, 
that  I  remain 

**Your  most  aff.  sister  and  servant, 

-  Sophie."  ' 
To  Maurice,  Sophie  wrote  in  German,  and  in  a  more 
familiar  style.  Probably  she  was  better  acquainted  with 
him  than  with  Rupert,  for  he  had  encouraged  and  laughed 
at  her  childish  tricks,  during  the  years  that  he  spent  "  in 
idleness"  at  the  Hague. 

"Highborn  Prince  and  Dear  Brother, 

"I  must  write  to  you  by  all  occasions,  for  I  always 
have  something  to  tell  you.  This  time  it  shall  be  that 
the  Prince  Elector  is  here,  and  that  he  is  now  altogether 
against  the  Knaves,  as  we  are.  The  peace  is  made  in 
France.  My  brother  Edward  says  he  has  taken  no  employ- 
ment yet.  Prince  Ratzevil  is  deadly  sick,  they  say  that  the 
Marquis  Gonzaga  hath  poisoned  him;  he  is  in  Poland  yet. 
The  States  have  forbidden  all  their  Ministers  to  pray  for 
any  Kings  in  the  Church,  but  the  French  will  not  desist. 
I  am  so  vexed  with  you  for  not  writing  to  me  that  I  do 
not  know  how  to  express  it.  I  hope  you  have  not  for- 
gotten me,  seeing  that  I  am 

''Your  faithful  sister  and  humble  servant, 

'*  Sophie."- 

To  this  letter  the  Elector   added  a  short  postscript. 

"My  service  to  you,  brother  Rupert  and  brother  Mau- 
rice ;  more  I  cannot  say,  being  newly  arrived,  and  visitations 
do  hinder  me.     Carl  Ludwig." 

What  effect  this  judiciously-worded  composition  might  have 
had  it  is  impossible  to  say.  Both  letters  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Parliament  and  never  reached  their  proper  destination. 
It  was  many  years  before  Rupert  and  the  Elector  met  again. 

^  Domestic  State  Papers.  Commonwealth,  I.  fol.  53.  Sophie  to  Rupert, 
Apr.  13,  1649. 

-  Domestic  State  Papers.  Commoawealth,  I.  fol.  54,  Sophie  to  Maurice. 
Apr.  13,  1649. 


CHAPTER    XIV 

THE  FLEET  IN  THE  TAGUS.     AT  TOULON.      THE   VOYAGE  TO 
THE  AZORES.     THE  WRECK  OF  THE  *'  CONSTANT  REFORMA- 
TION."    ON   THE  AFRICAN  COAST.     LOSS  OF  MAURICE 
IN  THE  **  DEFIANCE."    THE  RETURN  TO  FRANCE 

On  quitting  Ireland  in  November  1649,  the  Royalist 
fleet  sailed  straight  for  the  Spanish  coast.  Hyde  was  then 
at  Madrid,  as  the  Ambassador  of  Charles  II,  and  he  pressed 
the  Spaniards  to  grant  the  Prince  free  ports.  This  they 
would  not  do,  but  they  allowed  him  to  clean  and  victual 
his  vessels  upon  their  shores,  until  the  arrival  of  the  Par- 
liament fleet  changed  their  attitude.  ^  The  Parliament  had 
despatched  their  Admiral  Blake  in  pursuit  of  the  RoyaHsts, 
and  Blake's  ships  were  better  manned,  better  fitted  up, 
and  more  numerous  than  those  of  Rupert.  In  fear  of 
Blake,  the  Spaniards  ordered  Rupert  to  leave  their  coasts, 
and  he  took  refuge  in  the  Tagus.  There  he  found  a 
generous  reception.  The  King  of  Portugal,  "a  young  man 
of  great  hope  and  courage,"  sent  an  embassy  to  invite  the 
two  Princes  to  Lisbon,  and  they  were  conducted,  with 
much  state,  to  Court.  Further,  the  King  promised  them 
all  the  protection  in  his  power,  gave  them  supplies  and 
provisions,  the  free  use  of  his  ports,  and  purchased  their 
prizes.  "The  King  of  Portugal  gives  Rupert  all  kind  of 
assistance,  and  is  extreme  kind  and  civil  to  him  and  Mau- 
rice. I  pray  you  tell  your  Lord  this,"  wrote  the  Queen 
of  Bohemia  to  her  *'dear  cousin,"  the  Duchess  of  Richmond.  - 
For    a    brief    period   the    adventurous    Princes    enjoyed    a 


1  Clarendon  State  Papers.  Hyde  to  Rupert,  Oct.  19,  1650. 
-   Gary's  Memorials,  Vol.  II.  p.  164. 

16 


242  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

prosperous  tranquillity,  but  it  was  not  to  last.  Good  though 
were  the  intentions  of  the  young  King,  his  Ministers  feared 
the  English  Parliament  as  much  as  did  the  Spaniards. 
Consequently,  when  Blake  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Tagus  and  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  Princes  and 
their  fleet,  dissension  arose  in  the  Court  of  Lisbon.  The 
young  King  was  so  indignant  that  he  would  fain  have 
gone  on  board  Rupert's  vessel  to  fight  with  Blake  in  person. 
This  rash  design  was  prevented  by  the  Queen  Mother,  and 
the  King,  yielding  to  his  Ministers,  demanded  three  days' 
start  for  the  Princes  if  they  should  put  to  sea.  This  con- 
dition Blake  would  not  grant,  and  the  King  therefore 
refused  to  close  his  ports  to  the  Royalists.  The  Count 
de  Miro,  who  headed  the  faction  hostile  to  the  Princes, 
then  tried  to  embarrass  Rupert  by  all  means  in  his  power. 
He  ordered  the  Portuguese  merchants  to  pay  for  the  prizes 
purchased  in  goods  and  not  in  money,  he  tried  to  prevent 
Maurice  from  gaining  an  audience  with  the  King,  and  he 
actually  succeeded  in  preventing  him  from  making  an  attack 
on  Blake.  "  Hearing  that  Prince  Maurice  intends  to  sail 
from  our  ports,  with  letters  of  marque  against  Parliament 
ships,  I  beg  it  may  not  be  done,"  was  the  concise  and 
explicit  note  received  by  Rupert.  ' 

The  Prince  meanwhile  gained  allies  against  De  Miro  by 
an  appeal  to  the  priests,  who  responded  readily,  preaching 
everywhere  "how  shameful  a  thing  it  was  for  a  Christian 
King  to  treat  with  rebels."  He  also  won  the  hearts  of  the 
populace,  by  hunting  daily  amongst  them  with  all  con- 
fidence, and  by  his  *' liberality  and  complaisance  to  all 
sorts  of  people."  His  exceeding  popularity  with  priests  and 
people  intimidated  the  hostile  court  faction,  so  that  De 
Miro  dared  no  longer  urge  compliance  with  the  demands 
of  Blake.  ' 

For  some  time  Rupert  remained  in  the  Tagus,  with  Blake 

1  Warburton,  III.  p.  306,  nott. 
^   Ibid.  p.  303. 


THE  FLEET  IN  THE  TAGUS  243 

awaiting  him  outside.  Occasionally,  as  in  Holland,  the 
sailors  met  on  shore,  and  with  more  fatal  results.  An 
ambush  laid  by  Blake  for  the  capture  of  Rupert  while 
hunting,  resulted  in  the  defeat  of  the  Parliamentarians,  with 
the  loss  of  nine  of  their  men.  In  revenge,  Rupert  attempted 
to  blow  up  one  of  Blake's  ships,  sending  one  of  his  sailors, 
disguised  as  a  Portuguese,  with  an  infernal  machine  to  the 
Vice-Admiral.  But  the  man  unwarily  exclaimed  in  English, 
and  so  was  discovered  and  his  design  prevented.  These  actions 
were  very  differently  represented  by  Royalists  and  Parlia- 
mentarians, and  both  parties  -'complained  to  the  King  of 
Portugal."'  Blake  stigmatised  Rupert  as  ''that  pyrate" ; 
and  Rupert  declared  the  Parliamentarians  to  be  only  **  tumult- 
uous, factious,  seditious  soldiers  and  other  disorderly  and 
refractory  persons,"  and  Blake  a  "sea-robber."  '^ 

After  this  the  King  forbade  any  more  Parliament  ships 
to  enter  his  harbour,  and  Blake  in  revenge  attacked  the 
Portuguese  fleet  returning  from  Madeira.  The  King,  thus 
justly  incensed,  ordered  his  own  fleet  to  sail  with  Rupert, 
against  Blake.  But  the  Portuguese  Admiral  was  in  the  pay 
of  De  Miro,  and  ''was  so  careful  of  his  person"  as  to  give 
Rupert  no  assistance.  On  Rupert's  complaint  he  was  deprived 
of  his  command,  but  his  successor  proved  no  more  efficient.  ' 
The  attack  therefore  failed,  but  Rupert  was  able  to  write 
cheerfully  to  Charles  II  that  his  "entertainment"  was  still 
"  all  civility,"  and  that  every  facility  had  been  afforded  for 
the  disposal  of  the  goods  taken  in  his  prizes,  which  realised 
about  ^40,000.  A  part  of  this  sum  he  sent  to  Charles, 
with  the  rest  he  fitted  up  his  prizes  as  men  of  war,  and 
victualled  his  ships  for  four  months.  * 

He  was  now  ready  to  force  his  passage  through  Blake's 


1  Warburton,  III.  pp.  304—305.  Whitelocke,  458.  Thurloe's  State  Papers,  I. 
[45—146. 

2  Thurloe,  I.   141.  Dom.  State  Papers.  Commonweath,  IX.  fol.  38, 
'  Warburton,  III.  pp.  306,  310. 

*  Ibid.  pp.  310—312.  Add.  MSS.   18982.  f.  210. 


244  kUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

fleet,  or  **  perish  in  the  attempt."     But  meanwhile  Blake  had 
captured  the  Portuguese  fleet  coming  from  Brazil,  and  the 
poor  King,  not  knowing  whom  to  trust,  came  in  person  to 
Rupert  to  beg  him  to  rescue  it.    The  Prince  willingly  agreed, 
but  Blake  was  not  anxious  to  fight  just  then,  and  the  mists 
and   contrary   winds    prevented  the  Royalists  from  coming 
up    with   him.     The    King   thanked  Rupert  for  his  efforts, 
but  the   continued   misfortunes    which  the  presence  of  the 
Royalists   was   bringing   on  Portugal  forced  them  to  leave 
Lisbon.     From  that  time,  September  1650,  the  Princes  were, 
in   truth,    little    more   than    pirates.     The  small  number  of 
their   ships   prevented   them   from    ever  engaging  the  fleet 
of  the  Parliament,  and  they  could  only  carry  on  a  depreda- 
tory warfare,  injuring  English  trade,  and  at  the  same  time 
supporting  the    exiled   court,    by   the   constant   capture  of 
merchantmen.     Any    English    vessel    that   refused   to   own 
Rupert  as  Lord  High  Admiral  of  England  was  a  fair  prize, 
and  from  the  time  that  Spain  allied  herself  with  the  English 
Commonwealth,  Spanish  vessels  also  were  fair  game  in  the 
Princes '  eyes.     And  thus,  says  one  of  the  Royalist  captains, 
"  our  misfortunes  being  no  novelty  to  us,  we  plough  the  sea 
for   a   subsistence,   and    being  destitute  of  a  port,  we  take 
the  Mediterranean  sea  for  our  harbour ;  poverty  and  despair 
being  our  companions,  and  revenge  our  guide."  ^ 

On  leaving  Lisbon,  Rupert  returned  at  first  to  the  coast 
of  Spain.  Off  Estepona  he  crippled,  but  could  not  take, 
an  English  vessel.  At  Malaga  he  found  some  more  English 
ships,  but  was  peremptorily  forbidden  to  attack  them  by 
the  Spanish  Governor.  To  this  order  he  only  replied  that 
he  would  not  shoot,  but  that,  since  one  of  the  vessels  in 
question  was  commanded  by  a  regicide,  he  could  not 
possibly  forego  this  opportunity  of  revenge.  In  accordance 
with  this  declaration,  he  sent  a  fire-ship  by  night,  which 
successfully  burnt  the  ship  of  the  regicide.  Captain  Morley. 

1  Warburton,  HI.  p.  313. 


AT  TOULON  245 

The  anger  of  the  Spaniards  forced  him  to  put  to  sea  at 
once,  and  he  next  came  to  Montril,  where  he  attacked  and 
destroyed  three  English  ships,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  made 
from  the  Spanish  forts  to  defend  them.  ^  Between  Cape  de 
Gatte  and  Cape  Palos,  he  took  several  prizes,  and  from  there 
he  stood  for  Tunis.  But  most  of  his  captains  disobeyed 
orders,  and  entered  Cartagena,  where  they  hoped  to  find 
booty.  There  the  Spaniards  allowed  Blake  to  attack  them, 
and,  to  escape  capture,  they  ran  their  ships  ashore  and 
burnt  them.  Rupert  and  Maurice,  unaware  of  the  disaster, 
left  letters  for  their  missing  captains,  under  a  stone,  on  the 
coast  of  Tunis,  and  sailed  for  Toulon.  But  a  sudden  storm 
separated  the  Princes,  and  Maurice  arrived  at  Toulon  alone 
with  his  prizes;  not  knowing  what  was  become  of  his 
brother,  and  fearing  the  worst. ' 

The  condition  of  Toulon  was  somewhat  disturbed,  for 
the  wars  of  the  Fronde  were  then  raging  in  France,  and 
the  town,  at  that  moment,  was  for  the  Prince  of  Condc 
against  the  court.  Maurice  was  therefore  warned  by  the 
PVench  Admiral  commanding  in  the  port,  to  be  very  care- 
ful of  himself  and  of  his  ships.  But  happily  both  the 
magistrates  of  the  town  and  the  officers  of  the  forts  showed 
themselves  well-disposed  to  the  Prince.  They  hastened  to 
visit  him,  offered  all  the  aid  they  could  give  him,  and 
pressed  him  daily  to  come  on  shore.  Maurice,  '*  through 
grief  for  that  sad  separation  from  his  brother,"  "*  declined 
their  invitations,  and  refused,  for  several  days,  to  leave  his 
ship.  At  last  the  twofold  necessity  of  disposing  of  his 
prize  goods,  and  of  purchasing  a  new  mast,  determined 
him  to  land ;  but  before  the  appointed  day  arrived,  he  was 
relieved  from  anxiety  by  the  appearance  of  Rupert  himself 
in  the  port.  The  meeting  was  rapturous.  "  I  need  not  ex- 
press  the  joy  of  their  embraces,  after  so  long  and  tedious 

1  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Kept  14.  Portland  MSS.  Vol.  I.  p.  548.  26  Dec.  1650. 

2  Warburton,  III.  p.  318. 

3  Ibid.  320. 


2^(o  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

absence,  with  the  uncertainty  of  either's  safety,"  says  a 
witness  of  it,  **  wanting  expressions  to  decipher  the  affec- 
tionate passion  of  two  such  brothers,  who,  after  so  long 
time  of  hardship,  now  found  themselves  locked  in  each 
others  arms,  in  a  place  of  safety."  '  The  brothers,  thus 
reunited,  went  on  shore  together,  where  they  were  received 
with  great  enthusiasm,  and  were  '^  magnificently  treated "  " 
at  the  house  of  the  French  Admiral. 

Soon  after  this  the  captains  who  had  lost  their  ships  at 
Cartagena  arrived  to  explain  themselves,  and  each  by  ac- 
cusing the  others  endeavoured  to  excuse  himself.  Being 
in  a  foreign  port,  Rupert  would  not  hold  a  court-martial, 
but  finally  the  flight  of  one  captain  seemed  to  declare  his 
guilt,  and  clear  the  rest,  though  they  did  not  escape  without 
a  severe  reprimand  for  disobeying  orders. 

The  delay  at  Toulon  lasted  for  a  considerable  time,  and 
in  the  interval  Rupert  received  a  summons  to  Paris  from 
the  Queen  Regent  and  Queen  Henrietta,  Avho  offered  him 
important  employment  in  France,  if  he  would  leave  the 
command  of  his  fleet  to  Maurice.  But  Rupert  did  not  be- 
lieve his  brother  capable  of  managing  the  fleet  alone,  and 
he  was  resolved  not  to  abandon  the  desperate  undertaking 
to  which  he  was  pledged.  '  The  fleet  was  then  reduced 
to  three  sail,  the  *'  Constant  Reformation,"  (Admiral,)  and  the 
''Swallow,"  (Vice-Admiral.)  and  Maurice's  prize;  and  Rupert 
strained  his  slender  resources  to  the  utmost  in  order  to 
purchase  a  new  ship,  which  he  named  the  ''  Honest  Seaman." 
About  the  same  time  he  was  joined  by  a  Captain  Craven 
with  a  vessel  of  his  own,  which  made  up  the  number  to 
five  sail.  At  last,  after  much  delay  and  trouble,  the  prize 
goods  were  advantageously  disposed  of,  the  ships  were 
supplied  from  the  Royal  Stores  of  France,  and  the  Princes 
were  ready  to  seek  new  adventures.    The  Channel  and  the 

1   WarburtOD,  III.  320, 

•^  Ibid.  p.  321. 

5  Carte  Letters,  II.  p.  3.  14  May,  1651. 


THE  VOYAGE  TO  THE  AZORES  247 

coast  of  Spain  were  now  so  well  guarded  by  the  Parliament 
ships  as  to  be  unsafe  for  the  Princes'  little  fleet.  Rupert 
saw  that  he  must  now  seek  distant  seas,  and  after  putting 
his  enemies  off  his  track  by  inquiring  of  suspected  spies 
the  best  advice  for  sailing  to  the  Archipelago,  he  slipped 
quietly  away  to  the  coast  of  Barbary.  "  I  infinitely  pity 
the  poor  Prince,  who  wanted  all  manner  of  counsel  and  a 
confident  friend  to  reveal  his  mind  unto,"  ^  wrote  Hatton 
to  Nicholas. 

The  first  prize  taken  in  the  Straits  was  a  Genoese  vessel,  j 
bound  for  a  Spanish  port,  which  was  taken,  partly  in  re- 
prisal for  the  stealing  of  one  of  Rupert's  caravels  by  the 
Genoese,  and  partly  because  the  sailors  clamoured  for  her 
capture.  A  Spanish  galleon  was  next  taken,  and  her  crew  / 
put  on  shore,  after  which  Rupert  made  for  Madeira.  This 
island  was  possessed  by  the  Portuguese,  and  the  Princes 
were  received  with  all  kindness.  The  Governor,  with  all 
his  officers,  came  on  board  the  Admiral,  and  the  Princes 
afterwards  paid  a  return  visit  to  the  fort,  when  they  were 
courteously  received,  and  "accompanied  to  the  sight  of  all 
that  was  worthy  seeing  on  the  island."  ' 

Rupert's  secret  intention  was  to  make  for  the  West  Indies, 
but  no  sooner  did  his  mind  become  known,  than  the  plan 
was  vehemently  opposed  by  most  of  his  officers.  The  true 
cause  of  their  opposition  was  the  belief  that  the  idea  had 
originated  with  Fearnes,  the  captain  of  the  Admiral,  who 
seems  to  have  been  very  unpopular  with  the  rest  of  the 
fleet.  So  high  did  the  dissension  run  that  Rupert  felt  him- 
self compelled  to  call  a  council,  the  members  of  which, 
with  two  exceptions,  voted  to  make  for  the  Azores,  alleging 
that  the  Admiral,  which  had  lately  sprung  a  leak,  was  unfit 
for  the  long  voyage  to  the  West  Indies.  Moved  by  his 
new-born  anxiety  to  avoid  the  charges  of  "  self-will  and 
rashness,"    Rupert   yielded   to   the   voices    of  the  majority, 

^  Nicholas  Papers,  I.  249.  May   1651. 
-  WarburtoDj  III.  p.  325. 


.„*.**^ 


248  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

against  his  better  judgment.  To  the  Azores  they  went,  and, 
as  the  Prince  expected,  disaster  followed.  '  No  prizes  were 
taken,  there  was  found  no  convenient  harbour  where  the 
Admiral's  leak  might  be  stopped,  and  so  bad  was  the 
weather  that,  for  long,  the  ships  could  not  approach  the 
shores  to  get  provisions.  When,  at  last,  they  made  the 
island  of  St.  Michael — also  a  Portuguese  possession — they 
were  as  well  received  as  they  had  been  at  Madeira,  and 
here  also  the  Governor  conducted  the  Princes  **  to  all  the 
monasteries  and  place  of  note."  '  Next  Rupert  stood  for 
Terceira,  but  the  Governor  of  that  island  belonged  to  the 
faction  which  had  opposed  the  Royalists  at  Lisbon,  and 
showed  himself  unfriendly.  Still,  he  permitted  Rupert  to 
purchase  wine  and  meat,  and,  the  bargain  arranged,  the  fleet 
returned  to  St.  Michael.  On  the  way  the  Admiral  sprang 
a  new  leak,  which  could  not  be  found,  nor  was  there  any 
harbour  where  she  could  be  safely  unloaded  that  it  might 
be  discovered.  Rupert  again  proposed  the  voyage  to  the 
West  Indies,  but  the  suggestion  nearly  produced  a  mutiny, 
which  the  Prince  only  quashed  by  promptly  breaking  up 
the  meetings  of  the  disaffected. 

While  affairs  were  in  this  state,  and  the  supply  of 
provisions  yet  uncompleted,  stormy  weather  drove  the  ships 
out  to  sea.  The  leak  in  the  Admiral  increased  rapidly,  and 
her  boat,  which  was  too  large  to  be  hoisted  in,  was  washed 
away  from  her.  On  the  same  day,  the  Vice-Admiral, 
attempting  to  hoist  in  her  own  boat,  sunk  it  at  her  side. 
The  storm  raged  without  abatement  for  three  days,  at  the 
end  of  which  the  Admiral's  condition  was  hopeless.  By 
continually  firing  her  guns  she  had  contrived  to  keep  the 
other  ships  near  her,  and  by  constant  pumping  the  disaster 
had  been  deferred.  But  on  the  third  morning,  September 
30th,  165 1,  at  3  a.m.,  the  ship  sprang  a  plank,  and  though  a 
hundred  and  twenty  pieces  of  raw  beef  were  trodden  down 

1  Warburton,  III.  p.  327. 

2  Ibid.  p.  329. 


THE  WRECK  OF  THE  ''CONSTANT  REFORMATION"    249 

between  the  timbers,  and  planks  nailed  over  them,  it  was 
without  avail.  The  sails  were  blown  away,  and  by  ten 
o'clock  of  the  same  morning,  the  water  was  rushing  in  so 
fast  that  the  men  could  not  stand  in  the  hold  to  bale.  In 
this  desperate  condition,  the  whole  crew  behaved  with  real 
heroism.  Having  thrown  the  guns  overboard,  in  the  vain 
endeavour  to  lighten  the  ship,  they  resigned  all  hope,  and 
resolved  to  die  together.  The  storm  was  so  violent  that 
none  of  the  other  ships  dared  to  approach  the  Admiral,  lest 
they  should  perish  with  her.  Once  the  "  Honest  Seaman  "  ran 
across  her  bowsprit,  in  the  hope  that  some  of  the  crew 
might  save  themselves  on  her,  but  none  made  the  attempt. 
Rupert  then  signalled  Maurice  to  come  under  his  stern,  that 
he  might  speak  his  last  words  to  him.  Approaching  as 
near  as  possible,  the  two  Princes  tried  to  shout  to  one 
another,  "  but  the  hideous  noise  of  the  seas  and  winds  over- 
noised  their  voices."  *  Maurice,  frantic  with  distress,  declared 
that  he  would  save  his  brother  or  perish;  but  his  captain 
and  officers,  less  ready  to  sacrifice  their  lives,  **  in  mutinous 
words"  refused  to  lay  their  ship  alongside  the  Admiral. 
Seeing  his  orders  given  in  vain,  Maurice  next  tried  to  send 
out  a  little  boat  which  he  had  on  board,  but,  though  his 
men  feigned  to  obey  him,  they  delayed,  as  long  as  possible, 
getting  the  boat  ready.  "  The  Captain  of  the  Vice- Admiral 
cannot  be  excused,"  says  an  indignant  letter,  "for  when 
he  saw  the  ship  perishing  he  made  no  action  at  all  for 
their  boat  to  help  to  save  the  men,  but  walked  upon  the 
deck,  saying :  '  Gentlemen,  it  is  a  great  mischance,  but  who 
can  help  it.^'  And  the  master  never  brought  the  ship  near 
the  perishing  ship,  notwithstanding  Prince  Maurice's  com- 
mands, and  his  earnestness  to  have  it  done."  - 

At  last  it  occurred  to  the  crew  of  the  Admiral  that  their 
Prince,  at  least,  might  be  saved  in  their  one  small  boat, 
and   they   ''beseeched    His    Highness"    to  make  use  of  it. 

1  Warburton,  III.  p.  334. 

-  Ibid.  pp.  533—535.  Pitts  to  — .  No  date. 


250  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

But  of  this  Rupert  would  not  hear.  He  thanked  the  men 
for  their  affection  to  him,  and  declined  to  leave  them, 
saying  that  they  had  long  shared  his  fortunes,  and  he  would 
now  share  theirs.  Then  they  represented  to  him  that, 
supposing  he  could  get  on  board  another  ship, — a  very 
remote  chance  in  such  a  sea, — he  might,  by  his  authority, 
cause  something  to  be  done  to  save  the  rest  of  them. 
Seeing  that  he  still  hesitated,  they  wasted  no  more  time 
in  parley,  but  promptly  overpowered  him,  and  placed  him 
forcibly  in  the  boat,  "  desiring  him,  at  parting,  to  remember 
they  died  his  true  servants."  '  By  a  miraculous  chance, 
as  it  seemed  then,  the  little  boat  reached  the  **  Honest 
Seaman "  in  safety,  and,  having  put  the  Prince  on  board 
her,  returned  at  once  to  rescue  some  others.  Only  Captain 
Fearnes  accepted  the  offered  rescue.  M.  Mortaigne,  whom 
Rupert  especially  entreated  to  come  to  him,  preferred  to  die 
with  the  rest,  and  after  this  second  journey,  the  little  skiff 
sank.  Rupert,  now  as  frantic  as  Maurice  had  been  before, 
ordered  the  "  Honest  Seaman  "  to  run  towards  the  Admiral, 
and  enter  the  men  on  her  bowsprit.  The  Captain  obeyed 
to  his  best  ability,  but  could  not  accomplish  his  aim,  be- 
cause the  Admiral,  having  lost  her  last  sail,  and  being 
heavy  with  water,  could  not  stir.  The  gallant  crew  signalled 
their  farewells  to  their  Prince,  and  were  then  invited  by 
their  Chaplain,  who  had  remained  with  them,  to  receive  the 
Holy  Communion.  For  some  hours  longer  the  ship  remained 
above  water,  but  at  nine  o'clock  at  night  she  sank  with  all 
on  board,  the  crew  burning  two  fire- pikes  as  a  last  farewell 
to  their  Admiral. 

Rupert,  for  once  in  his  life,  was  utterly  crushed  by  the 
weight  of  misfortune.  He  was  taken  next  day  into  his 
brother's  ship,  and  there  he  remained  for  some  time,  "  over- 
laden with  the  grief  of  so  inestimable  a  loss",  and  leaving 
everything  to  the  care  and  management  of  Maurice.     The 

^  WarburtoD,  HI.  p.  335. 


THE  WRECK  OF  THE  "CONSTANT  REFORMATION"    251 

loss  of  the  treasure  on  board  the  Admiral  had  been  enor- 
mous, amounting  to  almost  the  whole  of  the  year's  gains ; 
but,  wrote  Rupert  to  Herbert,  "it  was  not  the  greatest 
loss  to  me  I "  '  Of  the  Prince's  own  enforced  rescue  we 
have  three  separate  accounts.  **The  Prince  was  unwilling 
to  leave  us,  and  resolved  to  die  with  us,"  reported  the 
Captain.  '^  And  says  another  writer:  "His  Highness  would 
certainly  have  perished  with  them,  if  some  of  his  officers, 
more  careful  of  his  preservation  than  himself,  had  not  forced 
him  into  a  small  boat  and  carried  him  on  board  the  '  Honest 
Seaman.' "  '  It  is  also  noted  in  the  common-place  book  of 
one  Symonds,  a  manuscript  now  preserved  in  the  British 
Museum :  "It  is  very  remarkable  of  Prince  Rupert  that,  his 

ship  having  sprung  a  plank  in  the  midst  of  the  sea he 

seemed  not  ready  to  enter  the  boat  for  safety,  nor  did 
intend  it.  They  all,  about  sixty,  besought  him  to  save 
himself,  and  to  take  some  of  them  with  him  in  the  boat 
to  row  him ;  telling  him  that  he  was  destined  and  appointed 
for  greater  matters."  * 

Misfortunes,  as  usual,  did  not  come  singly.  Making  for 
Fayal,  with  Maurice  still  in  command,  the  "Swallow"  and 
the  "  Honest  Seaman"  fell  in  with  the  other  three  ships,  from 
which  they  had  been  separated,  but  only  in  time  to  witness 
the  wreck  of  the  "  Loyal  Subject."  This  time  the  Portuguese 
were  far  less  friendly  than  before.  Apparently  they  feared 
lest  the  English  should  appropriate  a  Spanish  vessel  which 
had  just  surrendered  at  Pico,  and  when  Maurice  sent  to 
offer  his  assistance,  they  fired  upon  his  envoys.  Maurice's 
officer  insisted  upon  landing  and  was  promptly  arrested, 
without  a  hearing.  The  "  Honest  Seaman  "  and  the  '*  Revenge ' ' 
thereupon  fired  on  the  Portuguese,  but  without  effect,  and 
the    whole    fleet   stood    away   to    Fayal,    where  they  found 

1  WarburtoD.  III.  p.  349. 

-  Rupert  Transcripts.  Captain  Fearues"  Relation. 

^  Warburtou,  III.  p.  540. 

♦  Harleian  MSS.  991. 


252  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PAT.ATINE 

that  the  officers  whom  they  had  left  on  shore  to  secure 
supplies,  had  also  been  arrested.  The  necessity  for  action 
roused  Rupert  from  his  melancholy.  He  guessed  that  the 
changed  attitude  of  the  Governors  must  be  due  to  a  peace 
made  between  Portugal  and  the  P^nglish  Commonwealth, 
and  saw  that  he  must  act  with  decision.  He  therefore  sent 
to  the  Governor  of  Fayal,  saying  that  Prince  Rupert  was 
in  his  harbour,  on  board  the  *'  Swallow,"  and  that  unless  his 
men  were  at  once  released,  and  things  placed  on  the  former 
friendly  footing,  he  would  free  his  men  by  force,  and  would 
also  write  to  the  King  of  Portugal  "  a  particular  of  the 
affronts  he  had  received."  Evidently  Rupert  was  a  much 
more  awe-inspiring  person  than  Maurice,  for  the  Governor, 
terrified  by  the  unexpected  discovery  of  his  presence,  at 
once  released  his  prisoners,  and  permitted  the  Princes  to 
take  in  their  stores  unmolested.  ^ 

Rupert  was  determined  now  to  go  to  the  West  Indies, 
and,  in  order  to  prevent  factious  opposition,  he  sent  his 
secretary  on  board  each  ship  in  turn  to  require  the  opinion 
of  each  officer,  in  writing,  as  to  what  it  would  be  best  to 
do.  By  this  device  all  collusion  was  prevented,  and  conse- 
quently the  majority  decided  with  the  Prince,  for  the  West 
Indies.  The  only  two  dissentients  were  the  Captain  and 
Master  of  the  Vice-Admiral,  who  had  behaved  so  badly 
at  the  wreck  of  the  Admiral.  These  two  were  for  going 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Channel  to  take  prizes.  But  their 
advice  was  generally  scouted,  as  it  was  evident  to  all  that 
the  ships  could  not  live  in  the  northern  seas.  The  dis- 
sentient Captain  thereupon  quitted  the  fleet,  ''pretending  a 
quarrel  he  had  with  Captain  Fearnes,"  -  and  Rupert  wiUingly 
let  him  go. 

Distrusting  the  Portuguese  in  the  Azores,  the  Princes 
sailed  towards  the  Canary  Islands,  hoping  to  meet  with 
prizes  from  which  they  might  obtain  new  rigging  and  other 

1  Warburton,  III.  p.  340. 

2  Ibid.  p.  537,  Pitts  to  — .  No  date. 


ON  THE  AFRICAN  COAST  253 

necessities,  for  all  the  ships  were  in  a  terribly  damaged 
condition.  Stress  of  weather  forced  them  to  put  in  at 
Cape  Blanco,  in  Arguin,  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  where, 
finding  a  good  harbour,  they  resolved  to  refit.  A  Dutch 
vessel,  which  had  also  taken  refuge  there,  supplied  them 
with  pilots,  and  with  planks  and  other  necessaries  for  the 
repair  of  their  ships.  Having  obtained  these  things,  they 
set  up  tents  on  land,  in  which  they  stored  their  cargoes, 
while  they  brought  the  ships  aground. 

The  repairs  involved  a  considerable  delay,  and  Rupert 
wished  to  employ  the  time  in  procuring  new  provisions. 
Fish  was  to  be  found  in  great  abundance,  but  no  cattle  could 
be  purchased  on  account  of  the  timidity  of  the  natives,  who 
fled  at  the  approach  of  Europeans.  This  timidity  was  ex- 
ceedingly annoying  to  Rupert,  and  on  January  ist,  1651,  he 
marched  inland  with  a  hundred  men,  being  resolved  to 
get  speech  with  the  natives.  A  fog  favoured  him,  so  that 
he  came  upon  an  encampment  before  the  people  were 
aware  of  his  neighbourhood.  Nevertheless  no  sooner  did 
they  see  him  than  they  took  to  flight,  leaving  behind 
them  their  tents,  and  their  flocks  of  sheep  and  goats.  In 
a  final  attempt  to  detain  them  Rupert  shot  a  camel,  but 
the  act  naturally  did  not  reassure  them,  and  the  rider 
mounted  another  and  fled,  '*  but  for  haste  left  a  man-child 
behind,  which  by  fortune  was  guided  to  His  Highness,  as 
a  New  Year's  gift.  The  poor  infant,  embracing  his  legs 
very  fast,  took  him  for  his  own  parent."  ^  Child  and  flocks 
being  carefully  secured,  Rupert  marched  on  after  the  natives, 
dividing  his  men  into  small  companies,  that  they  might 
appear  the  less  alarming.  This  plan  succeeded  so  far  that 
at  length  two  natives  came  back  with  a  flag  of  truce,  desiring 
to  treat  for  the  recovery  of  the  child  and  the  sheep.  To  this 
the  Prince  readily  consented ;  whereupon  the  men  promised 
to  come  to  him  in  two  days'  time,  and  he  returned  to  his  fleet. 

^   Warburton,  III.  p.  345. 


254  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

According  to  promise,  the  African  envoys  appeared  on 
the  shore,  Jan.  3rd,  and  desired  a  hostage.  Rupert,  doubtful 
of  their  good  faith,  refused  to  order  any  man  to  risk  his 
life;  but  one  volunteered,  and  was  allowed  to  go.  Then 
the  Africans,  making  no  offers  of  trading  with  the  Prince, 
demanded  the  child's  surrender,  "expressing  great  sorrow 
for  the  loss  thereof."  This  increased  Rupert's  suspicions, 
and  he  ordered  his  men  to  keep  well  within  their  own 
lines.  One  sailor,  disobeying,  went  out  upon  the  cliff,  and 
was  immediately  killed  by  the  natives,  who,  having  thus 
broken  truce,  killed  their  hostage  also,  and  fled.  Rupert 
pursued  in  great  fury,  but  without  being  able  to  overtake 
them.  A  second  expedition,  led  by  Robert  Holmes,  had 
no  better  result,  and  the  child  remained  in  Rupert's 
possession,  ^  In  1653,  *^  an  African  lad  of  five  "is  mentioned 
by  one  of  Cromwell's  spies,  as  "part  of  the  prey  the 
Prince  brought  over  seas;"-  and  reference  is  made  to 
"the  little  nigger"  '  in  several  of  Robert  Holmes's  letters  to 
Rupert. 

The  Dutch  vessel  from  which  the  Prince  had  obtained 
his  planks,  now  sent  him  supplies  of  water  from  the  Island 
of  Arguin,  and  seeing  her  thus  well-disposed,  he  chartered 
her  to  carry  his  prize  cargo  of  ginger  and  sugar  to  France. 
He  also  took  the  opportunity  of  sending  a  brief  account 
of  his  adventures  and  misfortunes  to  the  King,  and  to  Sir 
Edward  Herbert.  The  copy  of  his  letter  to  Charles  II  is 
headed :  **  What  our  ship's  company  desired  me  to  say  to 
the  King,"  and  is  as  follows. 

"  Sire, — By  several  ways  I  have  given  your  Majesty  a  general 
account  of  our  good  and  bad  fortunes,  since  we  left  Toulon, 
but  fearing  some,  if  not  all,  may  have  had  worse  fortune 
than  I  am  confident  this  will,  I  have  made  a  more  parti- 
cular relation  to  Sir  Edward  Herbert  of  both,  to  which  I  could 

1  Warburton,  III.  pp.  346 — 7. 

^  Thurloe  State  Papers,  II.  405. 

•^  Rupert  Transcripts.  Holmes  to  Rupert,  May  3  and  19,  1653. 


ON  THE  AFRICAN  COAST  255 

add  more  particulars  to  shew  your  Majesty  how  I  have 
been  hindered  in  a  design  to  do  your  Majesty  eminent 
service,  but,  Sire,  I  shall  leave  this  until  I  have  the  happiness 
to  be  nearer  your  Majesty.  In  the  meantime  I  have  sent 
an  order  on  Mr.  Carteret,  with  some  goods,  to  pay  the 
debts  of  your  Majesty  I  made  at  Toulon,  and  some  others, 
which  belong  to  me,  my  brother,  and  the  seamen,  the 
proceed  of  which  I  have  ordered  to  be  put  into  Sir  Edward 
Herbert's  hands  for  yourself,  or  your  brother's  necessities ; 
be  pleased  to  command  what  you  will  of  it.  In  such  a 
case,  I  dare  say,  there  will  be  none  among  us  will  grumble 
at  it.  All  I  humbly  beg  is  that  Sir  Edward  Herbert  may 
receive  your  Majesty's  commands  by  word  of  mouth,  or 
under  your  own  hand,  and  that  your  Majesty  be  pleased 
to  look  upon  us,  as  having  undergone  some  hazards  equal 
with  others.  Had  it  pleased  God  to  preserve  the  '  Constant 
Reformation '  (the  Admiral),  I  had  loaded  this  vessel  with 
better  goods."  ' 

To  Herbert  the  Prince  wrote  at  greater  length,  giving 
an  account  of  the  wreck  of  the  Admiral,  and  of  the  factious 
opposition  he  had  encountered  among  his  officers.  He 
explained  also  that  the  shares  of  each  man  in  the  prizes 
taken  had  been  adjudged  by  the  chaplain.  Dr.  Hart,  and 
he  concluded :  "If  His  Majesty  or  the  Duke  of  York  be  in 
necessity  themselves,  pray  dispose  of  all  to  what  they  have 
need  of,  for  their  own  use ;  1  mean  after  the  debts  I  made 
at  Toulon  for  the  fleet  are  satisfied,  I  wrote  word  so  to 
His  Majesty."  -  Some  eight  years  later,  at  the  Restoration, 
those  debts  which  weighed  so  heavily  on  Rupert's  conscience 
were  still  unpaid,  and  the  fact  is  worth  remembering  in 
connection  with  the  quarrel  that  the  Prince  had  with  the 
King  on  his  return  to  France. 

1  Warburton,  III.  p.  348. 

-  Ibid.  p.  349.  This  letter  is  supposed  by  Warburton  to  be  written  to 
Hyde,  but  it  is  without  address;  and  the  three  references  of  Rupert  to  Herbert 
in  the  letter  to  the  King  seem  to  imply  that  the  accompanying  letter  was 
intended  for  Herbert,  and  not  Hyde. 


256  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

The  cargo  being  despatched  and  the  ships  repaired,  the 
Princes  made  for  the  Cape  Verd  Islands,  where  they 
took  in  water  and  "one  thousand  dried  goats."  ^  From 
there  they  went  to  Santiago,  which  they  found  inhabited 
chiefly  by  negroes.  There  was,  however,  a  Portuguese  Go- 
vernor, Don  Jorge  de  Mesquita  de  Castello  Baranquo,  who 
overwhelmed  them  with  attentions,  and  presents  of  fruit. 
Rupert  returned  his  civilities  with  such  presents  as  his 
cargo  afforded,  and  wrote  to  the  King  of  Portugal  gratefully 
acknowledging  the  kindness  of  Don  Jorge.  The  letter  bears 
date  March  2nd,  1652.-  When  the  Princes  had  been  some 
days  in  the  harbour,  Don  Jorge  informed  them  that  certain 
English  vessels,  bound  for  Guinea,  were  at  anchor  in  the 
River  Gambia,  and  offered  pilots  to  take  the  Royalists  up 
the  river.  This  offer  Rupert  eagerly  accepted,  but  the 
pilots  proved  inefficient,  and  mistook  the  channel,  forcing 
the  "Swallow,"  now  the  Admiral,  to  anchor  in  very  shallow 
water.  Rupert  went  out  in  his  boat  to  sound  for  the  chan- 
nel, and  while  thus  occupied,  came  upon  a  ship  belonging 
to  the  Duke  of  Courland,  on  the  Baltic.  The  Courlanders 
at  once  told  the  Prince  the  whereabouts  of  the  English 
vessels,  and  offered  to  pilot  him  up  to  them.  With  their 
help,  the  Admiral  weighed  anchor,  found  the  channel,  and 
captured  an  English  ship,  the  "John."  On  board  this  ship 
was  a  negro  interpreter,  known  as  Captain  Jacus,  and  the 
son  of  the  Governor  of  Portodale.  To  these  two  Rupert 
showed  much  kindness,  freely  giving  them  their  liberty,  an 
action  for  which  he  soon  reaped  an  ample  reward.  That 
night  Rupert's  fleet  anchored  by  the  Courlander,  which 
continued  professions  of  friendship  and  offers  of  aid,  for 
which  the  Prince  returned  grateful  thanks. 

On  the  following  morning,  Rupert  took  a  Spaniard,  but 
failed  to  get  into  the  tributary  of  the  Gambia,  where  lay  an 
English    ship.     With   the    next  tide    Maurice    succeeded  in 


^  Warburton,  III.  p.  541,  Feb.  ist  1652. 
2  Ibid.  p.  366. 


ON  THE  AFRICAN  COAST  257 

getting  in,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  light,  began  the  attack.  The 
Englishman  quickly  surrendered,  on  a  promise  of  quarter, 
and  freedom  for  the  Captain.  Then,  too  late,  the  crew  re- 
membered that  no  terms  had  been  made  for  the  merchant 
whom  they  had  on  board.  A  dispute  arose  as  to  the  fair- 
ness of  the  agreement  already  made,  and  Maurice,  in  true 
sporting  spirit,  offered  to  free  the  captured  ship,  and  fight  it 
out  over  again ;  ^  but  the  English  crew,  declining  the 
quixotic  offer,  accepted  his  former  terms,  and  Maurice 
boarded  them,  still  in  exuberant  spirits.  "  See  what  friends 
you  have  of  these  Portugalsl  "  he  cried  in  youthful  triumph. 
**  But  for  them  we  should  never  have  come  hither  and  taken 
you.  "  -  Altogether  three  English  ships,  the  **  Friendship," 
the  ''John,"  and  the  ''  Marmaduke,"  had  been  captured  in  the 
river,  besides  the  Spaniard.  Rupert  distributed  the  crews 
of  the  prizes  among  his  own  ships,  and  Maurice,  re-naming 
the  largest  of  the  prizes,  the  ''Defiance,"  made  her  the  Vice- 
Admiral. 

The  natives  of  the  country,  thinking  to  please  Rupert, 
and  anxious,  possibly,  to  gratify  old  grudges,  murdered 
several  sailors  of  the  Parliament  who  had  landed.  But  Ru- 
pert, "  abhorring  to  countenance  infidels  in  the  shedding  of 
Christian  blood,"  took  care  to  intimate  his  deep  displeasure.  '^ 
Thereupon  the  brother  and  son  of  the  native  King  came 
to  visit  him.  He  received  them  with  all  due  courtesy,  of- 
fering them  chairs  to  sit  upon,  which,  however,  they  gravely 
decHned,  saying  that  only  their  King  was  worthy  of  such 
an  honour. 

But  notwithstanding  the  friendly  disposition  of  the  natives 
Rupert  could  not  prolong  his  stay  in  the  river.  The  time 
of  the  tornadoes— May  to  July —  was  drawing  near,  and 
preparation  was  necessary.    The  Princes  therefore  broke  up 


1  Warburton,  III.  p.  359. 

2  Domestic  State  Papers.  Commonwealth,  41.  fol.  34.  8  Oct.  1653.  Report 
of  Walker. 

3  Warburton,  III.  p.  360. 

17 


258  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

their  Spanish  prize,  as  unfit  for  service,  bequeathed  her 
guns  to  the  Courlanders,  and  sailed  for  the  Cape  de  Verd 
Islands.  By  the  way  some  of  their  ships  were  missed,  and 
they  anchored  on  the  coast  to  await  them.  During  the 
delay,  the  natives  stole  away  one  of  Maurice's  sailors,  and 
Maurice,  finding  fair  words  unavailing,  sent  a  force,  under 
Holmes,  to  recover  him.  The  two  boats,  in  which  Holmes 
and  his  men  were  embarked,  were  overturned  in  the  surf, 
and  lost  at  their  landing,  but  happily,  the  Hberated  negro, 
Jacus,  came  to  their  help  with  a  party  of  his  friends.  Then 
Maurice  sent  a  third  boat  to  bring  his  men  back,  but  with 
orders  not  to  land  unless  Jacus  advised  it.  Holmes  and  his 
force  were  safely  re-embarked,  when  the  captain  of  the 
boat,  mistaking  Maurice's  orders,  declared  that  they  were 
to  take  Jacus  back  with  them.  On  hearing  this,  Holmes 
went  once  more  on  shore,  to  speak  to  Jacus,  and,  during 
the  delay  involved,  the  hostile  negroes  began  to  attack  the 
crew.  The  sailors  shot  a  negro,  and  captured  one  of  their 
canoes,  which  so  incensed  the  rest  that  they  seized  upon 
Holmes  and  another  man  who  had  accompanied  him.  The 
men  in  Maurice's  boat  saw  themselves  outnumbered,  and 
returned  in  all  haste  to  their  ship,  with  the  bad  news.  Both 
Princes  were  '*  extremely  moved,"  and,  swearing  that  they 
would  rescue  their  comrades  or  perish  in  the  attempt,  they 
went  ashore  to  treat  with  the  natives.  The  negroes  declared, 
through  Jacus,  that  they  would  release  Holmes  if  their  canoe 
were  returned,  and  the  men  in  her  set  at  Hberty.  Rupert 
at  once  signalled  to  the  Vice-Admiral  to  free  the  canoe, 
but  no  sooner  was  it  done  than  Jacus  came  running  down 
to  the  shore,  with  the  news  that  his  countrymen  intended 
treachery,  and  would  not  release  their  prisoners.  It  proved 
too  late  to  re-take  the  canoe,  but  the  Prince  fired  on  the 
natives,  who  were  gathering  round  him,  and  signalled  all 
his  ships  to  send  men  to  his  aid.  The  natives  fought  with 
much  courage;  and  Rupert  himself  was  wounded  by  a 
poisoned  arrow,  which  he  instantly  cut  out  with  his  knife. 


ON  THE  AFRICAN  COAST  259 

While  he  engaged  the  attention  of  the  hostile  negroes,  Jacus 
and  his  friends  contrived  to  free  Holmes  and  his  comrade, 
and  to  embark  them  safely  in  Maurice's  pinnace.  This 
done,  the  Princes  retreated  to  their  fleet ;  but  they  did  not 
show  themselves  ungrateful  to  Jacus,  "  whose  fidelity,"  says 
one  of  the  crew,  *'  may  teach  us  that  heathens  are  not 
void  of  moral  honesty."  On  the  day  following,  Rupert 
sent  his  thanks,  and  an  offer  to  take  Jacus  with  him  and 
**to  reward  him  for  his  faith  and  pains."  But  Jacus,  wishing 
the  Princes  all  good  luck,  declined  their  offer;  he  was, 
he  said,  not  in  the  least  afraid  to  remain  with  his  own 
tribe. ' 

The  missing  ships  being  come  up,  the  Princes  continued  their 
voyage  towards  the  Cape  Verd  Islands,  taking  a  large  English 
prize  on  the  way.  Two  smaller  English  vessels  were  captured 
by  the  *' Revenge"  at  Mayo,  and  Maurice  took  a  Dane,  but 
was  promptly  ordered  to  release  her,  by  his  brother.  Then 
most  of  the  ships  went  with  Maurice  to  St.  lago,  taking 
a  present  of  900  hides  out  of  the  spoil,  to  the  Governor ;  the 
Admiral  and  the  **  Revenge"  went  on  to  Sal.  The  '^Revenge," 
as  it  happened,  was  largely  manned  by  the  sailors  taken 
in  the  prizes.  These  men,  being  naturally  disaffected  to 
the  Princes,  overpowered  their  officers  in  the  night,  and 
stole  away  to  England.  They  reached  home  in  safety,  and 
were  able  to  give  a  very  edifying  account  of  Rupert  and 
his  crews  to  the  ParHament :  "  For  their  delight  is  in 
cursing  and  swearing,  and  plundering  and  sinking,  and 
despoiling  all  English  ships  they  can  lay  their  talons  on." 
Still  the  report  of  the  Royalists'  condition  must  have  been 
very  encouraging  to  their  enemies.  "  The  *  Swallow '  and  the 
*  Honest  Seaman '  were  so  leaky  that  they  had  to  pump  day 
and  night,  and  consequently  cannot  keep  long  at  sea.  They 
had  not  above  three  weeks'  bread,  and  nothing  but  water, 
at   the   time  when  they  took  the  three  ships  in  the  River 

1  Warburtoiij  III.  pp.  363—367. 


26o  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Gambia,"  said  the  escaped  prisoners.  ^  Rupert,  on  missing 
the  "Revenge,"  guessed  what  had  happened,  but  he  touched 
at  Mayo  to  ask  if  she  had  been  sighted.  His  presence  there 
so  terrified  a  Spanish  crew  that  they  landed  all  their  cargo, 
which  was  at  once  seized  by  the  Portuguese.  Rupert  then 
returned  to  Santiago,  where  he  took  in  water  and  provisions, 
bestowed  the  hulk  of  a  prize  on  '*the  Religious  people  of 
the  Charity,"  made  "a.  handsome  present  to  the  Governor, 
in  acknowledgment  of  his  civilities,"  and  took  a  final  leave 
of  the  Island.  - 

The  Princes  were  now  fairly  on  their  way  to  the  West 
Indies;  but,  near  Barbadoes,  the  Admiral  sprang  a  leak, 
and  had  to  put  into  Santa  Lucia,  in  the  Caribbees,  the 
men  "being  almost  spent  with  extreme  labour."^  Four 
days  later,  the  leak  being  stopped,  they  proceeded  towards 
St.  Martinique,  meeting  on  the  way  some  Dutch  men-of-war, 
with  the  officers  of  which  they  exchanged  visits  and  civil- 
ities. The  French  Governor  of  St.  Martinique  proved  very 
hospitable,  and,  moreover,  sent  the  Princes  a  timely  warn- 
ing that  all  the  English  possessions  in  the  West  Indies 
had  surrendered  to  the  Parliament.  Having  returned  grate- 
ful thanks  for  this  information,  the  Royalists  proceeded  to 
San  Dominique,  where  the  natives  brought  them  fruit,  in 
exchange  for  glass  beads.  On  the  day  before  Whit  Sunday 
they  reached  Montserrat,  where  they  seized  two  small  ships, 
but  one,  proving  to  be  the  property  of  Royalists,  was  re- 
leased. At  Nevis  they  found  a  large  number  of  English 
vessels,  which,  like  a  flock  of  frightened  animals,  "began 
to  shift  for  themselves,"  some  endeavouring  to  escape,  and 
others  running  ashore.  ^  A  brief  engagement  took  place, 
in    which    Rupert's   secretary   was    shot   down   at  his  side. 


1  Domestic  State  Papers.  Commonwealth.  Vol.  XXIV.  f .  60.  June  (.'')5  1652. 
Coxon's  Report. 

2  Warburton, 

3  Ibid.  p.  371. 
*  Ibid.  p.  376. 


LOSS  OF  MAURICE  261 

but  no  prizes  could  be  taken,  because  the  enemy's  vessels 
were   so    fast  aground  that  they  could  not  be  brought  off. 

After  a  brief  visit  to  La  Bastare,  the  Princes  went  to 
the  Virgin  Islands,  intending  to  unload  and  careen  the 
Admiral,  and  on  the  way  thither,  they  added  to  their 
numbers  by  purchasing  from  a  Dutch  man-of-war  a  prize 
she  had  taken.  They  had  hoped  to  find  cassava  roots  in 
the  islands,  but  these  proved  scarce,  and  consequently  they 
suffered  greatly  from  want  of  food.  Rupert  was  even  forced 
to  reduce  his  men's  rations,  but,  seeing  that  their  Princes 
shared  equally  with  them  in  all  hardships,  the  sailors  bore 
the  privation  with  cheerful  courage.  The  scarcity  of  food 
caused  them  to  leave  the  Virgins  as  soon  as  the  leaky 
ships  were  repatched,  and,  having  burnt  three  small  prizes 
as  unseaworthy,  they  sailed  southwards. 

Now  came  the  crowning  misfortune  of  the  unhappy 
Prince  who  had  been  so  long  '^  kept  waking  with  new 
troubles."  *  Not  far  from  Anguilla  the  fleet  was  caught 
in  a  most  terrible  hurricane.  So  strong  was  the  wind  that 
the  men  could  not  stand  at  their  work ;  so  thick  the  weather 
that  no  one  could  see  more  than  a  few  yards  before 
him.  For  two  days  the  ships  ran  before  the  wind,  the 
Admiral  escaping  wreckage  on  the  rocks  of  Angadas  by 
a  miracle.  On  the  third  day  the  hurricane  abated,  and 
the  Admiral  found  herself  alone  at  the  uninhabited  island 
of  St.  Ann,  in  the  Virgins;  the  "Honest  Seaman"  had  been 
cast  ashore  at  Porto  Rico,  and  the  Vice-Admiral  had  totally 
disappeared.  "In  this  fatal  wreck,"  says  Pyne,  "besides 
a  great  many  brave  gentlemen  and  others,  the  sea,  to  glut 
itself,  swallowed  Prince  Maurice,  whose  fame  the  mouth 
of  detraction  cannot  blast ;  his  very  enemies  bewailing  his 
loss.  Many  had  more  power,  few  more  merit.  He  was 
snatched  from  us  in  obscurity,  lest  beholding  his  loss  would 
have  prevented  others  from  endeavouring  their  own  safety; 

1   WarburtODj  III.  p.  337. 


262  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

so  much  he  lived  beloved  and  died  bewailed."  '     Rupert's 

grief  was   beyond   words.     He   had   lost  the  only  member 

of   his    family    to    whom    he   was    bound   by   close  ties  of 

affection,   the    most   faithful   and    devoted   of  his  followers, 

his   favourite   companion,   his  best-loved  friend.     From  the 

very   first   he    accepted   the    situation    as   hopeless,  and  he 

bore  his   sorrow   in   grim  silence,  not  suffering  it  to  crush 

him  as  his  grief  for  the  loss  of  the  **  Constant  Reformation" 

had  done.     There  was  no  Maurice  now  to  fall  back  upon, 

and   the   needs  of  the  ship  could  not  be  neglected.     Alas, 

one  ship,  the  "  Swallow,"  was  all  that  remained  of  the  gallant 

little  fleet,  and  Rupert,  finding  himself  thus  alone,  resolved 

to    return    to    France.     First   he   paid    a   farewell   visit    to 

Guadeloupe,    where   he    was   kindly  received,  and  supplied 

with   wine.     There   also   he  took  an  English  prize,  naively 

likened  by  the  writer  of  his  log  to  "  Manna  from  Heaven."  - 

But    well    might    the   crew   rejoice   at   the    capture,   seeing 

that   their   rations   were   now  reduced  to  three  ounces  per 

diem.     Touching  at  the  Azores,  they  were  surprised  to  be 

received   with  bullets,  and  not  suffered  to  approach  within 

speaking    distance    of  the    land.      Rupert    therefore    sailed 

straight   for  Brittany,  stopping  at  Cape  Finisterre  for  fresh 

provisions.     His   health    was  completely  broken  down,  and 

the   food   on   board  both   scarce  and  nasty,  and  we  read : 

"  His  Highness  had  not  been  very  well  since  he  came  from 

the    West    Indies,    and   fresh  provisions   being   a   rarity,  a 

present  of  two  hens  and  a  few  eggs  was  very  acceptable."  * 

But  the  Prince  was  nearing  the  end  of  his  hardships,  if 

not    of  his   troubles.     Early  one  morning  in  the  March  of 

1653,   he    came  into  the  Loire  and  anchored  at  St.  Lazar. 

The    next   day,    in    attempting  to  get  higher  up  the  river, 

he  ran  his  ship  aground.    The  crew  were  anxious  to  leave 

her  to  her  fate,  but  Rupert  had  not  come  through  so  many 

1  Warburton,  III.  p.  382. 

2  Ibid.  p.  384. 
»  Ibid.  p.  546. 


THE  RETURN  TO  FRANCE  263 

difficulties  only  to  succumb  to  the  last,  and  by  his  ''industry 
and  care"  he  brought  her  safely  off.  Having  secured  his 
prizes,  he  sent  the  "  Swallow"  back  to  the  mouth  of  the  river 
to  refit.  "  Here,  however,  Hke  a  grateful  servant,  having 
brought  her  princely  master  through  so  many  dangers,  she 
consumed  herself,  scorning,  after  being  quitted  by  him,  that 
any  inferior  person  should  command  her."  ' 

Thus  closed  the  most  singular  episode  in  a  much  chequered 
career.  The  morality  of  Rupert's  proceedings  during  his 
three  years'  wanderings  on  the  high  seas  has  been  much 
debated.  In  theory  he  was  a  loyal  Admiral  holding  his 
own  against  a  rebel  fleet,  but  in  fact,  it  must  be  owned, 
he  was  little  more  than  a  pirate,  or  at  best,  a  privateer. 
He  was  never  able  to  meet  the  fleet  of  the  Parliament  in 
battle,  and  could  only  wage  war  by  crippling  the  trade  of 
the  hostile  party.  Moreover,  though  his  desire  to  injure 
the  trade  of  the  enemy  was  both  earnest  and  sincere,  he 
was  still  more  anxious  to  gain  merchandise,  by  the  sale  of 
which  he  could  support  his  destitute  sovereign  and  his  fleet. 
Yet  he  kept  within  the  limits  he  had  set  himself,  and  made 
prizes  only  of  ships  belonging  to  adherents  of  the  Com- 
monwealth or  to  its  Spanish  aUies.  The  capture  of  a  Genoese 
vessel  has  been  admitted,  but  that  was  in  the  nature  of  a 
reprisal,  and  it  has  been  seen  how  a  Danish  and  a  Royalist 
ship  taken  by  mistake  were  set  free.  That  the  Prince 
endured  hardship,  difficulties  and  dangers  out  of  a  loyal 
devotion  to  his  cousin,  is  shown  by  the  readiness  with  which 
he  renounced  his  private  share  of  the  spoil  in  Charles's 
favour,  when  he  sent  home  the  cargo  of  1652.  The  devotion 
evidently  felt  for  him  by  his  crew  speaks  well  for  his  cha- 
racter as  a  commander,  and  all  his  recorded  dealings  with 
the  natives  of  Africa  and  the  various  islands,  show  a  humane 
and  enlightened  spirit  in  which  there  is  nothing  of  the  buccan- 
neer.   Indeed  the  various  logs  which  bear  record  of  his  voyages 

1   Warburton,  III.  p.  388. 


264  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

are  marked  by  a  tone  of  great  decorum.  In  them  the  chaplain 
figures  frequently,  and  on  one  occasion  it  is  noted,  "The 
second  day  being  Sunday,  we  rode  still,  and  did  the  duties 
of  the  day  in  the  best  manner  that  we  could;  the  same 
at  evening."  ^  And  even  granting  that  the  decorous  tone 
of  the  logs  is  forced  and  exaggerated  of  set  purpose,  the 
fact  remains  that  no  specific  charge  of  cruelty  was  ever 
brought  against  the  Prince  by  his  enemies  or  any  one  else. 
This,  when  it  is  remembered  how  lawless  were  the  high 
seas  in  those  days,  is  no  slight  praise.  But,  whatever 
may  be  thought  of  the  ethics  of  the  case,  it  will  be  uni- 
versally acknowledged  that  to  keep  the  seas  as  Rupert 
kept  them  for  three  years,  with  no  previous  experience  in 
nautical  affairs,  with  never  more  than  seven,  and  usually 
only  three  ships  at  his  command,  with  those  ships  hope- 
lessly leaky  and  rotten,  and  continually  beset  by  every 
possible  form  of  danger  and  disaster,  was  a  feat  deserving 
of  wonder  and  admiration. 

1  Rupert  Transcripts.  Journal,  Feb.  26,  165 1. 


c  t         '       '  I.       '      * 

c       c         c     <       c       c 


^•^  fill- Cnntl     trr^itj^  PcruceJtdu     a<ti'c.i     C  qucr  9it 


Prince  Rupert  about  1654. 

Frovi  the  Engraving  by  Bernard  in  the  British  Museum. 


Photo  E.  Dosseter. 


Face  />age  265. 


CHAPTER  XV 

RUPERT  AT  PARIS.  ILLNESS.  QUARREL  WITH  CHARLES  II. 

FACTIONS  AT  ST.  GERMAINS.  RUPERT  GOES  TO  GERMANY. 

RECONCILED  WITH  CHARLES 

Rupert's  return  was  eagerly  hailed  by  all  parties  in  the 
exiled  Court  of  England.     Wrote  the  King: 

"My  Dearest  Cousin, 

'*  I  am  so  surprised  with  joy  in  the  assurance  of  your 
safe  arrival  in  these  parts  that  I  cannot  tell  you  how  great  it 
is;  nor  can  I  consider  any  misfortunes  or  accidents  which 
have  happened,  now  I  know  that  your  person  is  in  safety. 
If  I  could  receive  the  like  comfort  in  a  reasonable  hope  of 
your  brother's,  I  need  not  tell  you  how  important  it  would 
be  to  my  affairs.  While  my  affection  makes  me  impatient 
to  see  you  I  know  the  same  desire  will  incline  you,  (after 
you  have  done  what  can  only  be  done  by  your  presence 
there,)  to  make  what  haste  to  me  your  health  can  endure,  of 
which  I  must  conjure  you  to  have  such  a  care  as  it  shall 
be  in  no  danger. "  ^ 

Hyde  expressed  himself  with  almost  equal  warmth.  "For 
God's  sake,  Sir,  in  the  first  place  look  to  your  health,  and 
then  to  the  safety  of  what  you  have  there,  and  lose  no 
minute  of  coming  away.  I  do  not  doubt  you  will  find  the 
welcome  that  will  please  you  with  the  King,  the  Queen, 
and  the  Duke  of  York."  - 

And  Jermyn  added  the  assurance  of  his  own  "infinite 
joy,"  and  the  Queen's  constant  friendship,  concluding  with 


1  Warburton,  III.  p.  418.  Charles  II  to  Rupert,  Mar.  22.  1653. 

2  Ibid.  p.  419.  Hyde  to  Rupert.  No  date. 


266  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

the  appropriate  prayer:  "God  of  Heaven  keep  you  in  all 
your  dangers,  and  give  you  at  length  some  quiet,  and  the 
fruits  of  them."  ' 

The  King  gave  proof  of  his  affection  by  the  zeal  with 
which  he  prepared  for  his  cousin's  reception  in  Paris;  an 
honour  apparently  disputed  with  him  by  Rupert's  brother 
Edward.  *'  The  King  is  very  active  in  preparing  a  lodging 
for  you,"  writes  one  of  the  Prince's  friends.  ''  If  I  be  not 
deceived  he  would  have  liked  well  to  have  it  left  to  him, 
of  which  the  Prince,  your  brother,  as  I  understand,  gives 
you  some  account.  I  will  send  you  more  by  the  next, 
knowing  no  more  as  yet,  but  that  the  King  hath  it  in  his 
love  for  you  to  have  you  near  him,  which  certainly  is 
fitter  than  to  have  thought  of  another  lodging,  without  his 
knowledge."  - 

But,  alas!  the  Rupert  who  returned  was  not  the  Rupert 
who  had  sailed  away  three  years  before !  He  had,  as  Hyde 
expressed  it,  ''endured  strange  hardness,"  "'  and  the  "hard- 
ness" had  left  its  mark  upon  him.  He  came  back  from  his 
long  voyage  a  changed  and  broken-hearted  man.  '*His 
Highness's  fire  was  pretty  much  decayed,  and  his  judgment 
ripened,"  says  Campbell;  but  the  change  went  deeper  than 
that.  The  Prince  had  failed  in  his  undertaking ;  he  had  lost 
the  greater  part  of  his  hard- won  treasure,  his  ships,  his 
men,  above  all  his  best-loved  brother—  and  these  losses  had 
carried  with  them  a  part  of  his  old  self.  The  high  spirits 
and  buoyant  hopefulness  of  earlier  days  were  gone  for  ever. 
Gone  too  was  something  of  the  youthful  generosity ;  Rupert 
was  embittered  now,  harder,  colder,  more  sardonic ;  a  man, 
said  Colbert,  "with  a  natural  inclination  to  believe  evil !"  ' 

His  health  too,  that  best  inheritance  from  his  mother, 
had  been  ruined  by  bad  chmates  and  insufficient  food.     On 


1  Warburton,  III.  p.  390.  Jermyn  to  R.,  Feb.  6,  1653. 

2  Rupert  Transcripts.  —  to  Rupert,  1653. 

*  Clar.  State  Papers,  1089.  Hyde  to  Nicholas,  Apr.  18,  1653. 

*  Cartwright.  Madame  :  A  Life  of  Henrietta  of  Orleans,  p.  359. 


RUPERT  AT  PARIS  267 

his  arrival  at  Nantes  he  fell  dangerously  ill,  nor  was  he 
ever  again  wholly  free  from  suffering.  His  illness  created 
no  small  consternation  among  the  Royalists,  and  much 
sympathy  was  poured  out  upon  him.  "  Think  of  your  health," 
urged  one  friend,  "and  if  you  dare  venture  on  your  old 
apothecary  you  may,  from  whom  you  will  receive  some 
drugs,  well  meant,  if  not  well  prepared."  '  This  tempting 
offer  was  probably  declined.  The  Palatines  had  ideas  of 
their  own  upon  the  subject  of  medicine,  a  profound  dis- 
trust of  doctors,  and  a  very  reasonable  aversion  to  the 
then  universal  practice  of  bleeding.  "  Pray  God  she  fall 
not  into  the  Frenchified  physician's  hands,  and  so  let  blood 
and  die  I "  "  Rupert  wrote  of  a  fair  friend,  at  a  later  date, 
On  the  present  occasion  he  recovered  from  his  illness,  with 
or  without  the  aid  of  physicians,  and  in  April  hastened  to 
join  his  cousin,  King  Charles. 

At  Paris  he  met  with  as  warm  a  reception  as  he  could 
have  desired.  Not  only  the  English  exiles,  but  the  French 
Court  also  hastened  to  do  him  honour.  The  Queen  Regent 
and  Mazarin  had  always  been  his  good  friends,  and  now 
his  strange  adventures  had  fired  the  imagination  of  the 
young  King  Louis,  who  '*  compHmented  him  in  an  extraor- 
dinary manner."  '^  Indeed  Rupert,  with  his  romantic  history, 
his  striking  personality,  gigantic  stature,  and  supposed 
magical  powers,  *  not  to  mention  his  accredited  wealth, 
his  monkeys  and  *'  blackamours,"  made  a  considerable 
sensation  in  the  excitable  world  of  Paris.  Many  were  the 
anonymous  letters  addressed  to  him  by  fair  hands ;  but  for 
some  time  his  bad  health  and  his  sorrowful  heart  made 
him  indifferent  to  the  adulation  bestowed  on  him.  **  Prince 
Rupert   goes    little  abroad  in  France,  and  is  very  sad  that 

^  Warburton,  III    p.  420. 

-  Ibid.  p.  454. 

'  Memoir  of  Prince  Rupert,  ed.  1683,  p.  35. 

*  Evelyn,  IV.  282.  He  was  supposed  to  have  cured  Jermyn  of  a  fever,  with 
a  charm.  "His  Highness,  it  seems,  has  learnt  some  magic  in  the  re- 
mote islands." 


268  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

he  can  hear  nothing  of  his  brother  Maurice,"  ^  was  the  re- 
port made  by  Cromwell's  spies.  And  wrote  Hyde,  April 
25,  1653  :  ** Prince  Rupert  is  not  yet  well  enough  to  venture 
to  go  abroad,  and  therefore  hath  not  visited  the  French 
Court,  but  I  hope  he  will  within  a  day  or  two.  Of  Prince 
Maurice  we  hear  not  one  word."  - 

But  as  his  health  improved,  Rupert  relaxed  his  austerity 
and  joined  his  Stuart  cousins  in  their  amusements.  He  was 
often  to  be  seen  in  the  hall  of  the  Palais  Royal,  playing 
at  billiards  with  the  King  and  the  Duke  of  York;  ^  and 
sometimes  he  swam  with  them  in  the  Seine.  On  one  such 
occasion  he  was  very  nearly  drowned ;  he  was  seized  with 
cramp,  and  had  already  gone  under  water,  when  one  of 
his  train  rescued  him  by  the  hair  of  his  head.  "  The  River 
Seine  had  Hke  to  have  made  an  end  of  your  black  Prince 
Rupert,"  wrote  one  of  the  Puritan  spies  who  watched  all 
his  actions,  "for,  some  days  since,  he  would  needs  cool 
himself  in  the  river,  where  he  was  in  danger  of  drowning, 
but,  by  the  help  of  one  of  his  blackmores,  escaped."  ' 

The  same  spy  related  another  adventure  which,  if  true, 
illustrates  the  singularly  lawless  state  of  Paris,  and  also 
suggests  that  Rupert  was  not  quite  indifferent  to  the  overtures 
of  the  ladies  who  courted  him.  As  he  returned  from  hunting, 
one  Sunday,  accompanied  only  by  Holmes,  he  was  overtaken 
by  two  gentlemen,  riding  in  great  haste  towards  Paris.  No 
sooner  had  they  passed  the  Prince,  than,  wheeHng  suddenly 
round,  they  both  fired  at  him.  Both  missed,  and  Rupert 
promptly  returning  the  shots,  wounded  one  and  killed  the 
other.  A  third  gentleman  then  coming  up,  was  about  to 
fire  on  the  Prince,  but  seeing  him  prepared,  changed  his 
mind  and  called  out  that  he  was  the  husband  of  the  Marechal 
de   Plessy  Praslin's  daughter.     Rupert  retorted  that  he  did 


1  Whitelocke,  p.  556. 

2  Clar.  State  Papers.  Hyde  to  Nicholas,  25  Apr.  1653.  Printed  Vol.  II.  p.  163. 
8  Cartwright.    Madame :  Duchess  of  Orleans,  p.  50. 

4  Evelyn,  IV.  282,  ?joU.  Thurloe,  I.  306. 


RUPERT  AT  PARIS  269 

not  believe  him,  but,  since  he  said  so,  would  let  him  alone. 
So  the  matter  passed,"  concludes  the  narrator  of  the  story 
coolly,    **  and   the  gentleman  killed,  the  worse  for  him  1 "  ^ 

In  the  midst  of  these  adventures  Rupert  did  not  neglect 
business.  He  had  to  dispose  of  the  guns  and  other  fittings 
of  his  ship,  which  it  was  impossible  to  render  sea-worthy 
again ;  and  he  also  had  a  considerable  quantity  of  goods 
to  sell,  the  nature  of  which  we  learn  from  the  letters  of 
Holmes,  who  had  gone  back  to  Nantes  in  May  1653.  From 
Nantes,  Holmes  sent  samples  of  sugar,  copper,  tobacco, 
various  kinds  of  woods,  and  elephants'  teeth  to  the  Prince 
at  Paris.  He  also  sent,  at  Rupert's  express  desire,  "the 
little  nigger,"  and  promised  to  search  among  the  ballast 
for  two  elephants'  teeth  which  Rupert  particularly  required.  ' 
His  search  was  very  successful,  and  May  24  he  reported, 
"  I  met,  in  tumbling  over  the  ballast,  2 1  elephants'  teeth, 
36  sticks  of  wood,  a  chest  of  white  sugar,  and  a  small 
chest  of  copper  bars."  ^  It  was  time  that  some  steps  were 
taken  for  the  disposing  of  these  commodities.  The  officers 
of  the  ships  were  ''much  destitute  of  money."  Fearnes 
refused  to  give  Holmes  any  proper  account  of  the  stores, 
and  the  sailors  were  mutinying  for  pay.  Holmes  encountered 
them  with  drawn  swords  in  their  hands,  but  pacified  them 
with  ''gentle  mildness" ;  ^  and  Rupert  came  himself  to  Nantes 
to  attend  the  sale  of  his  treasures.  In  this  matter,  Mazarin 
lent  all  assistance  in  his  power,  and  Cromwell  who  claimed 
the  Prince's  goods  as  stolen  from  English  merchants 
remonstrated  with  the  French  court  in  vain. 

"What  should  His  Excellency  the  Lord  General  Crom- 
well expect  from  the  Cardinal  but  a  parcel  of  fair  pro- 
mises?" protested  an  agent  of  the  Commonwealth.  "I 
assure   you   the   King   and  the  Cardinal  are  resolved  not  to 


1  Thurloe  State  Papers,  II.  186.  i  April,  1654. 

-  Rupert  Transcripts.  Holmes  to  Rupert,  May  3,  May   17,  1654. 

s  Ibid.  May  24,  1654. 

*  Ibid.  May  17,  June  24,  1654. 


270  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

deliver  Prince  Rupert's  merchandizes.  The  merchants,  having 
given  a  good  deal  of  money  to  some  ministers  here,  thinking 
to  corrupt  them, — a  thing  very  easy  to  be  done,  in  any 
other  occasion  but  this, — find  now  that  it  is  but  so  much 
money  cast  into  the  sea.  Prince  Rupert  was  somewhat 
aflfrighted,  by  reason  of  the  bribes,  but  there  is  given  him 
by  the  Queen,  Cardinal,  and  Council  such  assurances  as 
his  mind  is  at  rest.  I  protest  they  laugh  at  you,  and  think 
your  demands  so  insolent  as  nothing  more."  ^ 

In  fact,  while  the  English  merchants  lavished  money, 
and  Cromwell  protests,  Rupert  was  quietly  selling  the  dis- 
puted goods  at  Nantes,  and  also  the  "Swallow"  and  her 
guns.  He  had  no  sooner  accomplished  this  than  he  hast- 
ened back  to  Paris,  in  obedience  to  an  urgent  letter  received 
from  Charles. 

**  Dearest  Cousin, 

''According  to  your  desire  I  sent  the  warrant  to  sell 
the  *  Swallow'  and  her  guns.  I  have  little  to  say  to  you,  only 
to  put  you  in  mind  to  make  all  the  haste  you  can  hither, 
when  you  can  do  it  without  harm  to  your  business.  For, 
besides  the  great  desire  I  have  of  your  company,  I  do 
believe  there  is  something  now  to  be  done  which  I  cannot 
do  without  your  presence  and  assistance.  I  have  no  more  to 
say  until  I  see  you,  but  to  assure  you  that  I  am  entirely, 
dearest  Cousin, 

''Your  most  affectionate  Cousin, 

"Charles  R.  "  ^ 

After  this  very  cordial  letter  it  is  rather  surprising  to 
find  a  violent  quarrel  between  the  two  cousins  immediately 
following  Rupert's  return  to  Paris.  The  truth  was  that 
Charles  had  expected  to  gain  much  wealth  on  the  return 
of  the  fleet,   which  would,  he  hoped,  enable  him  to  leave 

1  Thurloe  State  Papers,  I.  p.  344.  19  July,  1653. 

'^  Rupert  Transcripts.  Charles  II  to  Rupert.  Nov.  1654. 


QUARREL  WITH  CHARLES  11  271 

France,  of  which  he  was  as  weary  as  France  was  of  him. 
But  before  Rupert's  first  coming  to  Paris  he  had  sent  such 
an  account  as  ought  to  have  convinced  Charles  that  he 
had  little  to  expect.  That  he  had  gained  treasure  of  great 
value  the  Prince  confessed,  but  most  of  it  had  been  lost 
with  Maurice,  or  in  the  wreck  of  the  "Constant  Reformation." 
What  remained  would  scarcely  suffice  to  pay  off  the  sailors 
and  discharge  the  old  debt  at  Toulon.  Moreover,  the  ships 
were  so  worm-eaten  that  there  was  no  possibility  of  again 
sending  them  to  sea.  '  Bitter  as  was  this  disappointment 
to  the  King,  he  still  hoped  to  gain  something  by  the  sale 
of  the  guns,  and  when  he  found  that  Rupert  laid  claim 
to  half  the  money  thus  obtained,  it  was  more  than  he 
could  endure.  Hyde,  who  had  never  loved  Rupert,  easily 
persuaded  the  King  that  his  cousin  was  deaHng  unfairly, 
and  induced  him  to  demand  an  exact  account.  The  Prince, 
hotly  resenting  Hyde's  insinuations,  refused  to  offer  any 
explanation  more  explicit  than  that  already  made. 

When  it  is  remembered  how  devotedly  Rupert  had  ex- 
posed his  person  and  all  that  he  had  in  Charles's  service, 
how  his  mother's  jewels  had  helped  to  fit  out  the  fleet, 
and  how  freely  he  had  surrendered  his  private  share  in  the 
prizes  to  the  King,  it  is  scarcely  credible  that  he  could 
have  put  forward  an  unjust,  or  even  a  selfish  claim. 
Campbell  corroborates  the  Prince's  own  statement  that  the 
sale  of  the  goods  did  not  realise  enough  to  pay  off  all 
the  sailors;  and  there  still  remained  the  debts  at  Toulon, 
which  Charles  had  been  begged  to  pay  two  years  before. 
Nor  were  they  paid  now;  in  1662,  one  Guibert  Hessin 
petitioned  Charles  II  for  29,480  livres  tournois,  being  the 
debt  for  victualling  the  fleet  at  Toulon  in  1650,  of  which 
Rupert  had  ordered  payment  in  1654.-  It  is  therefore 
fairly    evident   that    Rupert    did    not   claim   the    money  for 

1  Clarendon,  Bk.  XIV.  p.  71.  Campbell's  British  Admirals.  1785.  Vol.  II. 
p.  243. 

-  Domestic  State  Papers.  March  1662.  Petition  of  Guibert  Hessin. 


272  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

his  own  use,  but  in  order  to  satisfy  the  just  claims  of 
others.  The  payment  of  his  debts  was  a  point  on  which  he 
was  particularly  sensitive,  but  the  practice  may  well  have 
failed  to  commend  itself  to  Charles.  An  important  witness 
on  Rupert's  side  is  Hatton,  who,  a  little  before  the  quarrel, 
had  written  to  Nicholas:  *'I  am  sure  they  now  owe  Prince 
Rupert  ^1,700, . .  .  and  that  will,  at  the  day  of  reckoning, 
breed  ill-blood."  ' 

The  day  of  reckoning  came  in  February  1654,  and  all 
happened  as  Hatton  had  predicted. 

"  You  talk  of  money  the  King  should  have  upon  the 
prizes  at  Nantes!"  wrote  Hyde  indignantly.  *'Alas,  he  hath 
not  only  not  had  one  penny  from  thence,  but  Prince  Rupert 
pretends  that  the  King  owes  him  more  money  than  ever 
I  was  worth."  '  The  quarrel  raged  for  a  month  before 
Rupert  would  give  any  explanation  of  his  claims.  At  last, 
in  March,  he  condescended  to  give  the  King  *'a  little 
short  paper,  not  containing  twenty  lines,"  which  he  charg- 
ed his  cousin  not  to  show  to  Hyde.  But  Charles  of  course 
suffered  Hyde  to  see  it,  charging  him,  in  his  turn,  to  con- 
ceal his  knowledge  of  it  from  Rupert.  '''  The  result  was  a 
worse  quarrel  than  ever.  Seeing  that  the  King  was  not 
going  to  acknowledge  his  claim,  Rupert  prompted  his  cre- 
ditors to  arrest  the  guns.  Charles  remonstrated, — ''kindly 
expostulated,"  Hyde  phrased  it, — whereupon  Rupert  lost  his 
temper,  and  declared  passionately  that  ''justice  would  have 
justice,"  speaking,  said  Hyde,  "  with  insolence  enough."  * 
The  affair  was  "exceedingly  taken  notice  of,"  '  and  it  was 
rumoured  that  Rupert  would  leave  his  cousin's  service. 
Mazarin,  who  realised  that  the  sooner  Charles  got  some 
money,  the  sooner  he  would  leave  France,  enabled  him  to 


1  Nicholas  Papers.  Camd.  Soc.    New  Series.    Vol.  II.  p.  33.  9/19060.1653. 

2  Clarendon  State  Papers,  Hyde'^to  Nicholas,  Feb.  27,  1654. 

3  Ibid.  March  13,  1654. 
*  Ibid.  April  10,  1654. 
5  Ibid. 


QUARREL  WITH  CHARLES  II  273 

rescue  the  guns  from  the  creditors'  clutches;  but  Queen 
Henrietta  gave  all  her  support  to  her  nephew.  ''It  is  not 
possible  to  believe  how  much,  in  so  gross  a  thing,  the 
Queen  and  Lord  Jermyn  side  with  Prince  Rupert,"  com- 
plained Hyde.  '  Probably  Henrietta  and  her  favourite  cared 
little  whether  the  creditors  were  paid  or  not ;  but  more 
than  a  mere  question  of  debts  was  at  stake,  the  exiled 
Court  was  as  factious  as  ever.  In  the  King's  .  Council, 
Henrietta,  the  Duke  of  York,  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  and 
Lord  Jermyn  opposed  themselves  violently  to  the  policy 
of  Ormonde,  Rochester  (Wilmot),  Percy,  Inchiquin,  Taafe, 
and  Hyde.  Hyde's  party  was  then  in  the  ascendant,  and 
the  Queen  was  anxious  to  secure  Rupert's  adherence  to 
her  own  party.  He  was  not  without  a  considerable  follow- 
ing of  his  own,  and  there  was  a  definite  design  to  represent 
him  "  as  head  of  the  Swordsmen,  making  it  good  by  little 
insignificant  particulars."'  The  most  influential  of  his  friends 
was  the  Attorney-General,  Herbert,  recently  made  Lord 
Keeper,  to  whom  Henrietta  had  hastened  to  pay  court  as 
soon  as  she  heard  of  Rupert's  arrival  at  Nantes.  Herbert, 
though  distinguished  neither  for  tact  nor  for  wisdom,  pos- 
sessed great  influence  with  the  Prince.  **  The  Lord  Keeper 
is  so  extreme  vain  and  foolish  in  his  government  of  Prince 
Rupert  that  he  does  more  towards  the  ruin  of  that  Prince 
than  all  his  enemies  could  do,"  '  declared  Hyde.  And 
though  Charles  declared  that  he  could  cure  his  cousin  of 
his  infatuation,  he  failed  to  do  so.  Lord  Gerard,  a  man  of 
fertile  brain,  who  ''could  never  lack  projects,"  ^  was  not 
much  wiser  than  Herbert.  Between  them,  they  concocted 
a  thousand  schemes  "to  make  Prince  Rupert  General  in 
England,    Scotland,    and   Ireland,    and    Admiral   of  two  or 


1  Clarendon  State  Papers,  Hyde  to  Nicholas,  April  10,  1654. 

2  Nicholas  Papers.  Camden  Society.  Vol.  II.  p.  91,  25  Sept.  1654. 
5    Clarendon  State  Papers,  Hyde  to  Nicholas,  June  13.  1653. 

*    Ibid.  Apr.  24,  1654. 

18 


274  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

three  fleets  together,"  not  to  mention  other  projects,  all 
contrived  for  the  benefit  of  the  unlucky  Prince,  who,  Hyde 
might  justly  say,  would  ''  have  cause  to  curse  the  day  he 
ever  knew  either  of  them."  ' 

The  Queen,  on  her  part,  was  doing  her  best  to  destroy 
Hyde's  power  with  the  King,  that  being  the  chief  obstacle 
to  the  exercise  of  her  own  influence.  The  Chancellor  had 
no  lack  of  enemies,  but  the  charges  brought  against  him 
were  so  absurd  that  he  could  afford  to  laugh  at  them.  ''  I 
hope  you  think  it  strange  to  hear  that  I  have  been  in 
England,  and  have  had  private  conference  with  Cromwell; 
and  that  you  are  not  sorry  that  my  enemies  can  frame 
no  wiser  calumny  against  me/'  "  he  wrote  to  a  friend.  The 
inventor  of  this  extraordinary  story  was  the  King's  secretary. 
Long,  who  was  backed  up  by  the  Queen  and  her  parti- 
sans. They  expected  the  support  of  Rupert,  but  he,  much 
as  he  detested  the  Chancellor,  was  too  honest  to  lend  him- 
self to  any  such  plot.  ''They  are  much  disappointed  to 
find  Prince  Rupert  not  of  their  party,"  declared  Hyde 
triumphantly.  "  He  indeed  carries  himself  with  great  discre- 
tion." ''  Nor  did  the  Prince  content  himself  with  discretion, 
he  even  actively  defended  Hyde's  character.  A  dispute  on 
the  subject  had  arisen  between  Ormonde  and  Herbert,  the 
latter  having  remarked  that  ''it  was  strange  the  King 
should  make  such  a  difference  between  Mr.  Chancellor  and 
Mr.  Long,  whereas  he  held  Mr.  Long  as  good  a  gentleman 
as  Mr.  Chancellor."  Rupert,  who  was  standing  by,  retort- 
ed sharply  that  the  King  "made  not  the  difference  from 
their  blood,  but  from  the  honesty  of  the  Chancellor  and 
the  dishonesty  of  Long."  Herbert  vehemently  protested 
that  he  believed  Long  as  honest  as  Hyde ;  to  which  replied 
Ormonde,  '*  Ay,  but  the  King  thought  not  so,  and  perhaps 


1  Clarendon  State  Papers,  Hyde  to  Nicholas,  Jan.  2,  1654. 

2  Evelyn,  IV.  298,  27  Dec.  1653. 

2  Clarendon  State  Papers,  Hyde  to  Nicholas,  16  Jan.  1654. 


FACTIONS  AT  ST.  GERMAINS  275 

there  were  times  when  his  Lordship  thought  not  so."  And 
a  very  pretty  quarrel  ensued.  ' 

In  the  meantime  Sir  Marmaduke  Langdale,  a  man  of 
more  sense  than  Gerard  or  Herbert,  seriously  proposed  that 
Rupert  should  take  a  new  expedition  to  Scotland.  To  this 
plan  the  Queen  lent  a  willing  ear.  The  Scots,  though  still 
resolved  that  only  those  ''eminent  for  righteousness"  should 
enter  Scotland  with  the  King,  were  willing  to  include  Rupert, 
Ormonde,  Nicholas,  Gerard  and  Craven  under  that  head.  ' 
The  scheme  therefore  seemed  feasible,  but  Rupert  and 
Henrietta  were  of  one  mind  in  wishing  that  James  of  York, 
rather  than  the  King,  might  be  the  nominal  leader  of  the 
enterprise.  The  wish  was  natural  enough,  for  the  life  led  by 
Charles  in  Paris  was  not  calculated  to  commend  him  to  his 
serious-minded  cousin.  James,  on  the  contrary,  seemed  full 
of  promise,  practical,  conscientious,  and  energetic.  '  Nego- 
tiations with  the  Scots  were  seriously  opened,  but  they 
were  not  all  agreed  concerning  Rupert ;  and  a  letter  shown 
to  James  by  his  secretary,  Bennet,  created  considerable  stir 
in  the  Palais  Royal.  This  letter  stated  that  the  Scots  still 
cherished  a  strong  aversion  to  Rupert,  and  earnestly  hoped 
that  he  would  not  appear  in  their  country.  James  hastened 
with  the  letter  to  his  cousin,  who  "  would  needs  know " 
the  name  of  the  writer.  This,  Bennet  refused  to  divulge, 
until  the  writer  himself  arrived  on  the  scene,  in  the  person 
of  Daniel  O'Neil,  who,  seeing  the  excitement  he  had  caused, 
"told  plainly  he  wrote  it,  and  said  further  that  most  of  the 
friends  of  the  English  and  Scots  were  of  that  opinion."  ^ 

Eventually  the  whole  scheme  fell  through,  as  a  hundred 
others  had  done,  but  not  before  Charles's  anger  and  jealousy 
had  been  excited  against  James.  The  result  of  the  nego- 
tiations   was   therefore    to   produce  a  coldness  between  the 


Nicholas  Papers,  Vol.  II.  p.  50,  16  Jan.  1654. 
Clarendon  State  Papers.  News  from  London,  May  27,  1653. 
Thurloe  State  Papers,  Vol.  II.  p.  179. 
Thurloe,  II.  140 — 141,  14  May,  1654. 


276  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Stuart  brothers,  a  further  breach  between  Charles  and  Ru- 
pert, and  a  definite  quarrel  between  the  King  and  the 
Queen  mother.  Henrietta  reproached  her  son  violently 
with  his  conduct  towards  Rupert,  Herbert  and  Berkeley; 
and  Charles  retorted  angrily,  that,  after  their  behaviour  to 
him,  they  should  ''never  more  have  his  trust  nor  his 
company."  ^ 

Upon  this,  Rupert  resigned  his  office  of  Master  of  the 
Horse — a  mere  empty  title — and  departed  for  Germany, 
notwithstanding  Henrietta's  entreaties  that  he  would  remain.  ' 
He  had  hardly  declared  his  intention  of  going,  when  the 
good-natured  Charles  half-repented  of  his  share  in  the 
quarrel;  and  a  reconciliation  was  accomplished,  so  far  as 
the  debt  was  concerned.  ^  But  Rupert  adhered  to  his  re- 
solution of  visiting  Germany,  saying  that  he  had  affairs 
of  his  own  to  look  after,  to  obtain  some  appanage  from  his 
brother,  and  to  demand  the  money  due  to  him  from  the 
Emperor,  under  the  treaty  of  Munster.  Charles  therefore 
wrote  an  apologetic  letter  to  his  aunt,  the  Queen  of  Bo- 
hemia, explaining  that  his  cousin  had  not  quitted  his  ser- 
vice, and  that,  though  he  did  not  deny  having  ''taken 
some  things  unkindly "  from  Rupert,  he  trusted  that  they 
might  soon  meet  again,  "  with  more  kindness  and  a  better 
understanding,"  for,  in  spite  of  all  that  had  passed,  he 
continued  to  "love  him  very  much,  and  always  be  con- 
fident of  his  friendship."^ 

Rupert  went  first  to  his  brother  at  Heidelberg,  with  "a 
great  train  and  brave,"  consisting  of  twenty-six  persons, — 
three  negroes  and  "the  little  nigger"  included.'^  At  Heidel- 
berg he  remained  for  about  a  month,  but  his  real  destina- 
tion  was   Vienna,    whither  he  went  to  demand  the  money 


1  Thurloe,  II.  312. 

2  Clar.  State  Papers,  i   May,  1654.  Printed,  III.  p.  236. 
5  Thurloe,  IT.  p.  327. 

*  Clarendon  State  Papers.  Charles  II  to  Elizabeth  of  Bohemia,  May  29, 1654. 
5  Thurloe,  II.  327,  9  June,  1654. 


RUPERT  GOES  TO  GERMANY  277 

owed  him  by  the  Emperor.  He  arrived  there  in  September, 
and  was  received  with  great  cordiaHty.  He  had  been  a 
persona  grata  to  the  Austrians  ever  since  he  had  won  their 
hearts  as  their  prisoner ;  and  Cromwell's  spies  commented, 
in  great  disgust,  on  the  honour  shown  him,  and  the  alacrity 
with  which  dues  were  promised  to  him.  '*  His  Imperial 
Majesty  hath  commanded  an  assignation  to  Prince  Rupert 
Palatine  of  30,000  rix  dollars,  of  a  certain  sum  due  since 
the  Treaty  of  Munster.  Prince  Rupert  has  also  obtained 
money  for  Charles  Stuart,  and  more  is  promised,"  they 
reported.  ' 

It  is  here  seen  that  not  Rupert's  private  affairs  alone 
had  taken  him  to  Vienna,  nor  was  his  separation  from 
Charles  of  long  duration.  France  had  now  concluded  a  treaty 
with  Cromwell,  so  that  the  exiled  King  was  forced  to  quit 
that  country.  The  money  obtained  through  Rupert  enabled 
him  to  leave  France  with  ease,  and  he  proceeded  to  Cologne. 
A  rumour  arose  that  he  intended  to  throw  himself  upon 
the  hospitality  of  the  Emperor,  and  perhaps  Rupert's  visit 
to  Vienna  had  been  partly  designed  to  ascertain  the  possi- 
bility of  this  move.  But  the  idea  did  not  commend  itself  to 
the  Austrian  Court,  and  the  Elector  Charles  Louis  wrote 
hastily  to  Rupert,  October  1654:  **  I  have  ventured  to  send 
M.  Bunckley  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  to  warn  him 
that  he  would  be  unwelcome  at  Vienna.  Doubtless  you  will 
be  able  to  confirm  this,  concerning  which  I  have  received 
an  express  messenger  from  his  Imperial  Majesty."  '  Probably 
Rupert  did  confirm  his  brother's  message,  for  Charles  stayed 
at  Cologne,  awaiting  his  cousin's  "much  longed  for"  return. 
Rupert  rejoined  him  there  in  January  1655,  but  did  not 
stay  long.  Hyde  was  still  all  powerful,  and  Rupert  was 
never  a  man  who  cared  to  take  the  second  place.  "  I  need 
not  tell  you,"  wrote  one  of  the  ubiquitous  spies,  "by  whom 
Prince   Rupert   was   turned   from    Court;    yet   perhaps  you 

1  Thurloe,  II.  580,  567,  644,  i  Sept.,  8  Sept.,  13  Oct.  1654. 

2  Bromley  Letters,  p.  315,  Elector  to  Rupert  5  also  Thurloe,  II.  p.  644. 


278  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

have  not  known  that  Hyde  offered  Charles  Stuart  that 
50,000  men  should  be  in  arms  in  England,  before  a  year 
went  about,  if  he  would  quit  the  Queen's  Court,  and  the 
Prince's  party.  By  the  last  letters  it  doth  seem  as  if  Prince 
Rupert  had  an  intention  to  see  Cologne  before  Modena, 
and,  if  he  can  break  Hyde's  neck  here,  it  may  alter  his 
design,  and  make  him  stay  with  the  King,  which  he  hath 
most  mind  of."  ^ 

The  last  sentence  alludes  to  an  engagement  entered  into 
by  Rupert  to  raise  men  for  the  Duke  of  Modena.  In  May 
1655  he  was  busy  with  his  levies,  and  he  had  offered  com- 
mands in  his  force  to  Craven,  Gerard,  and  the  once 
Puritan  Massey.  -  The  French  Court  patronised  the  Duke 
of  Modena,  and  Mazarin  promised  Rupert  the  command  of 
2,000  men  chosen  from  the  best  troops  of  France,  1,000 
Swiss,  and  three  other  regiments.  The  arrears  of  pay 
due  to  the  Prince  for  his  services  to  France  in  1648,  were 
less  readily  conceded.  Fortunately  Rupert  had  a  friend  at 
court  in  the  person  of  Edward's  wife,  Anne  de  Gonzague. 
This  lady,  being  a  very  powerful  person  in  France,  obtained 
a  promise  of  speedy  payment,  the  more  readily  since  Rupert 
declared  that  without  the  money  he  could  not  equip  him- 
self for  the  enterprise,  and  without  himself  his  levies  should 
not  go.  '•  Yet,  in  the  very  next  month,  he  quietly  renounc- 
ed the  whole  scheme,  sent  his  troops  to  Modena,  and 
returned  to  Heidelberg.  The  reason  for  this  sudden  change 
of  plan  was  the  anxiety  of  Charles,  who,  fearing  to  lose 
his  cousin  altogether,  had  **  abruptly  begged  him  to  quit 
all  employments,"  and  serve  himself  only.  Rupert,  loyal 
as  ever,  answered  with  equal  abruptness  that  he  would 
serve  his  cousin  ''with  all  his  interest,  either  in  men, 
money,  arms,  or  friends,"  provided  that  he  could  effect 
*'a  handsome  conjuncture,"  i.e.  an  honourable  arrangement, 

1  Thurloe,  III.  459,  i  June,  1655. 

2  Thurloe,  III.  414,  591,  8  May,  8  July,  1655. 

5  Bromley  Letters,  pp.  196 — 202.  De  Choqueux  to  Rupert,  June  23,  1655. 


RECONCILED  WITH  CHARLES  II  279 

with  Modena.  '  This  done,  he  joined  the  King  at  Frank- 
fort, whence  we  find  Ormonde  writing  to  Hyde :  ''  When 
to-morrow  we  have  been  to  a  Lutheran  service,  and  on 
Monday  have  seen  the  fair,  I  know  not  how  we  shall  con- 
trive divertissements  for  a  longer  time,  unless  Prince  Rupert, 
who  is  coming,  find  them."  - 

Whether  Rupert  found  them  or  not  is  unrecorded,  but 
he  certainly  made  friends  with  the  King,  in  whose  com- 
pany he  remained  until  October.  Charles  had  still  some 
hopes  of  the  Scots,  and  it  was  rumoured  that  Rupert 
endeavoured  to  win  the  Presbyterians  by  stating — with 
perfect  truth — that  he  had  been  bred  a  Calvinist.  '  It  was 
said  also  that  he  had  countenanced  the  plot  of  1654  for 
Cromwell's  assassination,  and  had  even  introduced  the  author 
of  it  to  the  King.  Whether  the  accusation  be  true  or 
false  it  is  hard  to  say.  '  The  only  allusion  to  the  plot 
found  in  the  Prince's  own  correspondence  is  in  a  letter 
written  from  Heidelberg,  which  narrates  the  fate  of  the 
conspirators;  ''the  Diurnal  says  Jack  Gerard  is  beheaded, 
and  another  hanged,  and  that  the  Portugal  ambassador's 
brother  was  beheaded  at  the  same  time,  and  another 
English  gentleman  hanged  about  that  business,  but  says 
little  of  any  design.  I  have  not  yet  received  one  line,  so 
I  cannot  give  your  Highness  any  further  account."  "'  This 
letter  may,  or  may  not  imply  a  previous  acquaintance 
with  the  design.  It  certainly  assumes  that  Rupert  knew 
all  about  it,  but  the  afTfair  was  then  public  property.  Still 
there  is  nothing  absolutely  impossible  in  the  Prince's  com- 
plicity.    Cromwell   was   regarded   by   the   Royalists  at  that 


1   Thurloe,  III.  659.  28  June,  1655. 

-  Clar.  State  Papers.  Ormonde  to  Hyde,  Sept.  25,  1655. 

•"  Dom.    State  Papers.    Commonwealth.    Vol.    XCIX.  fol.  ;^^.  10 — 20  July, 

1655- 

•*  Dom.  State  Papers.  Gerard's  Trial.  Common.  Vol.  72^.  Clarendon  State 
Papers.  Aug.  1654.  Henshaw's  Vindication. 

5  Rupert  Correspondence.  Job  Holder  to  Rupert,  July  25,  1654.  Add, 
MSS.  18982, 


28o  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

time,  as  a  being  almost  beyond  the  pale  of  humanity. 
He  was  "the  beast  whom  all  the  Kings  of  the  earth  do 
worship;"^  and,  though  Rupert's  known  words  and  actions 
fit  ill  with  assassination  plots,  it  may  be  that  the  crime 
of  murder  looked  less  black  to  him  when  the  intended 
victim  happened  to  be  the  English  Lord  Protector. 

In  October  1655,  the  Prince  was  suddenly  called  away 
to  Vienna,  where  he  seems  to  have  acted  as  Charles  II's 
informal  ambassador.  The  rumours  as  to  his  intended 
actions  were  many  and  various.  At  one  time  he  was  ex- 
pected to  command  the  Dutch  fleet  against  the  fleet  of 
the  Commonwealth,  some  said  that  he  would  take  service 
with  the  Swedes,  others  that  he  would  adhere  to  the 
Emperor. "  But  his  real  intention  was,  as  we  know,  to 
serve  his  cousin,  and  Cromwell,  evidently  convinced  of 
this,  deputed  the  traitor  Bampfylde  to  w^atch  the  Prince's 
movements.  Concerning  this  same  Bampfylde  there  is  a 
rather  amusing  correspondence  extant.  Jermyn,  on  whom 
he  had  successfully  imposed,  recommended  him  to  Rupert's 
patronage,  as  a  man  "suffering  and  persecuted"  for  his 
loyalty.  ^  Rupert  referred  the  matter  to  the  King,  who 
expressed  himself  "astonished"  at  Jermyn's  letter,  saying 
that  he  had  already  warned  him  of  Bampfylde's  treachery.  * 
Bampfylde,  in  his  turn,  wrote  to  Cromwell,  begging  to  be 
sent  into  Germany;  "for  I  know  the  Duke  of  Brandenburg, 
the  Prince  Elector  and  Prince  Rupert,  and  could  give  you 
no  ill  information.  I  would  conceal  my  correspondence 
with  you,  and  only  pretend  that  I  wished  to  see  Germany 
and  to  seek  employment  in  the  wars  there."  '  And  when 
Cromwell  had  granted  his  desire,  the  spy  found  that  he 
had    walked   into    the   clutches   of  Rupert,    who   was  fully 


1  Elizabeth  of  Bohemia,  4  Jan.,  1655.  Evelyn  IV.  p.  222. 

2  Thurloe,  II.  327.  III.  683.  IV.  697. 

3  Domestic  State  Papers,  Jermyn  to  Rupert,  Aug.  30  1657. 

4  Ibid.  Nicholas  to  Rupert,  May  16,  1658. 
•'  Ibid.  Bampfylde,  June  24,  1657. 


RECONCILED  WITH  CHARLES  II  281 

aware  of  his  intended  treachery.  "I  have  obeyed  to  the 
utmost  your  commands  about  Colonel  Bampfylde,"  wrote 
the  Prince  to  the  King.  "  You  will  receive  particulars  from 
your  factor,  Sir  WiUiam  Curtius,  and  from  the  Elector  of 
Mayence.  No  impartial  merchants  being  present,  we  could 
do  no  more,  and  could  not  have  done  so  much,  had  not 
Bampfylde  consented  to  a  submission  in  this  Imperial  town. 
I  will  obey  any  further  commands  you  may  send  me,  in 
these  parts."  ' 

Rupert's  loyalty  was,  in  spite  of  everything,  inextinguish- 
able, and  the  tone  which  he  now  assumed  towards  his  young 
cousin  was  singularly  deferential.  **  Wyndham  writes  to  my 
servant,  Valentine  Pyne,  conjuring  him  to  come  with  all 
possible  speed  to  the  King,"  he  wrote,  in  1658,  to  Nicholas. 
'*  I  owe  my  person,  and  any  of  mine  to  his  service ;  but 
represent  to  him  that  it  would  be  a  great  obligation  if 
Pyne  could  stay  with  me,  till  there  be  some  great  business 
in  hand.  Meantime  he  can  study  things  in  these  parts,  fit 
to  use  for  some  good  design."  '  Even  his  advice  was 
couched  in  an  apologetic  form.  Thus  he  advised  against 
attempting  a  Spanish  alliance  in  1656:  "Sir,  I  received 
your  Majesty's  of  the  i6th  of  December,  but  at  my  arrival 
at  this  place.  With  great  greefe  I  understand  the  contin- 
uation of  the  news  that  was  whispered  at  Vienna,  before 
my  departure,  of  the  Spaniards  tampering  for  a  peace  with 
Cromwell.  Yet  I  am  so  confident  that  they  will  come  off 
it,  that  I  wish  the  King  of  England  would  not  be  too 
hasty  in  offering  himself  to  Spain.  If  the  business  between 
them  and  England  break,  they  will  be  sure  to  take  the 
King  of  England  by  the  hand ;  if  not,  all  will  be  vain.  I 
humbly  beseech  Your  Majesty  to  pardon  this  boldness, 
which  proceeds  from  a  very  faithful  heart  to  serve  Your 
Majesty." ' 

1  Clar.  State  Papers.    Rupert  to  Charles,  Nov.  21,  1657. 

2  Dom.  State  Papers.     Common.  179  fol.  13,  20  Jan.  1658. 
5  Thurloe,  I.  694,  6  Feb.  1656. 


282  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

This  humble  submission  is  indeed  a  contrast  to  the  "  inso- 
lence ''  described  by  Hyde.  Possibly  the  increased  deference 
corresponds  to  a  decrease  of  friendship.  What  Rupert  could 
do  for  Charles's  service  he  would  do;  but,  though  they  were 
reconciled  and,  to  all  appearance,  on  excellent  terms,  it  is 
probable  that  the  intimate  friendship  which  had  existed 
between  them,  previous  to  their  quarrel  in  1653 — 4,  was 
never  fully  restored.  Rupert  was  no  longer  the  elder  cousin, 
but  the  faithful  servant,  and  he  evidently  meant  to  mark 
his  change  of  position.  In  the  early  years  of  the  Civil 
Wars,  he  had  exercised  a  paramount  influence  over  Charles, 
but  his  three  years'  absence  had  lost  that  for  ever.  With 
James  he  retained  his  influence  longer.  We  find  him  ex- 
pressing "astonishment"  at  the  contents  of  a  letter  written 
by  the  younger  of  his  royal  cousins,  and  James  meekly 
replying  that  he  does  not  remember  what  he  said,  but  is 
sure  he  did  not  mean  it.  "Je  parlai  a  son  Altesse  (James) 
de  I'etonnement  qu'avait  la  votre  de  ce  qu'elle  avait  re- 
connu  en  sa  derniere  lettre;  qu'il  me  dit  ne  se  point  res- 
souvenir  ni  avoir  fait  a  dessein ;  au  contraire,  qu'il  fera 
toujours  son  possible  pour  la  service  et  contentement  de 
Votre  Altesse,  a  laquelle  il  me  dit  vouloir  en  ecrire  pour 
s'en  excuser."  '  In  the  differences  between  the  Stuart 
brothers  Rupert  seems  to  have  sympathised  with  James. 
"My  godson  (James)  I  am  sure  will  take  very  well  what 
you  have  answered  for  him,"  wrote  his  mother  to  the 
Prince;  "I  am  extremely  glad  you  did  it." - 

1   Bromley  Letters,  p.  201.  De  Choqueux  to  Rupert,  June  23,  1655. 
-  Ibid,  p,  294,  Elizabeth  of  Bohemia  to  Rupert. 


Photo  E.  Dosseter. 

Charles  Louis,  Elector  Palatine. 

From  the  Engraving  in  the  British  Mtiseum  after  a  Portrait  by  Vandyke. 

Fact  page  2S3. 


CHAPTER    XVI 

RESTORATION  OF   CHARLES   LOUIS   TO   THE  PALATINATE. 

FLIGHT  OF  THE  PRINCESS   LOUISE  FROM   THE   HAGUE. 

RUPERT'S  DEMAND   FOR  AN   APPANAGE.     QUARREL 

WITH  THE  ELECTOR 

The  Peace  of  Munster,  concluded  October  24th,  1648, 
between  Austria,  France  and  Sweden,  had  terminated  the 
long  exile  of  the  Palatines.  By  it  Charles  Louis  was  recog- 
nised as  Elector  Palatine,  ranking  henceforth  as  last  among 
the  Electors,  instead  of  first,  as  his  ancestors  had  done; 
and  he  was  also  restored  to  the  Lower  Palatinate,  though 
still  excluded  from  the  upper.  He  immediately  took  up  his 
residence  at  Heidelberg,  and  his  mother  expected,  not 
unreasonably,  that  his  restoration  would,  at  least,  ameliorate 
her  sufferings.  But  Charles  Louis  entered  upon  a  country 
exhausted  by  war,  and  grievously  in  need  of  cherishing 
care.  He  had,  of  course,  no  money  to  spare,  and  he  was 
far  too  selfish  to  forego  any  of  his  schemes,  or  to  sacrifice 
himself  for  the  sake  of  his  unhappy  mother.  He  went  so 
far  as  to  invite  his  two  sisters,  Elizabeth  and  Sophie,  to 
Heidelberg,  thereby  relieving  his  mother  of  the  burden  of 
their  support,  but  the  coming  of  the  Queen  herself  he  care- 
fully discouraged.  Worse  still,  he  refused  to  send  her  even 
a  portion  of  her  jointure.  *'The  next  week  I  shall  have 
no  food  to  eat,  having  no  money  nor  credit  for  any;  and 
this  week,  if  there  be  none  found,  I  shall  neither  have 
meat,  nor  bread,  nor  candles,"  she  complained  to  Lord 
Craven.  ^  That  faithful  friend  was  quite  unable  to  assist 
her,   having   been   himself  ruined  by  his  services  rendered 

1  Strickland's  Elizabeth  Stuart,  p.  2j8;  also  Green's  Princesses,  VI.  38— -41, 


284  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

to  the  Stuarts;  and  how  the  hapless  Queen  existed  it  is 
hard  to  say,  until,  in  1657,  ^^^  States  generously  granted 
her  a  pension  of  10,000  Hvres  per  month. 

Nor  were  her  poverty  and  the  callous  indifference  of 
of  her  favourite  son  her  only  troubles.  Her  third  daughter, 
the  fair  Henriette,  had  died,  after  a  three  months'  marriage 
with  the  Prince  of  Transylvania,  and  the  eldest  and  youngest 
having  departed  to  Heidelberg,  she  was  left  alone  with  the 
artist,  Louise.  Next  to  the  Elector,  Louise  had  been  her 
mother's  favourite  child,  and  great  was  the  shock  to  Eliza- 
beth when  this  last  remaining  daughter  suddenly  professed 
herself  a  Roman  Catholic,  and  fled  secretly  to  France.  For 
several  days  no  one  knew  what  had  become  of  her;  and 
the  mother,  sufficiently  distracted  by  her  daughter's  abrupt 
desertion,  found  her  grief  enhanced  by  the  circulation  of 
scandalous  rumours.  The  escapade  was  well  calculated  to 
produce  them,  for  the  Princess  had  fled  from  the  Hague 
alone,  and  on  foot,  at  seven  o'clock  on  a  December  morn- 
ing. Not  till  the  day  following,  was  the  letter  which  she 
had  pinned  to  her  toilet  table  discovered ;  and  its  contents 
were  not  very  consolatory  to  Elizabeth.  From  it  she  learnt 
that  Louise,  being  convinced  that  the  Roman  was  the  one 
true  Church,  had  acted  thus  strangely  because  she  dared 
not  attend  the  Anglican  Celebration  of  the  Holy  Com- 
munion on  Christmas  Day.  ^ 

Rupert,  who  seems  to  have  been  much  moved  by  his 
mother's  distress,  wrote  to  the  States  of  Holland,  begging 
their  care  and  consideration  for  the  Queen,  and  demanding 
*'  the  satisfaction  that  is  due  to  us  in  regard  of  the  slanders 
that  so  greatly  augment  the  injury;"  and  he  added  a 
passionate  protest  of  gratitude  for  all  that  the  States  had 
done  for  his  family.  -  They  complied  with  his  request  by 
depriving  the  Princess  of  Hohenzollern,  the  supposed  per- 
verter    of   Louise,    of   all    her    privileges    at   Bergen.     But 


1  Green's  Princesses,  Vol.  VI.  55—58. 

2  Thurloe,  VI.  p.  803,  24  Feb.  1658. 


FLIGHT  OF  THE  PRINCESS  LOUISE  285 

though  the  Princess  of  Hohenzollern  bore  the  blame,  the 
responsibility  probably  belonged  as  much  to  Louise's  broth- 
er Edward  as  to  any  one  else.  "Ned  is  so  wilful!"  com- 
plained his  mother,  in  reference  to  his  conduct  in  this 
affair.  ^  He  came  to  meet  his  sister  at  Antwerp,  where 
she  had  taken  refuge  in  a  Carmelite  convent,  and  conducted 
her  thence  to  Paris.  She  was,  of  course,  kindly  received 
by  the  French  Court,  and  the  joy  of  Henrietta  Maria  over 
the  repenting  heretic  was  very  great.  The  English  Queen 
wrote  to  Elizabeth  that  she  would  care  for  Louise  as  her 
own  daughter,  and  begged  forgiveness  for  her.  ''  But," 
said  Elizabeth  to  Rupert,  *'  I  excused  it,  as  handsomely  as 
I  could,  and  entreated  her  only  to  think  what  she  would 
do,  if  she  had  had  the  same  misfortune."  -  It  was  not  long 
before  Henrietta  had  a  somewhat  similar  misfortune,  in  her 
failure  to  convert  her  youngest  son,  Henry  of  Gloucester. 
The  boy  took  refuge  in  Holland,  and  Elizabeth  had  a 
pleasing  revenge  in  receiving  her  young  nephew.  King 
Charles  and  his  sister,  Mary  of  Orange,  both  visited  Louise, 
and  reproached  her  for  her  "  unhandsome "  flight  from  her 
mother ;  but  she  only  answered  that,  though  sorry  for  Eli- 
zabeth's displeasure,  she  was  '*very  well  satisfied"  with 
her  change  of  faith.  "*  Subsequently  she  entered  a  convent 
and  became  abbess  of  Maubuisson,  where  she  lived  long 
enough  to  see  the  second  exile  of  the  Stuarts,  of  whom 
she  was  ever  a  warm  partisan. 

Elizabeth,  thus  left  alone  in  her  poverty,  seems  to  have 
turned  to  Rupert  with  more  affection  than  she  had  ever 
before  shown  him.  She  wrote  him  long  letters,  full  of 
Hague  gossip,  of  complaints  of  the  Elector,  and  professions 
of  affection  for  himself.  *'  I  love  you  ever,  my  dear  Rupert," 
or,  "  I  pray  God  bless  you,  whatever  you  resolve  to  do."  * 


1  Bromley  Letters,  pp.  285—288.  Elizabeth  to  Rupert,  March  4,  1658. 

-  Ibid.  p.  289. 

'  Bromley,  pp.  287—288. 

*  Bromley  Letters,  pp.  189,  295,  Elizabeth  to  Rupen. 


286  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Occasionally  she  relapsed  into  her  old  jesting  manner. 
Thus,  she  told  him  of  a  present  of  oranges  forwarded 
to  him  from  Spain :  "  My  Lord  Eraser  sent  you  a  letter 
from  Portugal  from  Robert  Cortez.  He  sends  you  two 
cases  of  Portugal  oranges,  two  for  the  King,  and  two  for 
me.  ...  I  believe  my  Lord  Craven  will  tell  you  how  much 
ado  he  has  had  to  save  your  part  from  me.  I  made  him 
beheve  I  would  take  your  cases  for  my  niece  and  the 
Prince  of  Orange.  I  did  it  to  vex  him."  '  She  was  still  of 
her  "humour  to  be  merry,"  though  she  had  more  cause 
than  ever  for  sadness. 

Phihp  had  fallen  in  1650  at  the  siege  of  Rhetel,  fighting 
for  France  against  Spain,  but  no  allusion  to  his  death 
from  the  hand  of  his  mother  or  brothers  has  been  preserved. 
Edward,  who  lived  nominally  in  France,  but  was  generally 
to  be  found  at  the  Hague  and  at  Heidelberg,  was  on 
friendly  terms  with  Rupert,  though  he  could  not  be  to  him 
as  Maurice  had  been.  From  time  to  time  disquieting  rumours 
of  Maurice's  reappearance  were  afloat,  and  in  1654  the 
story  was  very  circumstantial.  *^  Here  is  news  of  Prince 
Maurice,  who  was  believed  to  be  drowned  and  perished, 
that  he  is  a  slave  in  Africa.  For,  being  constrained  at 
that  time  that  he  parted  from  Prince  Rupert  to  run  as  far 
as  Hispaniola  in  the  West  Indies,  he  was  coming  back 
thence  in  a  barque  laden  with  a  great  quantity  of  silver, 
and  was  taken  by  a  pirate  of  Algiers.  The  Queen,  his 
mother,  hath  spoken  to  the  Ambassador  of  France,  to  the 
end  that  he  may  write  on  his  behalf,  to  the  Great  Turk."  - 
Rupert,  personally,  was  convinced  that  his  brother  had 
perished  in  the  hurricane,  but  he  would  lose  no  chance  of 
recovering  him,  however  slight,  and  he  urged  the  Elector 
to  investigate  the  matter  with  all  speed.  '^  Concerning  my 
brother  Maurice,"  wrote  Charles  Louis  to  his  mother,  *'my 
brother   Rupert,   who   is  now  here,  thinks  the  way  by  the 

1  Bromley  Letters,  p.  286,  March  4,  1658. 
3  Thurloe,  II.  362,  19  June,  1654. 


RUPERT'S  DEMAND  FOR  AN  APPANAGE  287 

Emperor's  agent  at  Constantinople  too  far  about  for  his 
liberty,  if  the  news  be  true,  and  that  from  Marseilles  we 
may  best  know  the  certainty,  as  also  the  way  of  his  re- 
leasement."  '  But  the  news  was  not  true,  and  Rupert's 
inquiries  left  him  more  hopeless  than  ever. 

The  Prince  deprived  at  once  of  his  chief  companion  and 
of  his  occupation,  now  bethought  him  of  marrying  and 
settling  down.  But  in  order  to  do  this,  it  was  necessary 
to  have  some  visible  means  of  subsistence,  and  therefore, 
in  June  1654,  he  required  a  grant  of  land,  as  a  younger 
brother's  portion,  from  the  Elector.  He  was,  at  that  time, 
the  guest  of  his  brother  at  Heidelberg.  The  brothers  had 
not  met  for  eight  years,  and  had  parted  last  in  England, 
when  their  relations,  all  things  considered,  cannot  have  been 
very  cordial.  Now  they  appeared  to  have  buried  the  past, 
and  were  perfectly  friendly.  Even  Rupert's  modest  claim 
to  some  few  miles  of  land  was  not  abruptly  rejected  by 
the  Elector,  and  it  was  confidently  reported  in  England, 
that  Prince  Rupert  would  ''settle  on  his  plantation,  his 
brother  having  given  him  lands  to  the  quantity  of  twenty 
English  miles  in  compass."  '  But  this  grant  was  never 
finally  completed.  During  Rupert's  absence  in  Vienna  the 
affair  seemed  to  be  progressing  favourably,  and  his  agent. 
Job  Holder,  wrote  to  him  from  Heidelberg:  ''This  day 
Valentine  Pyne  made  an  end  of  measuring  the  Cloysture 
and  Langessel.  The  circumference  which  is  given  to  the 
Elector,  is  ten  English  miles, — reckoning  i,(XK)  paces  to 
the  mile, — and  90  paces.  This  morning  I  waited  upon  Mr. 
Leslie  from  Langessel  to  Heidelberg,  who  gave  H.  H.  the 
Elector  an  account  of  what  was  done,  and  desired  H.  H. 
to  confirm  those  lands  upon  your  Highness,  with  the  full 
freedom  and  prerogatives  thereof.  But  His  Highness  defers 
it  until  the  draught  thereof  be  finished ;  it  will  be,  I  believe, 
next   Tuesday   before   a   further    account  can  be  had  from 

1  Bromley,  p.  167.  Elector  to  Elizabeth,  June  27,  1654. 
-  Thurloe,  II.  514,  12  Aug.  1654, 


288  RUPERT,  prince:  PALATINE 

hence.  Mr.  Leslie  says  there  is  a  necessity  of  having  the 
house  speedily  repaired ;  after  two  months  winter  comes  on, 
which  will  be  unseasonable  for  the  purpose.  In  the  mean- 
time he  intends  to  go  on  with  the  Paddock,  in  observance 
of  Your  Highness's  commands,  and  to  make  it  as  large 
as  the  highways  will  permit.  Her  Highness,  the  Princess 
Elizabeth,  commanded  me  to  write  that  my  Lady  Herbert 
was  coming  to  the  Hague  with  30  English  gentlemen."  ^ 
But  a  couple  of  months  later  the  Elector  declared  himself 
dissatisfied  with  the  management  of  Leslie,  and  desired 
Rupert  to  have  no  more  to  do  with  him.  ^ 

The  business  remained  unfinished,  but  the  Elector's 
letters  to  his  brother  were  still  in  a  "most  friendly  and  affec- 
tionate strain ;  addressed  always  to  his  *'  tres-cher  Frere,"  and 
signed  **  tres-cher  frere,  votre  tres  affectionne,  et  fidele  frere 
et  serviteur,"  they  are  full  of  good- will,  and  wishes  for 
"une  prompte  et  bonne  expedition"  in  Rupert's  affairs. 
Occasionally  they  assume  the  old  tone  of  jesting  familiarity ; 
in  one  letter  Charles  laments  that  the  poems — **  nos 
poesies" — forwarded  to  his  brother  have  miscarried;  and  in 
another,  remarks,  in  the  true  polyglot  style  of  the  Palatines, 
"  Le  Due  de  Simmeren  nous  a  vu  a  Hort,  en  passant  pour 
etre  au  bapteme  d'un  fils  de  Madame  la  Landgrave  de 
Cassel,  ou  je  suis  prie  aussi ;  but  I  do  not  love  to  go  a- 
gossipping."  ^  In  August  he  anticipated  a  petty  war  with 
the  Bishop  of  Speyer,  but  he  hastily  declined  Rupert's 
prompt  offer  of  assistance.  "  I  am  deeply  obliged  for  the 
offer  you  make  me,  but  I  should  be  desolated  to  think 
that  you  neglected  your  own  more  pressing  business  for  a 
dispute  of  so  little  consequence."*  In  truth,  the  less  his 
brother  interfered  in  Palatine  poHtics,  the  better  pleased 
was  the  Elector.    Rupert,  he  once  wrote  to  his  sister  Sophie, 


1  Add.  MSS.  18982.  Job  Holder  to  Rupert,  Aug.  i,  1654. 

2  Ibid.  Oct.  14,  1654. 

*  Bromley  Letters,  pp.  170,  173,  315,  25  Aug.,  25  Sept.,  Oct.   1654, 

*  Bromley  Letters,  p.  171,  25  Sept.  1654. 


QUARREL  WITH  THE  ELECTOR  289 

might  suit  very  well  with  those  who  cared  **to  propagate 
the  gospel  by  the  sword,"  but  he,  for  his  part,  loved 
** peace  and  concord."^ 

His  concord  with  Rupert  was  not  of  long  duration,  and 
this  time  the  causa  belli  was  a  woman.  The  Elector  had 
married,  in  1650,  Charlotte  of  Hesse  Cassel,  but  the  marriage 
was  not  a  happy  one.  The  Electress  was  of  a  violent 
temper,  jealous  and  unreasonable  to  the  last  degree,  and 
Charles  Louis,  wearying  of  his  attempts  to  win  her  affec- 
tions, permitted  his  wandering  fancy  to  dwell  on  a  certain 
Louise  Von  Degenfeldt,  a  girl  not  only  beautiful,  but  clever 
enough  to  write  her  love-letters  in  Latin.  Most  unfortun- 
ately, the  Baroness  Louise  also  fascinated — quite  unconscious- 
ly— the  Elector's  brother  Rupert.  At  the  same  time  the 
Electress  conceived  a  violent  admiration  for  her  gallant 
brother-in-law,  and  the  situation  was,  as  may  well  be  im- 
agined, somewhat  critical.  The  explosion  was  caused  by 
a  letter  which  Rupert  wrote  to  Louise,  complaining  bitterly 
of  her  coldness  towards  him.  The  letter,  which  was  with- 
out superscription,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Electress, 
who,  believing  it  intended  for  herself,  received  it  with 
delight.  It  was  her  chief  desire,  just  then,  to  appear  to 
Rupert  the  most  fascinating  person  in  her  court,  and,  en- 
couraged by  his  letter,  she  assured  him  publicly  that  he 
had  no  cause  to  complain  of  lack  of  affection  on  her  part. 
Rupert,  who  had  evidently  not  learnt  to  command  his 
countenance,  was  overcome  with  confusion,  and  blushed  so 
furiously  as  to  show  the  Electress  her  mistake.  Thence- 
forth the  Electress  abused  and  persecuted  Louise  for  having 
endeavoured  to  win  the  Prince's  love,  of  which  crime,  at 
least,  she  was  perfectly  innocent.  ' 

The  affair  came  to  the  Elector's  ears,  and  jealousy  sprang 
up  between  the  brothers.    The  Elector's  manner  changed; 

1  Briefwechsel  der  Herzogin  Sophie  mit  ihrem  Briider  Karl  Ludwig,  p.  309. 
5  Jan.  1678.  Publication  aus  der  Preussischen  Staats  Archiven. 
-  Memorien  der  Hei-zogin  Sophie,  p.  57. 

19 


290  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

he  refused  the  promised  appanage,  he  treated  Rupert  with 
marked  coldness,  and  finally  retired  to  Alzei,  where  there 
was  little  accommodation  for  his  court.  Rupert  followed  him 
thither,  and  was  denied  a  sufficiency  of  rooms  for  himself 
and  his  servants ;  then,  as  usual,  he  lost  his  temper.  ^ 
There  was  a  quarrel,  and  the  younger  brother  departed  in 
a  rage,  taking  with  him  all  his  movables — which  cannot 
have  been  many.  -  He  went  first  to  Heidelberg,  but  the 
Elector,  either  wishful  to  insult  him,  or  really  fearful  of  his 
violence,  wrote,  ordering  that  he  should  be  refused  admit- 
tance to  the  city.  To  his  surprise  and  indignation,  Rupert 
found  the  gates  closed  against  him.  He  demanded  to  see 
the  order  by  which  this  thing  was  done.  The  order  was 
shown  him,  written  in  the  Elector's  own  hand.  It  was  too 
much  I  Then  and  there  Rupert  raised  his  hat  from  his  head, 
and  swore,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  that  he  would  never 
more  set  foot  in  the  Palatinate.  '  Twenty  years  later,  when 
it  seemed  to  the  Elector  that  his  race  was  about  to  die 
out,  he  would  have  given  much  to  recall  his  ill-used  brother. 
But  all  the  entreaties  which  he  lavished  on  Rupert,  pro- 
duced but  one  answer:  "Ich  habe  auf  Euer  Liebden  Ver- 
anlassung  ein  feierliches  Geliibde  zu  Gott  gethan,  die  Pfalz 
nie  wieder  zu  betreten  ;  und  will,  bei  dem  wenn  auch  be- 
dauerlich  beschwornen  Vorsatze  beharren."  "Your  Belov- 
edness," — a  curious  Palatine  substitute  for  Your  Highness, — 
"has  caused  me  to  take  a  solemn  oath  to  God  that  I  will 
never  more  set  foot  in  the  Palatinate;  and  my  sworn,  if 
regretable,  oath  I  will  keep."  *  Rupert,  Hke  his  father 
before  him,  was  "a  Prince  religious  of  his  word." 

After  his  quarrel  with  his  brother,  Rupert  wandered  back 
to  Vienna,  and  is  said  to  have  served  in  the  wars  in  Pome- 
rania    and    Hungary.     In    1657    it  was   stated   in  England 


^   Haiisser's  Reinische  Pfalz,  II.  p.  643. 

2  Thurloe,  V.  p.  541. 

•^  Reiger's  Ausgeloschte  wSimmerischen  Linie,  ed.  1735.  p.  182. 

*  Spruner's  Pfalzgraf  Ruprecht,  p.  134. 


QUARREL  WITH  THE  ELECTOR  391 

that  "Prince  Rupert  hath  command  of  8,000  men,  under 
the  King  of  Hungary,  who  will  owe  his  empirate  to  his 
sword.'*  ^  And  a  German  authority  describes  him  as  lead- 
ing in  the  capture  of  the  Swedish  entrenchments  at  War- 
nemiinde,  1660.  -  But  the  truth  of  these  reports  is  very 
doubtful,  and  he  seems  to  have  resided  between  1657  and 
1660  chiefly  with  his  friend  the  Elector  of  Mainz.  At 
Mainz  he  Hved  in  tranquillity,  but  in  great  poverty.  '*  He 
looks  exceedingly  poverty-stricken,"  wrote  Sophie  of  another 
Cavalier,  **and  I  fear  that  Rupert  will  soon  do  the  same, 
judging  by  his  menage."  ' 

But  to  Rupert  poverty  was  no  new  thing,  and  he  now 
enjoyed,  for  the  first  time  since  his  captivity  in  Austria, 
leisure  to  devote  himself  to  art,  philosophy  and  science. 
In  these  years  he  first  studied  the  art  of  engraving,  in 
which  he  was  afterwards  so  famous.  He  is  popularly  sup- 
posed to  have  invented  the  process  of  engraving  by  Mez- 
zotint, the  idea  of  which  he  is  said  to  have  conceived 
from  watching  a  soldier  clean  a  rusty  gun.  But  the  pro- 
cess was,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  communicated  to  him  by  a 
German  soldier,  Ludwig  von  Siegen.  In  1642  von  Siegen 
had  completed  his  invention,  and  had  sent  a  portrait,  pro- 
duced by  his  new  process,  to  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  with 
the  announcement  that  he  had  discovered  "a  new  and 
singular  invention  of  a  kind  never  hitherto  beheld."  In 
1658  he  met  Rupert  in  Vienna,  and,  finding  in  him  a 
kindred  spirit,  disclosed  his  secret.  They  agreed  only  to 
reveal  the  process  to  an  appreciative  few,  and  it  is  probable 
that,  but  for  Rupert's  interest  in  it,  the  invention  would 
have  died  with  the  inventor.  *  To  the  Prince  belongs  the 
credit  of  introducing  it  into  England.  "This  afternoon 
Prince    Rupert  shewed   me,   with   his  own  hands,  the  new 


1  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Rept.  V.  App.  I.  p.  152,  Sutherland  MSS. 

2  Allgemeine  Deutsche  Biographic,  XXIX,  745. 

'   Briefwechsel  der  Herzogin  Sophie,  p.  4,  21  Oct.  1658. 

*   Challoner    Smith.    Mezzotint    Engraving,  Part  IV.  Div  II.  pp.  xxvi — xxx. 


292  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

way  of  engraving,"  says  Evelyn  in  his  diary,  March  i6, 
1 66 1.  ^  And  in  his  *'  Sculptura"  he  says,  after  describing  the 
process,  "  Nor  may  I  without  ingratitude  conceal  that  illus- 
trious name  which  did  communicate  it  to  me,  nor  the 
obligation  which  the  curious  have  to  that  heroic  person 
who  was  pleased  to  impart  it  to  the  world."  '  Rupert  him- 
self worked  hard  at  his  engravings,  assisted  by  the  artist, 
Le  Vaillant;  and  Evelyn  refers  with  enthusiasm  to  **what 
Prince  Rupert's  own  hands  have  contributed  to  the  dignity 
of  that  art,  performing  things  in  graving  comparable  to  the 
greatest  masters,  such  a  spirit  and  address  appears  in  all 
he  touches,  especially  in  the  Mezzotinto."  "^ 

While  at  Mainz,  Rupert  developed  other  inventions,  among 
them  the  curious  glass  bubbles  known  as  "  Rupert's  Drops," 
which  will  withstand  the  hardest  blows,  but  crumble  into 
atoms  if  the  taper  end  is  broken  off.  He  also  prepared  to 
write  his  biography.  This  he  intended  as  a  vindication 
against  all  the  calumnies  which  had  been  associated  with 
his  name.  But  long  before  the  vindication  was  compiled 
the  need  for  it  had  vanished.  The  Restoration  of  1660 
changed  Rupert's  fortunes  as  it  changed  those  of  his  Stuart 
cousins.  He  found  himself  **in  great  esteem"*  with  the 
whole  English  nation,  and  he  therefore  abandoned  the 
idea  of  writing  his  history.  All  that  remains  of  the  pro- 
jected biography  are  a  few  fragments  relating  to  his  child- 
hood and  early  career. 

1  Evelyn's  Diary,  I.  p.  346. 

2  Evelyn's  Sculptura,  1662,  Chap.  VII.  p.  145. 
*  vSculptura,  p.  147. 

4  Campbell's  Admirals,  1785,  Vol.  II.  p.  245. 


CHAPTER    XVII 

RUPERT'S  RETURN  TO   ENGLAND,    1660.      VISIT  TO   VIENNA. 
LETTERS  TO   LEGGE 

Charles  II,  so  often  accused  of  ingratitude,  did  not 
prove  forgetful  of  the  cousin  who  had  endured  so  much 
in  his  service.  No  sooner  had  the  Restoration  estabHshed 
him  in  his  kingdom,  than  he  summoned  Rupert  to  share 
in  his  prosperity,  as  he  had  formerly  shared  his  ill-fortune. 
The  summons  found  Rupert  with  the  Emperor,  and  suffering 
from  an  attack  of  the  fever,  which  had  clung  about  him 
ever  since  his  return  from  the  West  Indies. 

"Your  friend  Rupert  has  not  been  well  since  he  came 
into  his  quarters,"  wrote  the  Queen,  his  mother,  to  Sir 
Marmaduke  Langdale.  "  He  had  like  to  have  a  fever,  but 
he  writes  to  me  that  it  left  him,  onlie  he  was  a  little  weak. 
As  soon  as  he  can  he  will  be  in  England,  where  I  wish 
myself,  for  this  place  is  verie  dull  now,  there  is  verie  little 
company."  '  Her  position  at  the  Hague  was,  in  truth,  a 
sad  and  lonely  one,  but  she  was  still  able  to  write  in  her 
old  merry  style,  rejoicing  greatly  in  a  mistake  made  by 
Sir  Marmaduke,  who  had  inadvertently  sent  to  her  a  letter 
intended  for  his  stewards,  and  to  the  stewards  a  letter 
intended  for  the  Queen.  '*  If  I  had  you  here,  I  would  jeer 
you  to  some  tune  for  it ! "  she  said ;  and  so,  no  doubt, 
she  would  have  done.  But  in  her  next  letter  she  confessed 
that  she  had  herself  "committed  the  like  mistake  manie 
times,"  and  added  more  news  of  Rupert,  who  had  gone 
away   for  change  of  air.  -     In  a  third  letter  she  expressed 


1  Strickland's  Elizabeth  Stuart,  p.  268. 

2  Ibid.  p.  268. 


294  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

satisfaction  at  the  King's  affection  for  Rupert,  who  was 
then  at  Brandenburg  with  his  sister  Elizabeth.  ^  Before 
coming  to  England,  the  Prince  also  visited  his  youngest 
sister  at  Osnabriick,  and  it  was  late  in  September  when 
he  arrived  in  London. 

His  coming  had  been  for  some  time  anxiously  expected, 
though  he  was  evidently  regarded  as  still  in  the  Emperor's 
service.  ''For  ambassadors,"  it  was  said,  "we  look  for  Don 
Luis  de  Haro's  brother  from  Spain,  with  300  followers; 
Prince  Rupert,  with  a  great  train  from  the  Emperor;  and 
the  Due  d'Epernon  from  France,  with  no  less  State."  - 
Rupert  came,  however,  in  a  strictly  private  capacity;  and 
September  29th,  1660,  Pepys  recorded  in  his  diary:  ''Prince 
Rupert  is  come  to  Court,  welcome  to  nobody  1""^  How 
the  Prince  had,  thus  early,  incurred  the  diarist's  enmity  is 
puzzling ;  later,  the  causes  of  it  are  perfectly  understandable. 

But  though  unwelcome  to  Pepys,  Rupert  was  very  wel- 
come to  many  people,  and  not  least  so  to  the  Royal  family, 
who  received  him  as  one  of  themselves.  In  November  the 
Royal  party  was  augmented  by  the  arrival  of  Queen  Hen- 
rietta; her  youngest  daughter,  Henrietta  Anne;  and  the 
Palatine,  Edward,  from  France.  The  young  Princess  Hen- 
rietta was  already  betrothed  to  the  French  King's  brother, 
Philippe  of  Orleans ;  and  Rupert,  who  had  a  just  contempt 
for  the  character  of  the  intended  bridegroom,  vehemently 
opposed  the  conclusion  of  the  match.  He  could,  he  declared, 
arrange  the  marriage  of  his  young  cousin  with  the  Emperor, 
who  would  be  at  once  a  greater  match  and  a  better  hus- 
band. *  But  both  the  Queen  mother  and  Charles  were 
anxious  for  the  French  alliance,  and  the  marriage  took 
place  notwithstanding  Rupert's  opposition.  When,  after  ten 
years  of  unhappiness,  the  poor  young  Duchess  died  a  tragic 


1  Strickland's  Elizabeth  Stuart,  p.  269. 

2  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Kept.  V.  App.  I.  p.  173.  Sutherland  MSS.,  4  Aug.  1660. 
'  Pepys  Diary,  Sept.  29th,  1660. 

*  Cartwright.  Madame:  A  Life  of  Henrietta  of  Orleans,  pp.  70 — 71. 


RUPERT'S  RETURN  TO  ENGLAND       295 

death,  Rupert  was  in  a  position  to  say  "I  told  you  so," 
and  he  always  maintained  that  her  husband  had  poisoned 
her.  "There  are  three  persons  at  court  say  it  is  true," 
wrote  the  French  Minister,  Colbert :  ''  Prince  Rupert,  because 
he  has  a  natural  incHnation  to  believe  evil ;  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham,  because  he  courts  popularity ;  and  Sir  John 
Trevor,  because  he  is  Dutch  at  heart,  and  consequently 
hates  the  French."  ^ 

On  New  Year's  Day,  1661,  Anne  Hyde,  the  clandestine 
bride  of  James  of  York,  was  formally  received  at  court. 
Rupert  and  Edward  dined  with  the  rest  of  the  Royal 
family,  in  public ;  and  on  this  occasion  there  was  a  most 
unseemly  contest  between  the  Roman  chaplain  of  the  Queen 
mother,  and  the  Anglican  chaplain  of  Charles  II,  for  the 
honour  of  saying  grace.  In  struggling  through  the  crowd 
assembled  to  see  the  King  dine,  the  Anglican  priest  fell 
down,  and  the  Roman  gained  the  table  first  and  said  grace. 
His  victory  was  greeted  by  the  disorderly  courtiers  with 
shouts  of  laughter.  **The  King's  chaplain  and  the  Queen's 
priest  ran  a  race  to  say  grace,"  they  declared,  *'and  the 
chaplain  was  floored,  and  the  priest  won."  - 

Rupert,  soon  after  his  arrival  in  England,  had  resigned 
his  title  of  President  of  Wales  and  the  Marches,  granted 
him  by  Charles  I,  on  the  grounds  that  he  would  hold 
only  of  the  reigning  King.  '  He  had,  however,  found  him- 
self so  cordially  received,  and  so  generally  popular,  that 
he  resolved  to  accept  Charles's  invitation  to  remain  perma- 
nently in  England.  "Prince  Rupert,"  says  a  letter  in  the 
Sutherland  MSS.,  dated  March  1661,  "is  the  only  favourite 
of  the  King,  insomuch  that  he  has  given  him  .£*30,CXXD  or 
o£^40,ooo  per  annum,  out  of  his  own  revenue,  for  his  present 
maintenance ;    and    is    resolved    to    make    him    Lieutenant 


^  Cartwright's  Madame,  p.  359. 

-  Strickland's    Henrietta    Maria,    Queens  of  England,  VIII.  p.  232.    From 
MSS.  of  Pere  Cyprian  Gamache. 

»  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Kept.  V.  App.  I.  p.  200.  Sutherland  MSS.  3  Nov.  1660. 


296  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

General  of  all  Wales,  and  President  of  the  Marches.  Mean- 
time he  is  preparing  to  go  to  Germany  to  take  leave  of 
that  court  and  to  resign  his  military  charge  there,  and 
so  return  to  England.  I  am  told  that  the  King  went  into 
the  Palatinate  with  an  intent  to  have  procured  some  money 
of  the  Palsgrave,  which  was  refused.  Prince  Rupert,  being 
then  there,  seeing  the  unworthiness  of  his  brother  in  this 
particular,  made  use  of  all  the  friends  he  had,  and  pro- 
cured his  Majesty  a  considerable  sum  of  money,  which 
was  an  act  of  so  much  love  and  civility  as  his  Majesty 
was  very  sensible  of  then,  and  now  he  will  requite  him 
for  it."  ^  But  Charles's  intentions  towards  Rupert,  though 
doubtless  good,  were  far  less  magnificent  than  here  repre- 
sented. The  claims  on  his  justice  and  bounty  were  far 
too  numerous,  and  his  means  far  too  small,  to  permit  of 
his  rewarding  anyone  so  lavishly. 

Rupert  was  still  in  high  favour  at  the  Austrian  court, 
and  the  ** temptations  to  belong  to  other  nations"  were  real 
ones;  but  he  preferred  England  and  the  Stuarts  to  any  of 
the  allurements  held  out  to  him  by  France  or  Germany, 
and  therefore  resolved  to  ''remain  an  Englishman."  In 
accordance  with  this  decision,  he  set  forth  for  Vienna  in 
April  1 66 1,  partly  to  wind  up  his  affairs  there  and  to  take 
leave  of  the  Emperor,  and  partly  to  transact  business  on 
behalf  of  Charles  II.  His  absence  from  England  lasted 
nine  months,  and  his  doings  and  movements  during  that 
period  are  chronicled  in  letters  addressed  to  his  ''Dear 
Will."  The  old  friendship  of  the  Prince  and  the  honest 
Colonel  had  not  cooled,  though  tried  by  time  and  long 
years  of  separation ;  and,  on  his  departure,  Rupert  appointed 
Legge  his  "sufficient  and  lawful  attorney,  to  act,  manage, 
perform  and  do  all,  and  all  manner  of  things"  in  his 
behalf.  - 

The   greater   part  of  his  letters  to  Legge  are  printed  in 

1  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Kept.  V.  App.  I.  p.  170.  2  Mar.  1661. 
*  Collins  Peerage,  Dartmouth,  Vol.  IV.  p.  107,  passim. 


c  t      C        C        C  c 


•   *  CO    c    '    c     '  c 


Photo  Walker  Hf  aoutall. 

Colonel  William  Legge.     By  J.  Huysman. 

From  the  Picture  in  the  iSfationcil  Portrait  Gallery,  London. 

Face  page  297. 


LETTERS  TO  LEGGE  297 

Warburton,  but  with  some  omissions  and  inaccuracies. 
They  are  also  to  be  found,  in  their  original  spelling,  in 
the  Report  of  the  Historical  MSS.  Commission  on  Lord 
Dartmouth's  Manuscripts;  but  they  are,  in  their  frank, 
familiar,  somewhat  sardonic  style,  so  characteristic  of  the 
Prince  as  to  merit  quotation  here.  ^ 

The  first  letters  are  dated  from  the  Hague,  whither  he 
had  gone  to  visit  his  solitary  mother.  *'  I  found  the  poor 
woman  very  much  dejected,"  he  informed  his  friend.  And 
after  mentioning  disquieting  rumours  of  war  ,he  concluded, 
with  evident  triumph  : — 

*'I  almost  forgott  to  tell  you  a  nother  story  which  be 
plesed  to  acquainted  (sic)  the  Duke  of  Albemarle  with. 
You  have  doubtlesse  seene  a  lame  PoHsh  Prince,  some  time 
at  Whitehall  with  passe  ports  a  beggin.  This  noble  soule 
is  tacken  and  in  prisoned  at  Alikmare ;  hath  bin  butt  twice 
burnt  in  the  bake  befor  this  misfortune  befell  him.  The 
Duke  I  am  sure  will  remember  him,  and  what  my  juge- 
ment  was  of  the  fellow. 

*'  I  am  your  most  faithful  friend  for  ever, 

'' Rupert." 

Europe  was  at  that  time  swarming  with  impostors,  who 
impersonated  all  imaginable  persons  of  distinction.  Only 
a  few  months  earlier  a  'Serene  Prince"  had  been  visiting 
the  Elector,  who  wrote  of  him  much  as  Rupert  might  have 
done.  ''  His  Highness  was  graciously  pleased  to  accept 
from  me  three  ducats  for  his  journey,  besides  the  defray- 
ing. I  doubt  not  but  he  and  the  counterfeit  Ormonde  and 
Ossory  will  come  to  one  and  the  same  end  one  day."  ' 

In  the  beginning  of  May  Rupert  had  reached  Cleves, 
where  he  found  the  little  Prince  of  Orange.  Rumours  of 
war  met  him  on  all  sides;  both  Swedes  and  Turks  were 
arming  against  the  Emperor,  and  the  Dutch  declared  loudly 

1  See  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Rept.  on  Dartmouth  MSS.  Vol.  I.  pp.  1—9, 
'   BK)mley  Letters,  p.  209,  Aug.   11 — 21,  1660. 


298  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

that  they  would  defend  their  herring  fisheries  against  England, 
with  the  sword.  "  I  told  some  that  butter  and  cheese 
would  do  better,"  wrote  the  Prince ;  little  thinking  what 
stout  antagonists  he  was  to  find  those  despised  Hollanders 
at  sea.  He  was  anxious  to  recommend  to  Charles'  service 
an  engineer,  ''the  ablest  man  in  his  profession  that  ever  I 
saw.  .  .  If  the  fortification  of  Portchmouth  go  on,  I  wish 
his  advice  may  be  taken,  for  noen  fortifies  so  well,  and 
cheap,  and  fast  as  he.  He  has  a  way  of  working  which 
noen  has  so  good.  Pray  neglect  not  this  man,  and  tell 
Sir  Robert  Murray  of  him,  with  my  remembrances;  also 
that  I  met  with  camphor  wood,  which  smells  of  it,  also 
with  a  distilled  pure  raine  water  which  dissolved  gold." 

After  a  short  visit  to  his  friend,  the  Elector  of  Mainz, 
who,  he  said,  ''assured  me  to  be  assisting  in  all  things," 
Rupert  reached  Vienna.  There  he  was  very  cordially  re- 
ceived by  the  Emperor,  though  the  Spanish  Ambassador, 
for  political  reasons,  saw  fit  to  ignore  his  arrival.  The 
Austrians  were  still  loth  to  let  him  leave  them;  and  on 
June  22,  he  wrote  to  Legge :  "A  friend  of  mine,  att  my 
coming,  assured  me  that  there  were  but  twoe  difificulties 
whiche  hindred  my  advancement  to  the  Generallship  of  the 
Horse.  The  one  was  my  being  no  Roman,  the  other  that 
the  Marquess  of  Baden  and  Generall  Feldzeugmeister  de 
Sanch  might  take  ill  if  I  was  advanced  before  them.  And 
he  thought  both  these  small  impediments  might  easily  be 
overcome,  but  especially  the  first,  on  whiche,  he  assured 
me,  most  ded  depend."  He  had  not  yet  forgotten  his  role 
of  Protestant  martyr!  To  this  letter  he  added,  as  usual,  a 
hurried  and  incoherent  postcript. 

"I  almost  forgott  to  tell  you  how  that  Comte  Lesley's 
cousin,  (I  forgott  his  name,  but  I  remember  that  his  sister 
was  married  to  St.  Michel,)  this  man  ded  me  the  favor  to 
send  over  a  booke  to  Comte  Lesley,  entitled  *  The  Iron 
Age,'  in  whiche  it  speekes  most  base  languiage  of  me  and 
my    actions   in    England.     It   is    dedicated  to  Jake  Russell, 


LETTERS  TO  LEGGE  299 

but  I  am  confident  if  honest  Jake  had  reade  the  booke,  he 
would  have  broke  the  translator's  head .  . .  One  Harris 
translated  it;  pray  inquire  after  the  booke,  and  juge  if  it 
were  not  a  Scotch  tricke  to  sende  it . . .  Moutray  is  the 
name  I  forgott." 

By  July  the  Spanish  Ambassador  had  deigned  to  visit 
the  Prince,  and  to  reveal  the  true  cause  of  his  long  delay — 
namely,  the  rumours  of  Charles  II's  approaching  marriage 
with  the  Infanta  of  Portugal,  which  was  likely  to  produce 
a  war  with  Spain.  For  this  same  reason,  joined  with  their 
resentment  at  Rupert's  refusal  of  the  Generalship  of  the 
horse,  the  Austrian  Ministers  also  treated  him  with  cold- 
ness, though  the  personal  kindness  of  the  Imperial  family 
was  never  abated.  **  In  the  meantime  be  pleased  to  knowe 
that  Rupert  is  but  coldly  used  by  the  Ministers  here," 
wrote  the  Prince;  "they  would  have  him  demand  the 
Generallship  before  there  is  an  appearance  of  subsistence, — 
nay,  before  what  is  oweing  in  arreare,  by  the  Peace  of 
Munster,  be  made  sure  unto  him ;  to  whiche  Rupert  doth 
no  waies  incline,  especialy  since  he  had  the  intimation 
given  him  that  his  religion  was  an  obstacle  to  his  advance- 
ment in  the  warr.  The  Emperor,  Emperatrice  and  Arch- 
due  are  extreamly  kind  to  Rupert ;  but  noen  of  the  Coun- 
sellors have  done  him  the  honor  of  a  visit.  The  reason  is, 
I  believe,  the  marriage  aforesaid . .  .  For  God's  sake,  if 
there  be  any  likelihood  of  a  breach  with  Spaine,  lett  us 
knowe  it  by  times;  it  concerns  us.  He  assure  you." 

In  August  matters  were  much  in  the  same  condition, 
and  Rupert  was  still  struggling  for  the  arrears  of  the  debt 
due  to  him.  '*Monys  is  comodity  in  greate  request  in  this 
court,  and  scarce  enough  1"  he  confessed.  Notwithstanding 
his  refusal  to  enter  the  Austrian  service,  he  identified  him- 
self with  the  Empire  sufficiently  to  write  of  **our  com- 
mander," when  referring  to  the  war  then  waged  by  the 
Emperor  against  the  Turks.  In  the  next  month  the  Elector 
had   played  him  *'a  brotherly  trick,"  and  the  letter  which 


300  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

he  wrote  to  Will  was  as  full  of  fury,  as  any  he  had  indited 
during  the  Civil  War. 

"Dear  Will, 

''  I  am  not  able  to  writt  you  of  any  subject  but  of 
one,  which,  I  confesse,  doth  treble  me  in  the  highest  degre, 
and  dothe  concerne  our  master  as  well  as  myself.  The  stori 
is  this.  The  Elector  Pallatin  hath  bin  plesed  to  writt  to  a 
Prive  Consellor  of  this  Court,  in  these  terms — what  the 
King  of  England's  ambassador  doth  negotiate  with  the 
Porte  Elector  Pallatin  knowes  not,  nor  what  is  intended 
by  him  against  the  house  of  Austria,  but  Prince  Rupert, 
whoe  is  intimate  with  Kinge  of  England  and  his  Prive 
Consellor,  can  tell,  if  he  plese. — All  this  is  a  brotherly 
tricke  you'l  saye;  but  I  thancke  Gode  they  heere  doe 
little  beleeve  what  he  saies ...  By  Heven  I  am  in  suche 
a  humour  that  I  dare  not  writt  to  any;  therefore  excuse 
me  to  alle,  for  not  writting  this  post . .  .  Faire  well,  deare 
Will ! " 

Five  days  later  Rupert  had  recovered  himself,  and  could 
write  in  his  ordinary  sarcastic  fashion :  **  By  the  last  I  writt 
you  the  kinde  usage  of  my  brother  the  Elector  to  me,  as 
alsoe  the  good  office  he  ded  the  Kinge  in  this  Court.  I 
thanke  Gode  he  hath  not  realised  his  barbaros  intentions !  " 
But  the  letter  was  broken  off  abruptly,  because  the  Emperor 
was  waiting  for  Rupert's  hounds  to  hunt  a  stag.  By  the  next 
post  the  Prince  had  to  lament  the  loss  of  one  of  these 
hounds,  and  his  keen  regret  shows  plainly  that  his  love 
for  dogs  was  as  strong  as  ever. 

"I  am  glad  that  Holmes  hath  given  the  King  satisfac- 
tion . . .  Pray  give  him  thankes  for  remembering  his  ould 
master.  Pray  remember  my  service  to  the  General  (Monk) ; 
tell  him  I  am  glad  to  heere  of  his  recouvrey,  it  was  before  I 
knew  he  had  been  sicke.  If  my  Lord  Lindsay  be  at  court, 
the  same  to  him,  with  the  doleful  news  that  poore  Rayall 
att  this  instant  is  dying,  after  having  ben  the  cause  of  the 


LETTERS  TO  LEGGE  301 

death  of  many  a  stagge.  By  Heven,  I  would  rather  loose 
the  best  horse  in  my  stable." 

Rupert  was  now  preparing  to  return  to  England,  and 
was  very  busy  purchasing  wines  for  the  use  of  the  English 
Court.  A  considerable  quantity,  presented  to  him  by  the 
Elector  of  Mainz,  he  had  already  forwarded  to  Legge,  to 
dispose  of  as  he  pleased.  By  November  22  he  had  reached 
Cassel,  whence  he  wrote  to  Legge,  '*  I  am  making  all  the 
haste  I  can  to  you."  But  at  Cassel  he  found  his  eldest 
sister,  and  he  remained  with  her  some  weeks,  not  returning 
to  England  until  the  beginning  of  1662. 

His  mother,  in  the  meantime,  had  obtained  her  much 
desired  summons  to  England,  and  had  taken  up  her  abode 
in  a  house  placed  at  her  disposal  by  the  ever  faithful 
Craven.  For  a  brief  period  she  enjoyed  rest  and  peace, 
rejoicing  in  the  return  to  her  native  land,  and  in  the  affec- 
tion of  her  Stuart  nephews,  who,  she  said,  showed  her 
more  kindness  than  any  of  her  own  sons  had  ever  done. 
Eighteen  months  after  her  arrival  in  England,  she  died, 
in  the  arms  of  the  King.  Her  pictures  she  bequeathed  to 
Lord  Craven,  and  her  papers  and  jewels  to  Rupert,  thereby 
establishing  a  new  cause  of  contest  between  her  two  eldest 
sons.  '  For  the  Elector  denied  his  mother's  right  to  leave 
the  jewels — which  were,  he  declared,  heirlooms — to  a  younger 
son.  Rupert  held  tenaciously  to  his  possessions,  and  the 
dispute  raged  long  and  bitterly. 

'  Will  of  Elizabeth  of  Bohemia.  Wills  from  Doctors  Commons,  p.  109. 
Camden  Society. 


CHAPTER    XVIII 

RUPERT    AND    THE    FLEET.      PROPOSED    VOYAGE  TO  GUINEA. 

ILLNESS    OF    RUPERT.      THE    FIRST    DUTCH    WAR.       THE 

NAVAL  COMMISSIONERS  AND   THE   PRINCE.    SECOND 

DUTCH  WAR.        ANTI-FRENCH  POLITICS 

Rupert  received  a  warm  welcome  on  his  return  to 
England,  and  was  at  once  sworn  a  member  of  the  Privy 
Council.  It  was  but  natural  that  he  should  turn  his  attention 
to  naval  affairs.  The  growth  of  the  sea  power  of  England 
had  received  an  impetus  during  the  years  of  the  Common- 
wealth, due  indirectly  to  Rupert  himself;  for  had  not  the 
Commonwealth  been  forced  to  protect  itself  against  the 
pirate  Princes,  it  would  probably  have  cared  less  for  its 
navy.  ^  Charles  II,  like  a  true  Stuart,  cared  for  his  fleet 
also,  and  took  a  keen  interest  in  ship-building  and  other 
matters  connected  with  the  navy.  In  October  1662,  he 
appointed  Rupert  to  the  Committee  for  the  Government  of 
Tangiers,  together  with  the  Duke  of  York,  Albemarle, 
Sandwich,  Coventry,  and  Pepys  of  famous  memory.  If  Pepys 
may  be  credited,  the  Prince  did  not  take  the  business  at 
all  seriously:  "The  Duke  of  York  and  Mr.  Coventry,  for 
aught  I  see,  being  the  only  two  that  do  anything  like  men. 
Prince  Rupert  do  nothing  but  laugh  a  little,  with  an  oath 
now  and  then."  - 

But  if  Rupert  was  indifferent  about  Tangiers  he  was  keenly 
interested  in  the  African  question.  The  quarrels  of  the  Eng- 
lish and  Dutch  traders  on  the  African  coast  had  produced 
much   ill-feeling  between   the   two  nations,  and,  in  August 


1  Campbell's  Admirals,  II.  p.  242. 

2  Pepys  Diary,  4  June,  1664. 


PROPOSED  VOYAGE  TO  GUINEA  303 

1664,  Rupert  offered  to  lead  a  fleet  to  Guinea,  to  oppose 
the  aggressions  of  the  DutchAdm  iral,  De  Ruyter.  A  fleet 
of  twelve  ships  was  accordingly  fitted  out.  On  September 
3,  wrote  Pepys :  "  Prince  Rupert,  I  hear  this  day,  is  going 
to  command  this  fleet  going  to  Guinea  against  the  Dutch. 
I  doubt  few  will  be  pleased  with  his  going,  he  being  ac- 
counted an  unhappy  man ; "  ' — a  view  which  contrasts 
strangely  with  the  terror  which  Rupert's  mere  name  had 
roused  in  earlier  days.  Two  days  later  Pepys  had  en- 
countered Rupert  himself:  "And,  among  other  things,  says 
he :  '  D —  me !  I  can  answer  but  for  one  ship,  and  in  that 
I  will  do  my  part,  for  it  is  not  as  in  an  army  where  a 
man  can  command  everything.' "  ' 

A  royal  company  had  been  formed  for  the  promotion 
of  the  enterprise,  and  a  capital  was  raised  of  =£^30,000,  in 
which  the  Duke  of  York  held  many  shares.  ^  Eighty  pounds 
was  laid  out  on  ''  t\vo  trumpets,  a  kettle-drum,  and  a  drum- 
mer to  attend  Prince  Rupert  to  sea ;  "  *  and,  after  a  farewell 
supper  at  Kirke  House,  Rupert  went  down  the  river  at 
three  o'clock  on  an  October  morning,  accompanied  by  the 
King,  Duke  of  York,  and  many  Courtiers.  With  the  next 
tide  he  embarked,  but  the  weather  was  very  rough,  and 
for  some  days  he  was  wind-bound  at  Portsmouth.  His 
crews  numbered  two  hundred  and  fifty  in  all,  besides  fifty- 
four  supernumaries  in  his  train. "'  As  was  invariably  the 
case  at  this  period,  the  fleet  was  badly  and  insufficiently 
provisioned;  but  the  delay  at  Portsmouth  enabled  Rupert 
to  have  this  rectified,  and  thus,  for  the  first  time,  he  came 
into  collision  with  Pepys,  the  victualler  of  the  navy. 

For  some  weeks  the  Prince  hovered  about  the  Channel, 
waiting   for   an   expected   Dutch  fleet;  but  the  Dutch  out- 


1  Pepys  Diary,  Sept.  3,  1664. 

2  Ibid.  Sept.  5,  1664. 

»  D.  S.P.  Sept.  13,   1664. 

*  Dom.  State  Papers,  Sept.  23,  1664. 

"'  Ibid.  Oct.  8,  15,  24,  1664. 


304  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

witted  him.  By  promising  to  keep  within  harbour,  they 
persuaded  the  King  to  recall  Rupert,  and,  in  the  meantime, 
privately  ordered  their  Mediterranean  fleet  to  sail  for  New 
Guinea.  Thus  nothing  was  done  by  the  English,  and 
the  only  warfare  waged  by  Rupert  was  with  his  chaplain, 
of  whom  he  wrote  bitter  complaints  to  Lord  Arlington, 
the  then  Secretary  of  State. 

''  Sir, 

"I  beseech  you,  at  the  delivery  of  this  inclosed  leter, 
to  acquaint  the  King  and  the  Duke  of  York  that,  after  I 
had  closed  their  leters,  the  spirit  of  mutiny  entered  our 
parson  againe,  so  that  there  was  no  rest  for  him,  until  I 
commanded  him  to  his  cabin,  and  withal  to  make  readdy 
for  prayers  this  next  morning,  which  he  had  neglected 
yesterday.  Att  this  instant  I  receave  this  inclosed,  by 
whiche  you  may  see  his  humor.  After  this  stile  he  talked, 
till  ten  last  night,  abusing  the  captain  most  horribly.  In 
consideration  of  my  Lord  of  Canterburie,  whoe  recommended 
him,  I  strained  my  patience  very  much  ;  but  if  this  felow 
shoulde  continue  longer  on  bord,  you  may  easily  imagine 
the  troble  he  woulde  put  us  to.  If  I  had  any  time  I 
would  writt  to  my  Lord  Archbishop,  giving  him  the  whoele 
relation  of  what  passed.  I  am  now  sending  all  our  cap- 
tains present  to  indevor  the  hastening  down  to  the  Downes. 
If  nothing  hinder,  I  hope,  God  willing,  to  sayle  to-morrow, 
Minne  is  not  yet  abord,  but  I  expect  him  the  next  tide. 
I  will  be  sure  give  you  notice  what  our  motions  will  be 
from  time  to  time,  and  rest 

'*Your  afifectionat  frend  to  serve  you, 

"  Rupert. 
»'Oct.  8,  Lee  Rd. 

"  Pray  to  doe  me  the  favor  as  to  acquaint  my  Lord  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterburie  with  this,  and  my  respects  to  him."  ^ 

1  Domestic  State  Papers.  Oct,  8    1664.  Carl  II.  103.  f.  27. 


ILLNESS  OF  RUPERT  305 

His  next  letter,  of  October  11,  shows  that  the  Prince 
had  been  relieved  of  his  militant  chaplain.  ''Our  ship, 
by  wanting  Levit,  is  very  quiet.  God  send  us  another 
(chaplain)  of  a  better  temper.  Hitherto  we  have  not  trobled 
Him  much  with  prayers."  '  But  the  matter  did  not  end 
there,  and  October  30,  Rupert  wrote  again :  ''  Our  late 
parson,  I  heere,  plaies  the  devil  in  alle  companies  he 
comes;  raising  most  damned  reports  of  us  alle,  and  more 
particularly  of  mc."  This  letter  is  devoid  of  all  compH- 
mentary  phrases,  and  ends  simply,  '*  Yours,  Rupert."  An 
apologetic  postscript  explains  these  omissions.  **His 
Majesty  has  given  me  direction  to  write  to  him  thus, 
without  ceremony,  and  it  will  be  easier  for  us  all  to  follow. 
I   have  therefore  begonne,  and  desire  you  to  do  the  like."  " 

The  fleet  never  reached  its  destination.  A  war  was 
imminent  nearer  home,  and  Charles  was  probably  unwill- 
ing to  send  so  many  ships  out  of  the  Channel ;  but  the 
reasons  for  their  abrupt  recall  were  a  subject  of  much  dis- 
cussion. *'  This  morning  I  am  told  that  the  goods  on  board 
Prince  Rupert's  ship,  for  Guinea,  are  unlading  at  Ports- 
mouth, which  makes  me  believe  that  he  is  resolved  to 
stay  and  pull  the  crow  with  them  at  home,"  says  a  letter 
among  the  Hatton  papers.  *'  But  the  matter  be  so  secretly 
carried  that  this  morning  there  was  not  the  least  intima- 
tion given  what  to  depend  on,  even  to  them  that  are 
commonly  knowing  enough  in  affairs  of  that  kind."  ' 

An  additional  reason  for  the  collapse  of  the  expedition 
was  the  severe  illness  of  Rupert.  The  old  wound  in  the 
head,  which  he  had  received  through  Gassion's  treachery, 
had  never  properly  healed,  and  now  an  accidental  injury 
to  it  had  very  serious  results.  The  Duke  of  York,  much 
concerned   by  the  accident,  immediately  sent  a  surgeon  to 

1  Dom.  State  Papers.  Carl  II.  103.  f.  40. 

2  Ibid.  Oct.  II.  1664.  Carl  II.  Vol.  103.  f.  153. 

*  Hatton  Correspondence,  Vol.  I.  p.  37.  Camd.  Soc.  New  series.  Lyttleton 
to  Hatton,  Oct.  19,  1664. 

20 


3o6  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

the  fleet,  and  wrote  with  friendly  solicitude  to  his  cousin: 
"As  soon  as  Will  Legge  showed  me  your  letter  of  the 
accident  in  your  head,  I  immediately  sent  Choqueux  to 
you,  in  so  much  haste  as  I  had  not  time  to  write  by  him. 
But  now,  I  conjure  you,  if  you  have  any  kindness  for  me, 
have  a  care  of  your  health,  and  do  not  neglect  yourself. 
I  am  very  glad  to  hear  your  ship  sails  so  well.  I  was 
yesterday  to  see  the  new  ship  at  Woolwich  launched,  and 
I  think,  when  you  see  her,  (which  I  hope  you  will  do 
very  quickly,  under  Sir  John  Lawson,)  you  will  say  she 
is  the  finest  ship  that  has  yet  been  built."  ^ 

The  surgeon  operated  upon  the  Prince,  who  wrote 
November  6,  to  the  King :  ''I  could  not  go  from  shipp 
to  shipp  to  hasten  the  work,  since  Choqueux  will  not  let 
me  stir,  to  which  I  consented  the  rather,  since  he  promises 
to  have  me  quite  well  and  whoele  in  a  few  days."  ^  But 
the  promise  was  not  made  good,  and  a  very  dangerous 
illness  ensued.  ''Prince  Rupert,  by  a  chance,  has  bruised 
his  head,  and  cannot  get  cured,"  says  one  of  the  Hatton 
correspondents  in  December.  ''He  is  gone  up  to  London 
to  endeavour  it  there .  .  .  He  is  mightily  worn  away,  and  in 
their  opinion  that  are  about  him  is  not  long-lived.  He  would 
fain  go  to  Guinea,  and  is  endeavouring  to  be  despatched 
there ;  he  beheves  the  warmth  of  that  clime  would  do  him 
good."  ^  Life,  apparently,  still  held  attractions  for  Rupert. 
According  to  Pepys,  he  was  "much  chagrined"  at  the  idea 
of  dying,  but  recovered  his  spirits  wonderfully  when  assured 
of  convalescence.  "Since  we  told  him  that  we  believe  he 
would  overcome  his  disease,  he  is  as  merry,  and  swears, 
and  laughs,  and  curses,  and  do  all  the  things  of  a  man 
in  health  as  ever  he  did  in  his  Hfe."  ^ 

The   illness   lasted   a  long  time;  but  though  he  was  ex- 


1  Bromley  Letters,  283 — 284.  27  Oct.  1664. 

2  Domestic  State  Papers.  Rupert  to  King,  Nov.  6,  1664.  Carl  II.  104.  42. 
'  HattoQ  Correspondence,  Vol.  I.  p.  44.  10  Dec.  1664. 

*  Pepys.  15  Jan.  1665. 


THE  FIRST  DUTCH  WAR  307 

ceedingly  weak,  Rupert  did  not  fail  to  take  his  part  in 
the  first  Dutch  war.  The  formal  declaration  of  war  was 
made  in  February  1665,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  English 
nation,  whose  commercial  heart  had  been  stirred  by  colonial 
jealousies.  ''What  matters  this  or  that  reason?"  cried  the 
honest  Duke  of  Albemarle  (General  Monk).  "What  we  want 
is  more  of  the  trade  which  the  Dutch  now  have!  "  ^  France, 
for  equally  selfish  reasons,  threw  in  her  lot  with  the  Dutch, 
but  delayed  coming  to  their  assistance;  and  the  first 
engagement  did  not  take  place  till  June   13,   1665. 

The  English  fleet  was  divided  into  three  squadrons, 
Red,  White  and  Blue.  In  the  Red  commanded  the  Duke 
of  York,  as  Lord  High  Admiral ;  Rupert  was  Admiral  of 
the  White,  and  his  rival,  Lord  Sandwich,  led  the  Blue. 
On  the  twenty-first  of  April  they  sailed  to  the  Texel, 
hoping  to  blockade  the  Zuyder  Zee,  meet  De  Ruyter  on 
his  return  from  Africa,  and  cut  off  the  home-coming  vessels. 
The  English  commanders,  Rupert  excepted,  believed  that 
the  Dutch  would  at  once  come  out  and  fight.  But  Rupert 
proved  right,  the  Dutch  made  no  sign,  and  within  a 
fortnight,  want  of  provisions  drove  the  English  back  to 
Harwich. 

In  the  meantime  the  Dutch  sent  forth  a  fleet  of  103 
men-of-war,  7  yachts,  1 1  fire-ships,  and  1 2  galiots.  This 
was  divided  into  seven  squadrons,  and  placed  under  the 
joint  command  of  Evertsen  and  Opdam.  By  May  13th 
they  were  at  sea,  and  immediately  captured  some  English 
merchantmen  coming  from  Hamburg.  There  was  an  out- 
cry of  indignation  in  England,  and  the  fleet  hurried  to 
sea.  On  June  3rd  the  rival  fleets  met  in  Southwold  Bay. 
The  English,  who  had  109  men-of-war  and  28  fire-ships 
and  ketches,  were  numerically  superior  to  their  enemy. 
Opdam  was,  besides,  hopelessly  hampered  by  imperative 
commands  from  the  States  to  fight  at  once,  and  by  a  want 

'  Mahan's  Sea  Power,  p.  107. 


3o8  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

of  military  pride  and  esprit  de  corps  throughout  his  fleet. 
The  action  began  with  Rupert  in  the  van,  York  in  the 
centre,  and  Sandwich  in  the  rear.  Rupert  "received  the 
charge"  of  the  Dutch  fleet,  not  firing  until  close  to  it, 
and  then  shooting  through  and  through  it.  ^  Having  thus 
met,  the  two  fleets  passed  each  other,  and  then  turned  to 
renew  the  encounter.  Sandwich,  getting  mixed  up  with 
the  Dutch,  cut  their  fleet  in  two  and  a  general  melee 
ensued.  In  the  Dutch  centre  the  Junior  Admiral  was 
killed,  and  his  crew,  in  a  panic,  carried  their  ship  out  of 
action.  Twelve  or  thirteen  other  vessels  imitated  this 
ungallant  conduct,  and  when,— after  a  desperate  encounter 
with  the  Royal  Charles, — Opdam's  ship  blew  up,  the  fate 
of  the  battle  was  decided.  Evertsen  and  Tromp,  each 
believing  the  other  killed,  both  took  command  and  issued 
contrary  orders.  Three  or  four  of  their  vessels  ran  foul 
of  one  another,  and  were  burnt  by  an  English  fire-ship; 
by  7  p.m.  the  whole  Dutch  fleet  had  begun  a  disorderly 
retreat. " 

The  Dutch  losses  had  been  very  heavy,  those  of  the 
English  comparatively  slight;  but  the  English  fire-ships 
were  expended,  and  the  wind  blew  hard  for  the  coast  of 
Holland,  which  made  a  too  vigorous  pursuit  of  the  flying 
foe  dangerous.  Nevertheless,  the  Duke  of  York  ordered 
the  chase  to  be  continued,  and  retired  to  rest.  Sir  William 
Penn,  who  was  on  board  the  "  Royal  Charles  "  as  first  Captain 
of  the  fleet,  also  went  to  sleep,  leaving  the  ship  in  the 
charge  of  Captain  Harman.  During  the  night  one  of  the 
Duke's  gentlemen,  Brouncker,  came  and  urged  Harman  to 
slacken  sail,  in  consideration  of  the  danger  to  which  the 
Duke  was  exposed.  This,  Harman  refused  to  do ;  but  when 
Brouncker  returned  later,  with  an  order  purporting  to  come 
from  James  himself,  he  reluctantly  yielded.  Next  morning 
the   enemy   was    out  of  sight,    and  James   expressed  both 

*  Dom.  State  Papers.  Hickes  to  Winson,  June  lo,  1665. 

'  See  Clowes'  Royal  Navy,  II.  pp.  256—266.  Campbell,  II.  93 — 98. 


THE  FIRST  DUTCH  WAR  309 

surprise  and  displeasure  at  the  discovery,  denying  that  he 
had  ever  ordered  the  chase  to  be  given  up.  The  afifair 
was  hotly  discussed,  and  Bishop  Burnet  plainly  implies  that 
the  Duke  had  used  this  cowardly  device  to  save  both  his 
person  and  his  reputation.  ^  But  James  was  no  coward, 
and  it  is  exceedingly  unlikely  that  he  would  have  stooped 
to  such  a  trick.  Rupert  and  Albemarle,  who  hated 
Penn,  would  fain  have  blamed  him  as  **a  cowardly  rogue 
who  brought  all  the  roguish  fanatic  captains  into  the 
fleet."  -  But  Penn  declared  that  he  had  been  in  bed 
at  the  time,  and  knew  nothing  about  the  matter.  The 
statement  elicited  from  Brouncker,  in  a  Parliamentary 
inquiry,  that  he  had  acted  on  his  own  responsibility,  out 
of  anxiety  for  the  Duke's  safety,  was  probably  the  real 
truth. 

Rupert,  though  in  an  extremely  weak  state  of  health,  had 
shown  his  usual  courage  and  energy  in  the  action.  The 
official  reports  did  not  give  satisfaction  to  his  admirers. 
"Not  a  word  is  said  of  Prince  Rupert,  though  the  seamen 
say  that  none  excelled  him  in  valour  and  success,"  they 
complained.  '  The  Prince  himself  wrote  cheerfully  to  Ar- 
lington, though,  as  his  letter  confesses,  he  was  again  on 
the  sick-list.  '*  My  greatest  joy  is  to  have  ben  so  hap- 
pie  as  to  have  bin  a  small  instrument  in  this  last  en- 
counter, to  chastise  so  high  an  insolency  as  that  of  the 
Dutch.  I  hope,  with  his  Majesty's  good  liking,  to  continue 
so,  till  they  be  brought  to  their  duty;  which  work  will 
be  very  easy  if  we  linger  not  out  the  time,  for  which  this 
place  is  not  unfitt  and  will  give  a  thousand  excuses  for 
delays.  What  this  day  will  be  resolved  on  in  the  Council 
I  know  not,  being  laid  by  the  leg,  by  a  small  mistake 
of  the    Surgeon,    of  which  I  shall  not  trouble    you.     This 


^  Burnet  Hist,  of  his  own  Times,  ed.  1838.  p.  148  and  «<?/^.  Campbell,  II. 

pp.  99 — icx).  Clowes,  II.  265.  Pepys  Diary,  20  Oct,  1666. 

2  Pepys,  6  Nov.  1665. 

»  Dom.  State  Papers,  June  10,  1665. 


3IO  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

is  writt  abed,  as  you  may  see  by  the  ill  caracter,  which 
I  desire  you  not  to  take  ill."  ^ 

Though  the  Dutch  had  been  defeated  with  great  loss,  the 
war  was  by  no  means  over,  and  it  was  necessary  to  put 
to  sea  again,  as  soon  as  refitting  had  been  accomplished. 
This  time  the  Duke  of  York  was  forced,  much  against  his 
will,  to  stay  at  home.  Charles  at  the  instigation  of  the 
Queen  mother,  forbade  his  brother  again  to  risk  his  life, 
and  offered  the  joint  command  of  the  fleet  to  Rupert  and 
Sandwich.  Rupert  was  supposed  to  have  a  personal  aver- 
sion to  Sandwich,  which  may  or  may  not  have  been  well 
grounded.  -  Sandwich's  character  has  been  variously  repre- 
sented, and,  whether  justly  or  not,  his  honesty  was  certainly 
suspected.  His  own  creature,  Pepys,  a  little  later  confided 
to  his  diary  his  concern  for  his  lord  in  "  that  cursed  business 
of  the  prizes,"  and  his  vehement  disapproval  of  the  whole 
affair.  ^  On  the  other  hand,  both  Evelyn  and  Clarendon 
esteemed  Sandwich  highly. 

But  be  the  reason  what  it  may,  Rupert  was  averse  to 
sharing  the  command  with  him,  and  hesitated  to  accept  it. 
A  conference  with  the  King  at  Hampton  Court  at  last  won 
him  over;  he  submitted  "very  cheerfully,"  and  forthwith 
made  ready  to  sail.  * 

Unfortunately  Coventry,  who  disliked  Rupert  "for  no 
other  reason  than  for  not  esteeming  him  at  the  same  rate 
he  valued  himself,"  says  Clarendon,  succeeded  in  persuad- 
ing the  King  that  the  result  of  such  a  union  must  be 
disastrous.  When  all  was  ready,  and  Rupert's  "family" 
on  board,  the  King  affectionately  informed  his  cousin  that 
he  could  not  dispense  with  his  society  that  summer. 
Rupert,  "  though  wonderfully  surprised,  perplexed,  and  even 
broken-hearted,"    offered    no    resistance.    He    quietly    dis- 


1  Dom.  State  Papers,  Carl  II.  124,  46.  Rupert  to  Arlington,  June  13,  1665. 

3  Ibid.  2  July,  1665. 

3  Pepys.  II  Oct.,  31  Sept.  1665,  12  Jan.  1666,  23  Oct.  1667. 

*  Clarendon  Life,  II.  402, 


THE  FIRST  DUTCH  WAR  311 

embarked  his  retinue,  and  returned,  '*  with  very  much  trouble," 
to  Court.  ^ 

Some  consolation  he  may  have  found  in  the  fact  that 
Sandwich  did  nothing  all  the  summer,  and,  on  his  return, 
fell  under  a  cloud  on  charges  of  peculation.  Rupert  seems 
to  have  treated  him  with  great  kindness,  giving  him  his 
countenance  and  support,  -  but  the  sympathies  of  the  Parlia- 
ment were  evidenced  by  a  proposal  to  vote  to  Rupert  a 
gift  of  ^10,000,  and  to  Sandwich  half-a-crown.  '^ 

His  rival  being  thus  disposed  of,  the  command  of  the 
fleet  was  offered  in  1666  to  Rupert,  in  conjunction  with 
the  Duke  of  Albemarle.  To  this  new  colleague  Rupert  had 
no  objections,  and  there  was,  happily,  "great  unanimity 
and  consent  between  them."  True,  Rupert  would  fain  have 
sailed  in  a  separate  ship,  but,  it  being  represented  that 
this  might  cause  confusion  in  orders,  he  yielded  to  the 
argument.  Albemarle  left  much  to  Rupert's  management, 
"declaring  modestly,  upon  all  occasions,  that  he  was  no 
seaman;  "  and  this  was  doubtless  very  pleasing  to  the  Prince, 
who  loved  to  rule.  As  both  Admirals  were  **  men  of  great 
dexterity  and  indefatigable  industry,"  the  outlook  was 
exceedingly  favourable.  ' 

The  sailors  welcomed  Rupert  gladly ;  and,  on  February  13, 
"  several  sea-captains  who  had  served  under  Prince  Rupert, 
invited  him  to  dinner,  and  spoke  cheerfully  of  going  against 
the  Dutch  again  together."  ''  On  May  23  they  sailed  from 
the  Nore,  with  58  ships  and  9  fire-ships.  Rupert  was  in 
excellent  spirits  and,  reported  his  secretary,  went  "  most 
cheerfully  "  on  the  expedition.  "^ 

Unfortunately  the  King  and  his  Council  committed  at  the 
outset   a  strategic  blunder  for  which  neither  of  the  Admirals 

1  Clarendon  Life,  II.  403. 

2  Pepys.  25  Oct.  1665. 

3  Ibid.  6  Nov.  1665. 

*  Clarendon's  Life,  III.  69. 

5  Dom.  State  Papers,  Feb.  16,  1666. 

«  Ibid.  May  27,  1666. 


312  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

was  responsible.  It  was  rumoured  that  a  French  fleet  was 
coming  from  Belle  Isle,  under  the  Duke  of  Beaufort,  and 
Rupert  was  ordered  to  sail  with  24  ships  to  intercept  it 
before  it  could  join  with  the  Dutch.  The  sailors  grumbled 
loudly  at  this  separation.  "  Nothing  was  to  be  heard  among 
the  seamen  but  complaints  about  the  dividing  of  the  fleet, 
and  the  sending  away  Prince  Rupert."  ^  But  orders  had  to 
be  obeyed,  and  Rupert  sailed  away,  leaving  Albemarle 
with  only  56  ships  to  meet  De  Ruyter's  85. 

In  the  Prince's  absence,  Albemarle  fell  in  with  the  Dutch 
in  the  Downs,  and  the  famous  four  days'  battle  began, 
June  1st.  The  wind  was  with  Albemarle,  but  he  had  only 
35  ships  well  in  hand,  the  rest  straggling  behind.  With 
great  ingenuity  he  made  his  attack  so  that  only  a  portion 
of  the  Dutch  fleet  could  engage  with  him,  and  the  fight 
was  continued,  with  immense  gallantry  and  varying  fortune, 
from  9  a.m.  till  10  p.m.  On  the  second  day  the  English 
returned  in  good  order,  but,  though  the  Dutch  were  crowded 
and  confused,  Albemarle  was  too  weak  to  press  his  advan- 
tage. Each  side  lost  about  three  ships.  On  the  third  day 
Albemarle  held  off,  hoping  for  Rupert's  arrival.  This  did 
not  take  place  till  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  blame  of 
this  long  delay  was  due  to  home  authorities.  As  soon  as 
firing  was  heard  in  the  Downs,  Coventry  had  signed  an 
order  for  Rupert's  recall,  and  sent  it  to  Arlington,  expecting 
that  he  would  at  once  despatch  it.  But  Arlington  happened 
to  be  in  bed,  and  his  servants  dared  not  wake  him;  *'a 
tenderness  not  accostumed  to  be  in  the  family  of  a  secre- 
tary," says  Clarendon,  with  just  severity.  '  Consequently 
Rupert  never  received  the  order  until  he  himself  had  heard 
the  noise  of  battle,  and  turned  back  to  Albemarle's  aid, 
on  his  own  responsibility.  A  contrary  wind  delayed  him 
yet  longer,  and  it  was  3  p.m.  on  Sunday,  June  3,  before 
he  reached  the  scene  of  action,  where  he  was  received  by 

1  Dom.  State  Papers,  Cliflford  to  Arlington,  June  6,  1666. 

2  Clarendon's  Life,  III.  72. 


THE  FIRST  DUTCH  WAR  313 

the  sailors  with  shouts  of  joy.  In  the  confusion  of  joining 
the  fleets,  the  "Royal  Prince"  ran  aground,  and  was  burnt 
by  the  Dutch;  a  misfortune  *' which  touched  every  heart, 
for  she  was  the  best  ship  ever  built,  and  like  a  castle  at 
sea."  ^  The  fight  was  not  resumed  until  the  next  morning. 
All  order  had  been  lost,  and  both  sides  were  in  confusion. 
There  was  two  hours'  furious  firing,  and  the  Dutch  centre 
passed  right  through  the  English  centre,  where  the  fight 
was  very  hot.  Finally  the  exhausted  Dutch  suffered  the 
English  to  draw  away,  and  Albemarle,  rallying  his  scattered 
fleet,  beat  an  honourable  retreat.  ' 

Rupert's  arrival  had  not  turned  defeat  into  victory,  but 
it  had  saved  Albemarle  from  imminent  disaster.  The  losses 
of  the  English  had  been  extremely  heavy,  but  those  of 
the  Dutch  had  been  also  severe,  and  all  the  moral  prestige 
belonged  to  the  English,  who  had  sustained  the  fight  against 
great  odds,  with  extraordinary  gallantry.  The  credit  was 
due,  in  a  great  measure,  to  the  skill  and  valour  of  the 
admirals,  but  not  a  little,  also,  to  the  good  discipline  and 
seamanship  of  the  men  and  officers.  Dryden  who  cele- 
brated the  event  in  a  long  poem,  while  giving  the  admi- 
ral's their  due,  did  not  forget  the  rest. 


"Thousands  there  were,  in  darker  fame  shall  dwell, 
"Whose  deeds  some  nobler  poem  shall  adorn, 
"But.  though  to  me  unknown,  they  sure  fought  well, 
"Whom  Rupert  led,  and  who  were  British  bom."  ' 


As  before,  Rupert's  admirers  thought  that  **the  good 
prince"  had  not  received  his  due  in  the  official  reports  of 
the  action.  His  secretary,  James  Hayes,  wrote  to  Arlington's 
secretary  to  expostulate.    *'  Give    me  leave  to  suggest  that. 


1  Dom.  State  Papers,  Clifford  to  Arlington,  June  6,  1666. 
-  Campbell.     Vol.     II,    107—111.    Mahan's    Influence    of   Sea    Power    on 
History,  118 — 126.  Clowes'  Royal  Navy,  II.  267—278. 
•*  Dryden,  Annus  Mirabilis.  1666. 


314  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

since  in  the  Dutch  gazette  those  lying  words  speak  dis- 
honourably of  the  Prince,  it  will  offer  an  occasion  of  a 
word  or  two  in  yours,  more  to  his  merit;  in  whom  I  did 
indeed  discover  so  extraordinary  courage,  conduct  and 
presence  of  mind  in  the  midst  of  all  the  showers  of  cannon 
bullet,  that  higher  I  think  cannot  be  imagined  of  any  man 
that  ever  fought.  I  observed  him  with  astonishment  all 
that  day."  '  This  letter  produced  the  following  note,  a;dded 
to  the  official  gazette:  ''The  writer  of  this  letter  could 
not  think  fit  to  mingle  in  his  relations  any  expressions  of 
His  Royal  Highnesses  personal  behaviour,  because  it  was 
prepared  for  his  own  sight.  But  it  is  most  certain  that 
never  any  Prince,  or  it  may  be  truly  said,  any  private 
person,  was,  in  an  action  of  war,  exposed  to  more  danger 
from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  it.  His  conduct  and 
presence  of  mind  equalling  his  fearless  courage,  and  carry- 
ing him  to  change  his  ship  three  times,  setting  up  his 
Royal  standard  in  each  of  them,  to  animate  his  own  men 
and  brave  the  enemy."  -  For  this  tribute  Hayes  returned 
grateful  thanks.  "You  have  done  right  to  a  brave  Prince, 
whose  worth  will  endure  praise,  though  I  find  his  ears  are 
too  modest  to  hear  his  own."  ** 

Rupert  was  far  more  engaged  with  his  smouldering 
wrath  against  the  Commissioners  of  the  Navy,  than  in  con- 
sidering what  the  gazette  did,  or  did  not  say  of  himself. 
A  month  earlier  he  had  written  to  the  King  that  "unless 
some  course"  were  taken  with  the  victualler — viz.  Pepys — 
the  whole  fleet  would  be  ruined.  ^  Now,  when  the  fleet 
came  in  to  refit,  the  first  thing  he  did  on  meeting  the 
King,  was  to  reiterate  his  complaints.  "  Which,"  wrote 
Pepys,  *'  I  am  troubled  at,  and  do  fear  may  in  violence 
break  out  upon  this  office  some  time  or  other,  and  we  shall 


1  Dom.  State  Papers.  Carl  II.  159.  f.  3.  Hayes,  15  June,  1666. 

2  Ibid.  Vol.  159.  3  (I). 

s  Ibid.  159.  55.  Hayes,  June  21,  1666. 

*  Ibid.  Carl  II.  156.  100.  22  May,  1666. 


THE  FIRST  DUTCH  WAR  315 

• 

not  be  able  to  carry  on  the  business."  ^  But  Rupert's 
time  on  shore  was  short,  and  the  storm  was  deferred. 

By  July  22  the  fleet  was  again  at  sea.  Severely  as  it 
had  suffered,  the  refitting  had  been  conducted  with  remark- 
able celerity,  and  the  King  and  the  Duke  of  York  them- 
selves showed  such  an  active  interest  in  the  preparations, 
that  Rupert  swore  that  they  were  the  best  officers  in  the 
navy.  The  fleet  went  out  "in  very  good  heart,"  Rupert's 
ship  boasting  "a  dancing-master  and  two  men  who  feign 
themselves  mad  and  make  very  good  sport  to  a  bag-pipe."  ^ 
Unluckily,  the  very  day  after  putting  to  sea,  came  a 
violent  thunderstorm,  which  damaged  the  ships  so  severely 
that  the  Prince  declared  himself  more  afraid  of  the  weather 
than  of  the  enemy. 

On  July  2  5  they  fell  in  with  the  Dutch  fleet,  commanded 
by  Tromp  and  De  Ruyter,  off  the  North  Foreland.  The 
Dutch  line  was  uneven,  the  van  and  centre  crowded;  the 
English  line  presented  a  remarkable  regularity.  The  fight 
began  at  10  a.m.,  and  Tromp  immediately  engaged  the 
English  rear,  carried  it  away  with  him,  out  of  sight,  and 
was  eventually  shattered  by  it.  This  independent  action 
on  the  part  of  his  subordinate,  greatly  embarrassed  De 
Ruyter.  His  van  was  speedily  over-matched,  and  at  4  p.m. 
his  centre  gave  way.  At  night  the  English  renewed  the 
attack  in  a  desultory  fashion,  and  Rupert  appears  to  have 
run  some  danger,  for  he  afterwards  promoted  a  gunner 
who  had  saved  his  life  at  the  risk  of  his   own. "' 

On  the  day  following,  the  Prince  added  insult  to  injury 
by  sending  his  little  yacht  "Fan-Fan,"  which  had  been  built 
the  week  before,  to  attack  De  Ruyter.  Rowing  under  the 
great  ship,  the  little  vessel  plied  her  valiantly  with  her  two 
small  guns.  This  game  continued  for  an  hour,  to  the  in- 
tense   amusement   of  the  English,    and   the   indignation  of 

^   Pepys.  June  20,  1666. 

2  Dom.  State  Papers,  Clifford  to  Arlington,  July  5,  1666 

5  Ibid.  Geo.  Hillson,  Gunner  of  Ruby,  to  Pepys,  Nov.  30,  1666. 


3i6  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

the  Dutch,  who  could  not  bring  their  guns  to  bear  on  the 
yacht,  by  reason  of  her  nearness  to  them.  At  last  they 
contrived  to  hit  her,  and  she  was  forced  to  retreat  to  the 
protection  of  her  own  fleet. '  De  Ruyter  then  effected  a 
masterly  retreat,  his  enemies  fearing  to  follow  on  account 
of  his  proximity  to  his  own   shores. 

The  Enghsh  had  won  a  brilliant  victory  with  very  little 
loss — only  one  ship  and  two  or  three  fire-ships  at  most.  Of 
the  Dutch  fleet  at  least  twenty  ships  had  perished,  and  it 
was  quite  unable  to  renew  the  fight.  The  coast  of  Holland 
was  now  exposed  to  a  triumphant  enemy,  and  a  renegade 
Dutchman,  Laurens  van  Heemskerk,  offered  to  guide  the 
English  to  the  islands  of  Vlieland  and  Ter  ScheUing,  where 
lay  many  merchant  vessels  and  all  kinds  of  stores.  The 
enterprise  was  entrusted  to  Robert  Holmes,  with  orders  to 
destroy  all  that  he  found,  and  to  carry  away  no  booty.  In 
the  harbour  he  discovered  170  merchant-men  and  two  men- 
of-war,  and  he  did  his  work  so  thoroughly  that  the  affair 
was  called  in  England,  "  Sir  Robert  Holmes,  his   Bonfire. ' 

Van  Heemskerk  afterwards  fell  into  great  poverty  in 
England,  and  was  evicted  from  his  house  for  non-payment 
of  rent;  upon  which  he  petitioned  the  King  for  some  re- 
ward for  his  services,  stating  that,  but  for  the  great  good- 
ness of  Prince  Rupert,  his  wife  and  children  must  inevitably 
have  starved.  ^ 

During  August  the  fleet  lingered  about  Sole  Bay,  hoping 
that  wrath  for  the  burning  of  their  harbour  would  bring 
the  Dutch  out  again.  But  Rupert  laid  Albemarle  a  bet  of 
'*(ive  pieces"  that  they  would  not  come,  and  won  his 
money.  ^  The  sailors,  inspired  by  their  late  success,  were 
anxious   for    further   action,    and    would  fain  have  attacked 


1  Dom.  State  Papers.  Clifford  to  Arlington,  July  27,    1666. 

2  Dom.  State  Papers.  Rupert  to  King,  Aug.  11,  1666.    Clowes,  II.  278 — 285. 
Mahan,  131.  Campbell,  112 — 117.  Clarendon  Life,  III.  79. 

3  D.  S.  P.  1670.  Carl  11.  281   a  173. 

*  Ibid.  Clifford  to  Arlington,   Aug.   16,  1666. 


THE  NAVAL  COMMISSIONERS  AND  THE  PRINCE      317 

the  East  India  fleet  at  Bergen;  but  want  of  provisions  held 
the  commanders  back.  Rupert  wrote  furiously  to  the  King 
that  his  men  were  all  sick  for  want  of  food ;  the  beer  was 
bad,  each  barrel  was  short  of  the  proper  quantity,  and  all 
his  remonstrances  only  produced  from  Pepys  accounts  of 
things  already  sent. '  Fearing  the  weather,  he  came  into 
the  Downs,  and  there  took  a  French  vessel.  The  French 
Vice-Admiral  on  board  at  once  demanded  to  be  taken  to 
Rupert,  whom  he  knew.  The  Prince  treated  him  **  as  a 
gallant  person  ought  to  be,"  and  restored  to  him  all  his 
personal  possessions.  -  On  board  the  same  vessel  was  found 
the  engineer.  La  Roche,  with  whom  Arthur  Trevor  had 
battled  in  earlier  days  at  Oxford.  Rupert  had,  however, 
pardoned,  or  forgotten,  his  contumacy,  and  released  him  in 
consideration  of  the  services  he  had  formerly  rendered  in 
England.  '  Finally,  on  October  2nd,  the  fleet  anchored  in 
the  Thames,  and  immediately  afterwards  burst  the  storm 
which  Pepys  had  long  expected. 

It  is  indisputable,  even  on  Pepys'  own  showing,  that 
peculation,  bribery,  and  corruption  were  the  causes  of  the 
neglect  from  which  the  fleet  had  suffered.  The  Naval  Com- 
missioners, in  order  to  make  their  own  profit,  cheated  and 
starved  the  sailors;  they  falsified  the  quantities  of  food 
that  they  sent,  and  what  they  delivered  was  bad.  Rupert 
had  just  cause  for  his  wrath,  and  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
express  it.  Five  days  after  the  return  of  the  fleet,  Pepys 
and  his  colleagues  were  called  upon  to  answer  for  their 
conduct.  They  endeavoured  very  ingeniously  to  defend 
themselves  by  transferring  the  blame  to  the  Prince.  Thus 
Pepys  describes  the  interview.  **  Anon  we  were  called  into 
the  green  room,  where  were  the  King,  Duke  of  York,  Prince 
Rupert,    Lord    Chancellor,    Lord  Treasurer,  Duke  of  Albe- 

1  Dom.  State  Papers,  Rupert  to   King,  Aug.  27,  Sept  24,   1666. 

2  Clarendon's  Life,  III.  83. 

»  Dom.  State  Papers,  19  Sept.  1666,  19  and  20  Oct.  1666.  Carl  II.  175.  f. 


3i8  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PAIATINE 

marie,  and  Sirs  G.  Carteret,  W.  Coventry,  Morrice.  Nobody 
beginning,  I  did,  and  made,  as  I  thought,  a  good  speech, 
laying  open  the  ill  state  of  the  Navy,  by  the  greatness  of 
the  debt,  greatness  of  the  work  to  do  against  next  year, 
the  time  and  materials  it  would  take,  and  our  own  incapa- 
city through  a  total  want  of  money.  I  had  no  sooner 
done,  but  Prince  Rupert  rose  up  in  a  great  heat,  and  told 
the  King  that,  whatever  the  gentleman  said,  he  had  brought 
home  his  fleet  in  as  good  a  condition  as  ever  any  fleet 
was  brought  home;  that  twenty  boats  would  be  as  many 
as  the  fleet  would  want,  and  that  all  the  anchors  and 
cables  left  in  the  storm  might  be  taken  up  again ...  I 
therefore  did  only  answer  that  I  was  sorry  for  His  High- 
ness's  offence,  but  what  I  said  was  the  report  I  had  re- 
ceived. He  muttered  and  repeated  what  he  had  said,  and, 
after  a  long  silence,  no  one,  not  so  much  as  the  Duke  of 
Albemarle,  seconding  the  Prince,  we  withdrew.  I  was  not 
a  little  troubled  at  this  passage,  and  the  more,  when  speak- 
ing with  Jack  Fenn  about  it,  he  told  me  that  the  Prince 
will  now  be  asking  who  this  Pepys  is,  and  will  find  him 
to  be  a  creature  of  My  lord  Sandwich,  and  that  this  was 
therefore  done  only  to  disparage  him."  ^ 

In  consequence  of  this  dispute.  Batten  was  sent  down 
to  view  the  fleet.  He  had  been  Rupert's  enemy  of  old, 
and  he  now  made  a  very  unfavourable  report,  which  he 
intended  to  present  to  the  Duke  of  York.  To  this  end 
he  obtained  an  audience,  but  great  was  his  dismay  when 
he  found  Rupert  in  the  company  of  his  cousin.  '*  It  was 
pretty  to  see,"  says  Pepys,  with  malicious  glee,  "how, 
when  he  found  the  Prince  there,  he  did  not  speak  out  one 
word,  though  the  meeting  was  of  his  asking,  and  for  no- 
thing else.  And  when  I  asked  him,  he  told  me  that  he 
knew  the  Prince  too  well  to  anger  him,  and  that  he  was 
afraid  to  do  it."  ' 

1  Pepys,  Oct.  7,  1666. 

2  Ibid.  Oct.  lOj  1666. 


THE  NAVAL  COIMMISSIONERS  AND  THE  PRINCE      319 

But  the  King  showed  himself  apathetic  in  this  matter; 
it  was  doubtless  true  that  the  Commissioners  lacked  funds, 
and  the  charges  against  them  were  not,  just  then,  further 
pressed.  Probably  the  plague  and  the  great  fire  of  Lon- 
don threw  all  other  affairs  temporarily  into  the  shade.  The 
Prince  was  with  the  fleet  when  informed  of  the  great  fire, 
and  is  said  to  have  merely  remarked  that,  "  Now  Shipton's 
prophecy  was  out,"  ' — the  burning  of  London  having  been 
one  of  the  events  foretold  by  the  reputed  prophetess, 
Mother  Shipton.  Evidently  Rupert  had  ceased  to  be 
surprised,  whatever  might  happen. 

In  January  1667  ^^  was  again  very  ill.  The  old  wound 
in  his  head  broke  out  afresh,  and  his  life  was  despaired 
of;  but  in  February  he  consented  to  an  operation,  which 
gave  him  some  relief  and  enabled  him  to  sleep.  A  second 
operation  brought  him  fairly  to  convalescence,  and  after 
this  he  '*  diverted  himself  in  his  workhouse,"  where,  amongst 
other  curious  things,  he  made  instruments  with  which  the 
surgeons  were  able  to  dress  his  wound  quickly  and  easily. " 
Owing  partly  to  this  illness  and  partly  to  the  King's 
poverty  and  home  policy,  the  fleet  was  neglected  through- 
out the  whole  year — only  two  small  squadrons  were  fitted 
out;  and  in  May,  the  Dutch  took  an  ample  revenge  by 
entering  the  Medway,  and  burning  the  country  near 
Felixstowe. 

Rupert  had,  before  this,  urged  the  fortification  of  Har- 
wich and  Sheerness;  and  the  King,  now  roused  from  his 
nonchalance,  sent  him  to  superintend  the  fortification  of 
these  and  other  places,  which  would  secure  the  Medway 
from  invasion, — and  the  Prince  also  had  command  of  all  the 
troops  quartered  in  these  places.  ^  With  his  usual  care  for 
his  subordinates,  he  demanded  the  deferred  pay  of  his  cap- 
tains, and  attended  a  Council  meeting  in  order  to  press  the 

1  Pepys,  20  Oct.  1666. 

2  Dom.  State  Papers,  Feb.  2i,  1667. 

3  Ibid.  June  13,  July  6,  Nov.  23,  1667. 


320  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

matter.  '  The  empty  condition  of  the  treasury  occasioned 
a  quarrel  with  Arlington,  and  the  report  ran  that  Rupert 
had,  in  Council,  dealt  Arlington  a  box  on  the  ear,  which 
had  knocked  off  his  hat  and  wig.  '  This  was  an  exaggera- 
tion, but  Rupert  was  always  on  bad  terms  with  the  cabal 
of  which  ArHngton  was  a  member.  The  known  integrity 
of  the  Prince  made  him  very  popular  with  the  nation  at 
large,  and  he  was  requested  by  ParHament  to  draw  up  a 
report  on  the  causes  of  the  late  naval  disasters.  Few  things 
could  have  pleased  him  better  than  such  an  opportunity  of 
airing  his  grievances.  He  drew  up  a  long  narrative,  beginning 
with  the  separation  of  the  fleet  in  June  1666,  and  going 
on  to  the  '-horrible  neglects"  of  the  overseers,  workmen, 
and  above  all,  the  victuallers  of  the  navy.  ''  The  next 
miscarriage  I  shall  mention  was  the  intolerable  neglect  in 
supplying  provisions  during  the  whole  summer  expedition, 
notwithstanding  the  extraordinary  and  frequent  importunity 
of  our  letters  ...  I  remember  also  we  did  then  complain 
that  g^eat  quantities  of  wood-bound  casks  were  staved,  and 
much  of  the  provisions  proved  defective;  also  that  the 
gauge  of  the  beer  barrels  was  20  gallons  in  a  butt  short 
of  what  it  ought  to  be,  and  the  bills  of  credit  came  with 
the  pursers  of  the  fleet,  instead  of  provisions.  This  want 
of  provisions  did  manifestly  tend  to  the  extraordinary  pre- 
judice of  his  Majesty's  service  in  that  whole  summer,  but 
most  especially  after  the  victory  obtained  in  July  fight, 
when  we  had  carried  the  fleet  on  the  enemy's  coast,  and 
lay  there,  before  the  Vlie  Island,  in  the  way  of  all  their 
merchant  ships.  We  were  enforced,  merely  for  want  of 
provisions,  to  quit  out  to  Sole  Bay."  '  The  Parliament,  upon 
receipt  of  this  report,  appointed  a  committee  to  inquire  into 
the  neglect  mentioned,  and  voted  thanks  to  Rupert  and 
Albemarle  for  their  conduct  of  the  war. 

1  Dom.  State  Papers,  July  25,  1668. 

2  Ibid.  Sept.  12,  1668. 

*  Prince  Rupert's  Narrative,  see  Warb.  III.  p.  480. 


THE  SECOND  DUTCH  WAR  331 

The  manning  of  the  fleet  caused  nearly  as  much  dis- 
cussion as  did  the  victualling,  and  about  this  period  Rupert 
and  James  of  York  were  by  no  means  of  one  mind  con- 
cerning it.  Rupert  dismissed  James's  men  as  cowards,  and 
James  rejected  Rupert's  ** stout  men"  as  drunkards.  **If 
they  will  turn  out  every  man  that  will  be  drunk,  they 
must  turn  out  all  the  commanders  in  the  fleet,"  cried 
the  exasperated  Prince.  '*  What  is  the  matter  if  a  man  be 
drunk,  so,  when  he  comes  to  fight,  he  do  his  work  ? "  ^ 
But  the  dispute  ran  high;  James  declared  he  "knew  not 
how"  Colonel  Legge's  son  had  been  made  a  captain  after 
a  single  voyage,  and,  though  he  liked  Colonel  Legge  well, 
he  insisted  that  the  boy  must  serve  a  longer  apprenticeship. 
**I  will  ask  the  King  to  let  me  be  that  I  am — Admiral!" 
he  declared  wrathfully,  when  Rupert  combated  his  decisions. " 
The  King  listened  to  all  these  disputes  with  his  usual  lazy 
good  nature.  **  If  you  intend  to  man  the  fleet  without 
being  cheated  by  the  captains  and  pursers,  you  may  go 
to  bed  and  never  have  it  manned  at  all,"  he  said. '  But 
James  had  his  way  in  so  far  that  Sir  William  Penn  was 
appointed  to  command  the  summer  fleet,  in  spite  of  Rupert's 
aversion  to  him.  "I  do  pity  Sir  William  Penn,"  quoth 
Pepys,  naively.  * 

Owing  to  the  representations  of  Rupert  **  and  other  mad, 
silly  people,"  as  Pepys  phrased  it,  '^  no  large  fleet  was  fitted 
out  in  1668;  and,  so  far  as  the  navy  was  concerned,  no 
events  occurred  until  1672,  when  the  second  Dutch  war 
broke  out. 

This  war  was  as  unpopular  as  the  first  had  been  popular. 
In  the  interval  between  them  Charles  II  had  made  the 
secret   Treaty    of  Dover    with    Louis   XIV,    and    he    now 


I  Pepys,  Jan.  2,  1668. 
3  Pepys,  Jan.  28,  1668. 

*  Ibid.  Mar.  18,  1668. 

*  Ibid.  Mar.  20,  1668. 

5  Ibid.  May  28,  1668.  Campbell,  II.  121 — 122, 

31 


322  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

entered  into  this  war  solely  to  assist  Louis'  ambition.  There- 
fore instead  of  the  English  opposing  the  Dutch  and  French, 
as  formerly,  the  French  and  English  were  now  allied 
against  the  Dutch.  Rupert  and  Ormonde  vigorously  opposed 
the  declaration  of  war,  and  perhaps  it  was  on  account  of 
his  dislike  to  the  whole  business  that  the  Prince  remained 
at  home,  while  the  Duke  of  York  took  command  of  the 
fleet.  Nevertheless  Rupert  was  put  in  command  of  all 
naval  affairs  on  shore,  and  he  resolved  that  the  fleet  should 
not  suffer  as  it  had  before  done,  for  the  want  of  all 
necessary  supplies. 

His  first  act  in  his  new  capacity  was  to  summon  Pepys, 
and  his  colleagues  to  give  an  exact  list  of  the  fleet,  the 
station  and  condition  of  each  ship,  and  an  account,  **  parti- 
cular, not  general,"  of  all  their  stores,  great  and  small.  ^ 
He  diligently  superintended  the  fortification  of  the  coast, 
inspected  the  regiments  there  stationed,  and  kept  a  watch- 
ful eye  on  the  necessities  of  the  fleet.  But,  in  spite  of 
this  efficient  assistance  on  shore,  James  accomplished  no- 
thing of  moment,  and  the  battle  of  Southwold  Bay,  fought 
May  28,  left  the  honours  to  the  Dutch,  though  both  sides 
claimed  the  victory. 

Before  the  next  campaign,  the  Test  Act  had  been  passed, 
by  which  Roman  Catholics  were  prevented  from  holding 
any  office  under  the  Crown.  This  forced  the  Duke  of 
York  to  resign  his  command  of  the  fleet,  and  Rupert  was 
appointed  to  take  his  place. 

Rupert's  position  was  a  difficult  one.  He  detested  the 
secret  policy  of  Charles,  and  consequently  the  French,  who 
were  his  allies.  With  the  Cabal,  as  the  home  Ministry 
was  then  called,  he  was  also  at  enmity.  The  Ministers, 
therefore,  in  order  to  make  him  as  inefficient  as  possible, 
manned  the  fleet  with  adherents  of  the  Duke  of  York,  who 
were  told — though  falsely — that  detracting  from  the  Prince 

1  Dom.  State  Papers,  May  4,  1672. 


THE  SECOND  DUTCH  WAR  323 

would  please  the  Duke.  Therefore  "they  crossed  him  in  all 
that  they  could,  and  complained  of  all  that  he  did."  In 
short,  Rupert  had  to  contend  with  intrigues  at  home,  limita- 
tion of  his  proper  powers,  want  of  men,  ammunition 
and  provisions,  the  deceit  of  the  Naval  Commissioners, 
insubordination  among  his  officers,  and  defection  of  his 
allies.  ^ 

As  his  second  in  command,  he  begged  to  have  Holmes, 
with  whom  his  connection  had  been  so  long  and  intimate. 
Thanks  to  the  favour  of  both  Rupert  and  the  Duke  of 
York,  Holmes  had  risen  high  in  the  navy,  and  was  now 
an  Admiral,  and  Governor  of  Sandown  Castle,  in  the  Isle 
of  Wight.  His  promotion  seems  to  have  excited  some 
jealousy,  and  Marvell  described  him  bitterly,  as  **  First  an 
Irish  livery  boy,  then  a  highwayman,  (a  pirate  would  be 
nearer  the  mark,)  now  Bashaw  of  the  Isle  of  Wight,  the 
cursed  beginner  of  the  two  Dutch  wars."  ^  The  last  sentence 
alludes  to  Holmes's  exploits  in  Africa  in  1664,  and  his 
attack  on  the  Smyrna  fleet  in  1672,  which  were  the  im- 
mediate causes  of  the  wars  of  1665  and  1672  respectively. 
But  in  both  cases  Holmes  only  obeyed  orders  for  which 
he  was  not  responsible.  Pepys  hinted  darkly,  concerning 
him,  that  ''a  cat  will  be  a  cat  still,"  ^  but  then  Pepys  had 
private  reasons  for  disliking  him.  He  was  a  good  soldier, 
and  an  experienced  sailor,  and  the  Cabal  Ministry  had  no 
better  reason  for  refusing  to  let  him  go  with  Rupert  than 
the  fact  that  he  was  the  Prince's  friend.  Instead  of  Holmes 
they  forced  Rupert  to  take  Sir  Edward  Spragge,  with 
whom  he  was  not,  then,  on  good  terms.  * 

The  long  delay  in  setting  out  the  fleet  tempted  the 
Dutch  to  repeat  their  descent  upon  the  Medvvay,  and  this 


1  Campbell,  II.  246.  Letters  to  Williamson,  I.  p.  195. 
'-  Andrew  Marvell.  Seasonable  Argument,  1677.  Letters  to  Williamson.  II. 
63,  note. 

»  Pepys,  24  Jan.  1666. 

^  Campbell,  II.  149.  Clowes,  Vol.  II.  309—310. 


I 


324  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

they  would  undoubtedly  have  done,  but  for  the  personal 
energy  of  the  Prince.  Collecting  together  a  few  ships,  he 
"made  a  demonstration",  and  sailed  through  the  Channel, 
to  the  great  surprise  of  the  Dutch,  who  immediately  re- 
tired. ' 

By  May  20th  the  English  fleet  was  ready  to  sail,  and 
it  was  at  once  joined  by  the  French,  under  Admiral 
D'Estrees.  About  a  week  later  they  fell  in  with  the 
Dutch  off  Schoneveldt.  Rupert  sent  a  few  vessels  forward 
to  draw  out  the  enemy  from  their  harbour,  but  De  Ruyter 
came  upon  them  so  unexpectedly  that  they  crowded  back 
in  confusion,  each  falling  to  the  squadron  nearest  to  her. 
The  place  was  narrow,  the  wind  for  the  Dutch,  and  some 
of  the  officers  advised  retreat.  **But,"  said  the  EngHsh 
proudly,"  our  Admiral  never  knew  what  it  was  to  go  back,"  - 
and  Rupert  insisted  on  fighting  then  and  there.  When 
De  Ruyter  attacked,  the  line  of  the  allies  was  not  ready, 
and  the  result  was  an  indecisive  battle,  attended  with 
great  loss  of  life.  *  In  his  official  report,  the  Prince  acknow- 
ledged that  all  had  done  their  best: — "All  the  officers 
and  seamen  generally  behaved  themselves  very  well,  of 
which  I  shall  send  the  particulars  when  I  am  better  informed ; 
in  my  squadron,  more  especially  Captain  Legge,  Sir  John 
Holmes,  Captain  Welwang,  Sir  Roger  Strickland  and  Sir 
William  Reeves.  Sir  Edward  Spragge  also,  on  his  side, 
maintained  the  fight  with  so  much  courage  and  resolution, 
and  their  whole  body  gave  way  to  such  a  degree,  that, 
had  it  not  been  for  fear  of  the  shoals,  we  had  driven  them 
into  their  harbours.  The  case  being  thus,  I  judged  it  fit 
to  stand  off  a  little,  and  anchor  where  now  I  ride.  I  hope 
his  Majesty  will  be  satisfied,  that,  considering  the  place 
we  engaged  in,  and  the  shoals,  there  was  as  much  done 
as  could  be  expected ;  and  thus  I  leave  it  to  His  Majesty's 

1  Campbell,  II.  149.  Clowes,  II.  310. 

2  Hatton  Correspondence,  I.  p.  105.  May  20,  1673. 
5  Clowes,  II.  311— 315. 


THE  SECOND  DUTCH  WAR  325 

favourable  construction,  to  whom  I  wish  many  happy  years 
to  come,  this  being  his  birthday."  * 

The  Dutch  were  at  home,  and  it  was  easy  for  them  to 
refit,  but  the  situation  of  the  alHes  was  more  critical. 
Rupert  made  what  preparations  he  could,  and  sat  up  the 
whole  night  of  June  3rd,  expecting  an  attack.  But  the  care- 
lessness of  Spragge  nullified  this  vigilance.  Early  on  the 
morning  of  July  4th,  Spragge  came  on  board  the  Admiral. 
Rupert  **  said  little ",  but  told  him  to  prepare  for  battle. 
Nevertheless  he  delayed  his  departure  so  long  that  De 
Ruyter  came  out  before  he  had  reached  his  own  ship, 
and  the  whole  of  the  Blue  Squadron  had  to  await  his 
return.  ^  The  Red  and  White  Squadrons  weighed  anchor 
very  quickly;  Rupert,  in  his  impatience  cut  his  cable,  and 
some  others  followed  his  example. 

But  this  second  battle  was  as  indecisive  as  the  first. 
D'Estrees  permitted  the  Dutch  Admiral  Banckert  to  hold 
him  in  check,  and  gave  no  effective  aid.  Rupert  engaged 
with  De  Ruyter  and  "performed  wonders,"  though  his 
ship  took  in  so  much  water  that  he  was  unable  to  use  his 
lower  tier  of  guns.  Spragge  opposed  himself  to  Tromp. 
The  loss  of  men  was  about  equal  on  both  sides,  and  no 
ships  were  lost  at  all.  The  allies  pursued  the  Dutch  from 
10  p.m.  to  6  a.m. ;  but  they  had  gained  no  serious  advantage, 
and  were  obliged  to  turn  home  to  refit. ' 

Rupert  came  home  in  an  exceedingly  bad  temper.  **  There 
goes  a  story  about  town  that  the  Prince,  at  his  first  coming, 
when  the  Commissioners  of  the  Navy  came  to  wait  upon 
him,  fell  into  such  a  passion  against  them  that  he  had 
like  to  have  made  use  of  his  cane  upon  some  of  them. 
Certain  it  is  that  he  is  very  angry  with  them  for  not 
having     taken     care     to    supply    the    fleet     with     neces- 


1  Campbell,  II.  246.  Memoir  of  Prince  Rupert,  p.  58. 

2  Hist.    MSS.  Commission,  Rept.  15.  Vol.  III.  pp.  9—13.    Journal   of  Sir 
Edward  Spragge,  May  1673.  Dartmouth  MSS.  Vol.  III. 

3  Campbell,  11.  151— 153.  Clowes,  II.  314—315. 


326  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

saries,*'  ^  says  one  letter.  Another,  dated  June  13,  shows  that 
the  King  too  came  in  for  a  share  of  his  cousin's  indignation : 
"The  Prince,  they  say,  storms  exceedingly  at  the  want 
of  provision  they  had,  and  declares  he  shall  never  thrive 
at  sea  till  some  are  hanged  at  land.  The  King  said  merrily, 
the  day  before  he  went  to  see  him,  that  he  must  expect  a 
chiding,  but  he  had  sweetened  him  by  letter  all  he  could."  - 
Rupert,  however,  refused  absolutely  to  return  to  the  fleet, 
unless  he  were  given  a  new  Commission,  freed  from  all 
vexatious  restrictions.  This  was  accordingly  done,  and 
July  9th,  he  was  made  General  on  sea  and  land,  with 
power  to  make  truce  and  grant  articles;  and  he  held  the 
post  of  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty  from  this  date  till 
May  1679. 

It  was  now  proposed  to  throw  a  land  force  into  Holland, 
and  the  command  of  the  army  was  given  to  Schomberg, 
a  German  soldier  of  fortune.  Unluckily,  while  the  ships 
were  refitting  at  Portsmouth,  Schomberg  irrevocably  of- 
fended his  chief,  by  ordering  the  "Greyhound"  frigate  to 
carry  a  flag  on  her  main-top.  This  order  he  gave  that 
she  might  be  the  more  easily  distinguishable,  but  she  had 
in  reality  no  right  to  carry  any  such  colours,  and  Rupert, 
when  he  beheld  her  coming  through  the  fleet,  was  trans- 
fixed with  amazement.  His  peremptory  orders  for  the 
hauling  down  of  the  flag  being  disregarded,  he  fired  on  it ; 
whereupon  it  was  taken  down,  and  the  Captain  came 
on  board  the  Admiral  to  explain  that  he  had  acted  by 
Schomberg's  direction.  Rupert  arrested  him  for  insolent 
language,  but  soon  pardoned  and  released  him.  Schomberg 
he  would  not  forgive,  and  in  revenge,  as  that  General  de- 
clared, he  ordered  him  and  his  forces  to  Yarmouth,  where 
they   lay   idle    all  the  summer.     The  feud  raged  for  some 


1  Camden.  Society.  New  Series.  Letters  to  Sir  Joseph  Williamson,  Vol.  I. 
p.  48.  May  6,  1673. 

•2  Ibid.  I.  39,  June  13,  1673. 


THE  SECOND  DUTCH  WAR  327 

time,  and  Schomberg  sent  on  a  challenge  to  Rupert,  but 
the  duel  was  prevented  by  the  King.  ^ 

A  quarrel  was  also  reported  to  have  occurred  between 
Rupert  and  the  Duke  of  York,  in  which  swords  had  been 
drawn,  the  Duke  calling  the  Prince  "  Coward,"  and  the 
Prince  retorting  with  the  epithet  of  "Traitor.""  Another 
rumour,  probably  better  grounded,  was  that  D'Estrees  would 
not  sail  with  Rupert,  and  had  refused  to  furl  his  flag  ''^ 
when  the  Prince  came  on  board  him.  This  was  mere  gos- 
sip, but  it  had  a  foundation,  for  the  two  Admirals  were  on 
very  bad  terms— a  fact  which  increased  Rupert's  popularity 
at  home,  for  the  French  were  detested  of  the  people,  and 
the  Prince  was  now  "the  only  hero  in  their  thoughts."  ' 

At  the  beginning  of  August  the  allies  put  to  sea,  and 
on  the  nth  they  met  the  Dutch  off  the  Texel.  The 
French  were  in  the  van,  Rupert  commanded  the  centre, 
Spragge  the  rear.  The  three  squadrons  engaged,  as  before, 
with  Banckert,  De  Ruyter,  and  Tromp  respectively.  Rupert 
drew  off,  trying  to  lead  De  Ruyter  from  the  coast.  Spragge 
deliberately  waited  for  Tromp,  whom  he  had  promised  the 
King  to  take  dead  or  alive,  and,  in  the  fierce  personal 
contest  that  followed,  lost  his  own  life.  D'Estrees  simply 
allowed  Banckert  to  run  right  through  his  squadron,  and 
held  off  from  the  fight.  Banckert  was  thus  left  free  to  join 
De  Ruyter  against  Rupert,  who,  completely  deserted  by 
his   van    and   rear,    had    to    contend   against   fearful  odds. '' 

''Does  your  Highness  see  the  French  yonder.?"  asked 
Captain  Howard,  standing  at  his  side. 

**Ay — Zounds,  do  I!'*  cried  Rupert  passionately."  The 
Dutch   also    noted    D'Estrees'    treacherous  conduct.     ''The 


1  Letters  to  Williamson,  Vol.  I.  pp.  121,  124,  145,  July  21,  Aug.  4,  Aug. 
65  1673. 

2  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Rept.  12.  Fleming  MSS.  p.  102.  22  July,  1673; 

3  Hatton  Correspondence,  Vol.  I.  p.  106. 
*  Letters  to  Williamson,  L  p.  63. 

6  Campbell,  II.  157 — 159.  Clowes,  II.  316—317. 

6  Letters  to  Williamson,  Vol.  I.  p.   174.  Aug.  18,  1673. 


328  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

French  have  hired  the  English  to  fight  for  them,  and  have 
come  to  see  them  earn  their  wages/'  ^  was  the  saying  passed 
amongst  them.  But  one  gallant  Frenchman,  at  least, 
blushed  for  his  countrymen.  The  Vice-Admiral,  De  Martel, 
putting  himself  into  Rupert's  squadron,  fought  valiantly  at 
his  side;  on  which,  it  was  said,  in  bitter  jest,  that  D'Es- 
trees  threatened  to  hang  him  *'for  venturing  the  King's 
ship."  ^  Finally  Rupert  extricated  himself  and  ran  down  to 
the  rear,  De  Ruyter  withdrawing  about  7  p.m.  The  result 
of  the  battle  was  a  victory  for  the  Dutch,  who  thus  opened 
their  blockaded  ports,  and  saved  their  coast  from  a  second 
assault. 

Possibly  the  French  doubted  the  good  faith  of  the 
English,  and  therefore  acted  thus  strangely ;  but,  be  the 
motive  for  their  conduct  what  it  may,  feeling  ran  high 
against  them.  Rupert,  with  difficulty  prevented  his  own 
sailors  from  insulting  D'Estrees  when  he  came  on  board 
his  ship,  ^  and  in  England  men  spoke  only  of  the  French 
traitors. 

Rupert's  return  was  eagerly  desired,  and  it  was  reported 
that  he  came  back  "very  angry  and  raging  and  to  do 
some  extraordinary  thing."  He  was  in  the  zenith  of  his 
popularity,  and  was  received  *'with  the  greatest  dearness 
possible,"  both  by  King  and  people.  *  But  it  was  no  part 
of  the  King's  policy  to  quarrel  with  the  French,  and  he 
tried  to  smooth  over  the  affair,  saying  that  it  was  not  foul 
play,  but  "a  great  miscarriage."^  Rupert,  however,  would 
not  hold  his  tongue,  and  wherever  he  went,  he  fiercely 
blamed  D'Estrees,  even  stating  plainly  to  the  French 
Ambassador,  his  opinion  of  his  countryman's  conduct.  ^ 
At    the    same    time   he   was   so   scrupulously    exact   in  his 

1  Campbell,  II.  159. 

2  Letters  to  Williamson,  Vol.  II.  p.  9.  Sept.  5,  1673. 

3  Ibid.  Vol.  I.  p.  185. 

*  Ibid.  I.  pp.  183,  191.  Aug.  25,  1673. 

8  Ibid.  11.  p.  I. 

«  Ibid.  I.  p.  191.  Aug.  29,  1673. 


ANTI-FRENCH  POLITICS  329 

assertions  that  he  would  not  publish  his  narrative  of  the 
battle,  until  he  could  find  out  what  had  been  the  exact 
way  of  the  wind  when  he  was  off  Camperdown.  ^ 

D'Estrees  retorted  with  the  declaration  that  Rupert, 
owing  to  his  aversion  to  the  war,  had  not  pushed  the  first 
battle  so  far  as  he  could  have  done.  ^  But,  said  a  con- 
temporary, "  it  is  as  impossible  to  make  any  Englishman 
suspect  the  Prince's  courage,  as  to  persuade  him  that  the 
French  have  any,  at  sea."  ^  De  Martel  boldly  seconded 
Rupert,  and  wrote  to  his  own  government :  "  If  Count  D' 
Estrees  would  have  fallen  with  a  fair  wind  upon  De  Ruyter 
and  Banckert  at  their  first  engaging,  when  in  numbers 
they  much  exceeded  the  Prince,  they  must,  of  necessity 
have  been  enclosed  between  His  Highness  and  Count  D' 
Estrees;  and  so  the  enemy  would  have  been  entirely 
defeated."  *  For  this  unwelcome  candour  he  was  sent  to 
the  Bastille,  upon  which  Rupert  swore  furiously  that  Charles 
ought  to  defend  him,  by  force  of  arms  if  necessary.  "^  And 
the  more  the  Prince  raged  and  stormed,  so  much  the 
more  was  he  adored  by  the  people,  who  admired  him 
"to  such  a  degree,"  said  a  cynical  observer,  **that  it 
would  be  impossible  for  him  to  do  anything  amiss,  so  long 
as  he  opposes  the  French,  or  as  they  think  he  does."  * 

Ever  since  the  Restoration  he  had  been  exceedingly 
popular,  and  as  early  as  1666  there  had  been  rumours  of 
an  abortive  plot  to  place  him  on  the  throne.  The  statement 
of  the  witness  who  revealed  it,  is  as  follows:  "William 
Hopkins  doth  depose  that  he  heard  Edward  Dolphin  of 
Camphill,  near  Birmingham,  say  these  words,  or  to  that 
purpose,  viz. :  *  The  Papists  should  be  uppermost  for  a  time  . . .' 

1  Letters  to  Williamson,  II.  13.  Sept.  5,  1673. 

2  Clowes,  II.  520—322.  Campbell,  II.  152.  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Rpt.  12. 
Fleming  MSS.  p.  103. 

*  HattOD  Correspondence,  Vol.  I.  p.  114. 

4  Ibid.  Vol.  II.  p.  I,  noie. 

5  Ibid.  II.  20,  Sept.   19,  1673. 

0  Ibid.  I.  p.  194,  Aug.  29,  1673. 


330  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

and  said  he  could  tell  me  more,  for  he  cared  not  if  he  were 
hanged  so  he  could  serve  the  country.  Then,  speaking  low, 
he  said,  (as  I  suppose,)  *The  King  and  the  Duke  of  York 
are  Papists,  and  the  King  hath  been  at  Mass  underground 
within  this  week  or  fortnight,  and  I  can  prove  it.'  And 
when  I  contradicted  him,  he  said  the  King's  wife  was  a 
Papist,  and  that  a  royal  G.  should  rule  over  us.  And 
when  I  demanded  if  he  meant  not  George  Monck,  he  replied 
it  was  Prince  Rupert  he  meant.  Then  I  said  he  was  no 
G.,  so  he  answered  G.  stood  for  a  German,  and  Prince 
Rupert  was  a  German  Prince^  and  declared  he  meant  Prince 
Rupert  should  be  above  the  King,  and  said  all  should  be 
willing  to  it,  and  venture  lives  and  fortunes  to  vindicate 
the  cause  of  the  said  Prince  Rupert."  ^  The  whole  plot 
probably  existed  only  in  the  ravings  of  a  lunatic,  but  in- 
significant though  it  is  in  itself,  it  is  an  indication  of  the 
country's  feeling. 

That  Rupert  would  have  listened  for  a  moment  to  any 
disloyal  scheme  is,  of  course,  incredible.  Indeed  the  only 
time,  after  the  Restoration,  that  he  played  any  part  in 
politics  was  in  this  year  of  1673,  when  he  was  forced  into 
the  position  of  popular  leader,  and  carried  away  by  his 
wrath  against  the  French.  Feeling  against  ''Popery"  was, 
just  then,  keen,  the  nation  having  been  stirred  by  the  Duke 
of  York's  open  adhesion  to  the  Roman  Church,  and  his 
marriage  with  a  Roman  bride,  believed  by  the  ignorant, 
to  be  the  Pope's  own  granddaughter.  "What  will  the  Prince 
say?"  was  the  popular  cry,  on  all  occasions;-  and  the 
position  contrasts  oddly  with  the  attitude  of  the  populace 
towards  Rupert  in  the  Civil  War.  Then  he  was  "atheistical, 
popish,  heathenish,  tyrannical,  bloodthirsty; "  now  the  country 
turned  to  him  as  a  true  patriot,  the  staunch  upholder  of 
the  Anghcan  Church,  the  defender  of  the  rights  of  Parliament. 

Shaftesbury,  the  prime  mover  of  all  the  agitation  against 

1  Dom.  State  Papers.  Carl.  II.  172.  13. 

2  Letters  to  Williamson,  Vol.  I.  p.   143,  Aug.  4,  1673. 


ANTI-FRENCH  POLITICS  331 

James,  hastened  to  ally  himself  with  the  Prince,  and  together 
they  formed  an  anti-French  party,  which  stirred  up  the 
Commons  against  the  French  alliance.  "  Prince  Rupert  and 
he  are  observed  to  converse  much  together,  and  are  very 
great,  and  indeed  I  see  His  Highness's  coach  often  at  the 
door.  They  are  looked  to  be  the  great  ParHament  men  and 
for  the  interests  of  old  England."  * 

The  result  of  all  this  was,  naturally,  a  coolness  between 
Rupert  and  the  King,  but  it  was  not  of  long  duration.  The 
Prince  was  really  too  loyal  to  suffer  his  connection  with 
the  country  party  to  carry  him  to  any  great  lengths,  and 
it  soon  ceased  altogether.  -  In  the  iniquitous  Popish  Plot 
he  had  no  share,  nor  would  he  countenance  the  attempts  to 
exclude  James  from  the  succession  in  favour  of  Monmouth. 
True  he  lent  Monmouth  his  house  at  Rhenen,  when  that 
unsuccessful  schemer  had  been  forced  to  retire  abroad,  but 
the  loan  was  entirely  a  private  matter,  and  quite  apart 
from  politics.  ^  Rupert  had  no  liking  for  intrigues,  and  he 
held  himself  equally  aloof  from  those  of  Shaftesbury,  and 
those  of  the  Cabal.  To  the  members  of  the  Cabal  he  was 
always  hostile,  which,  says  Campbell,  was  no  wonder,  seeing 
that  they  were  ''persons  of  the  utmost  art,"  and  the  Prince 
was  **one  of  the  plainest  men  that  could  be."  *  Yet,  in  spite 
of  his  objections  to  the  King's  ministers,  Rupert  always 
retained  the  King's  friendship,  steering  his  way  amongst 
factions  and  intrigues  so  tactfully,  and  yet  so  honestly, 
that  he  was  beloved  and  respected  by  all  parties. '' 

1  Letters  to  Williamson,  Vol.  II.  p.  21,  Sept.  19,  1673. 

-  Campbell,  II.  p.  247. 

3  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Kept.  12.  Fleming  MSS.  p.  162. 

•*  Campbell,  II.  p.  246. 

•'  Ibid.  11.  245.  Memoir  of  Prince  Rupert,  Preface. 


CHAPTER    XIX 

RUPERT'S  POSITION  AT    COURT.      HIS    CARE  FOR  DISTRESSED 
CAVALIERS.   HIS  INVENTIONS.   LIFE  AT  WINDSOR.  DEATH 

Of  Rupert's  later  life  in  England,  apart  from  his  naval 
career,  there  is  not  much  to  tell.  In  the  dissolute  court 
of  the  Restoration  there  was  no  place  for  Rupert  of  the  Rhine. 
He  represented  the  older  Cavaliers.  He  had  stood  side  by 
side  and  fought  on  many  a  field  with  the  fathers  of  the 
men  who  adorned  the  Court  of  Charles  II;  but  with  the 
sons,  the  children  of  the  exiles,  he  could  have  no  sympathy. 
Much  has  been  said  and  written  contrasting:  those  fathers 
and  sons,  the  men  who  died  for  Charles  I,  and  the  men 
who  lived  with  Charles  II.  But  no  contrast  is  stronger 
than  that  of  the  two  Kings  themselves, — of  the  grave,  dig- 
nified, blundering,  narrow,  but  ever  earnest  martyr-king, 
with  the  dissolute,  easy-going,  but  always  shrewd,  merry 
monarch. 

The  CavaUers  of  the  Civil  War  were,  as  we  have  seen, 
by  no  means  free  from  faults  and  follies ;  but  the  real  dif- 
ference between  them  and  their  successors  lay  less  in  in- 
dividual character  than  in  ideal.  In  the  first  half  of  the 
seventeenth  century  religious  feeling  had  been  strong  in  all 
classes,  and  the  tone  of  morality  high.  Devotion  to  duty 
was  strongly  inculcated,  and  men  believed  it  their  duty  to 
sacrifice  themselves  for  their  King,  or  for  their  opinions  as 
the  case  might  be.  That  most  of  the  Cavaliers  were  will- 
ing to  offer  their  sacrifices  in  their  own  way  only,  and 
that  many  were  desirous  of  gaining  rewards  for  their  ser- 
vices may  be  granted;   but  the  fact  remains  that  they  did 


Photo  E.  Doaseter. 

Prince  Rupert. 

From  the  En^aving  in  the  British  Musc^tvt  after  the  Portrait  by  Sir  Peter  Lely. 

Face  page  332. 


RUPERTS  POSITION  AT  COURT  333 

sacrifice  themselves,  and  clung  loyally  to  their  Sovereign 
when  all  hope  of  reward  was  passed. 

In  1660  the  ideal  of  life  was  changed,  or  rather  all  ideal 
had  perished,  and  the  Courtiers  imitated  their  master  in 
his  attempt  to  lounge  through  life  with  as  much  pleasure 
and  as  little  inconvenience  to  themselves  as  possible.  The 
relaxation  of  all  moral  restraint  was  due,  in  a  great  mea- 
sure, to  the  inevitable  reaction  from  Puritan  rigidity  and 
hypocrisy ;  but  it  was  due  still  more  to  the  years  of  exile, 
during  which  the  Royalists  had  been  "  strangely  tossed 
about  on  the  fickle  waves  of  fortune."  ^  The  Civil  War 
had  been  a  check  on  all  education ;  it  had  released  boys 
from  school  and  students  from  college  to  throw  them,  at 
an  early  age,  into  the  perils  and  temptations  of  a  camp. 
At  the  same  time,  it  had  deprived  them  of  the  care  and 
guidance  of  parents  and  guardians.  Later,  these  boys, 
grown  men  before  their  time,  had  led  a  precarious  existence 
on  the  Continent,  living  how  and  where  they  could,  and 
snatching  consolation  for  sorrow  and  privation  in  such 
illicit  pleasures  as  came  in  their  way.  This  life  had  ruined 
Charles  II,  and  it  is  not  wonderful  that  it  ruined  other  men. 

Rupert  had  been  young  too  in  those  days, — he  was  only 
eight  years  Charles's  senior,  but  the  precarious  life  had  not 
affected  him  in  the  same  way.  He  had  never  drifted;  it 
was  not  in  his  nature  to  drift,  and  his  own  strength  and 
earnestness  had  kept  him  ever  hard  at  work,  with  some 
definite  end  before  him.  Yet  it  cannot  be  denied  that  his 
character  had  suffered.  The  edge  of  it  was,  as  it  were, 
blunted.  His  ideals  had  perished  in  the  stress  of  toil  and 
anxiety.  His  chivalry  had  given  place  to  common-sense. 
His  hopefulness  was  gone,  and  his  youthful  eagerness  had 
been  replaced  by  a  coldly  sardonic  view  of  life.  "Blessed 
are  those   who    expect  nothing"  was  Rupert's  motto  now. 

In  all  things  he  had  grown  coarser,  and  yet  his  standard 

^  Memoir  of  Prince  Rupert,  p.  75. 


334  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

of  life  remained,  for  those  times,  high.  He  had  imbibed 
in  his  youth,  says  an  admiring  contemporary,  "  such  beauti- 
ful ideas  of  virtue  that  he  hath  ever  since  esteemed  it, 
notwithstanding  the  contempt  the  world  hath  put  upon  it; 
nor  could  he  abhor  the  debaucheries  of  the  age  as  he 
doth,  had  not  his  prejudice  against  it  been  of  long  duration. 
Such  virtue  is  not  formed  in  a  day,  and  it  is  to  his  educa- 
tion that  he  owes  the  glory  of  a  life  so  noble  and  so 
christian."  ^  Rupert  had  in  truth  too  much  self-respect,  it 
may  be  too  much  religion,  to  sink  to  the  depths  to  which 
Charles's  court  was  sunk,  and  he  held  himself  aloof  with 
lofty  disdain.  **  Mon  cousin ",  as  the  mocking  courtiers 
called  him,  in  imitation  of  the  King,  was  at  once  the  object 
of  their  fear  and  of  their  merriment.  So  great  was  their 
terror  of  him  that,  mock  though  they  might  behind  his 
back,  not  one  of  them  dared,  as  they  owned,  make  him 
the  object  of  open  satire,  from  which  the  King  and  the 
Duke  of  York  did  not  escape. 

The  royal  brothers  themselves  stood  in  some  awe  of 
their  cousin.  Sandwich  told  Pepys  that  he  had  heard 
James  laugh  at  Rupert  in  his  absence,  ^  but  in  his  cousin's 
presence  James  usually  behaved  to  him  with  due  respect. 
As  for  the  King,  he  confessed,  in  1664,  that  he  dared  not 
send  for  Sandwich  to  Court,  lest  his  coming  should  offend 
Rupert.  ^  Occasionally  there  were  quarrels  and  coolnesses 
between  the  cousins,  for  Rupert  was  still  sometimes  irri- 
table ;  yet  he  always  retained  the  friendship  of  both  Charles 
and  James.  His  position  was  somewhat  anomalous,  especi- 
ally after  the  popular  party  had  raised  the  no-Popery  cry, 
and  looked  to  him  as  their  natural  head.  Yet  he  steered 
through  that  difficult  course  with  satisfaction  to  all  parties, 
and  infinite  credit  to  himself.  He  showed,  says  one  of  his 
admirers,     **  temperance    and    moderation    in     committing 

1  Lansdowne  MSS.  817.  fols.  157—168.  British  Museum. 
-  Pepys,  23  June,  1665. 
*  Ibid.  14  July,  1664. 


RUPERT'S  POSITION  AT  COURT  335 

nothing  towards  the  present  differences  amongst  us,  nor 
adding  any  fuel  to  those  unhappy  heats,  which  he,  suppos- 
ing too  high  already,  endeavoured  rather  to  quench  than 
to  increase,"  ^ 

He  was  not  infrequently  to  be  found  in  the  King's  com- 
pany, notwithstanding  his  aversion  to  the  court.  In  1663, 
he  accompanied  Charles  on  a  progress  through  the  western 
counties.  On  the  King's  marriage  he  went  with  him  to 
meet  the  bride  at  Dover;  and,  on  this  occasion,  he  scan- 
dahsed  the  Portuguese  by  his  rudeness.  The  Portuguese 
Ambassador  took  precedence  of  the  Prince,  whereupon 
Rupert  took  him  by  the  shoulders  and  quietly  put  him  out 
of  the  way.  The  King,  much  shocked,  remonstrated  with 
his  cousin,  and  induced  him  to  yield  place.  ^  In  March 
1669  Rupert  was  driving  with  the  King  on  the  occasion 
when  the  royal  coach  was  upset  in  Holborn,  and,  as  Pepys 
said,  *'the  King  all  dirty,  but  no  hurt."'*  Rupert  was  also 
of  the  party  that  received  Henrietta  of  Orleans  on  her 
one  brief  visit  to  England  in  1670;  he  is  frequently 
mentioned  as  dining  with  the  Royal  family ;  and  when  the 
Prince  of  Tuscany  visited  England  incognito,  the  Queen 
Mother  decided  that,  according  to  etiquette,  his  first  visit 
was  due  to  Rupert.  ^  Pepys  tells  how  he  went  to  see  a 
tennis  match  between  Rupert  and  Captain  Cook  on  one 
side,  and  May  and  Chichely  on  the  other.  The  King  was 
present  as  a  spectator,  and,  says  the  diarist,  "It  seems 
they  are  the  best  players  at  tennis  in  this  nation."  ^  A 
trivial,  yet  characteristic  anecdote  is  told  by  Coke.  He 
was  walking  in  the  Mall  with  the  King,  when  they  were 
overtaken  by  Prince  Rupert.  *'The  King  told  the  Prince 
how   he   had   shot   a  duck,  and  which  dog  fetched  it,  and 


1  Memoir  of  Prince  Rupert,  Preface. 

2  Strickland.  Queens  of  England,  VIII.  pp.  303 — 304. 
■•»  Pepys,  8  Mar.  1669. 

1  D.  S.  P.  Feb.  1669. 
^  Pepys,  2  Sept.  1667. 


336  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

so  they  walked  on,  till  the  King  came  to  St.  James's  House, 
and  there  the  King  said  to  the  Prince :  *  Let's  go  and  see 
Cambridge  and  Kendal ! ' — the  Duke  of  York's  two  sons, 
who  then  lay  a  dying."  ^ 

One  of  Rupert's  principal  cares  was  the  relief  of  the 
distressed  Cavaliers,  who  looked  to  him  as  their  supporter 
and  representative.  Charles  II  has  often  been  blamed  for 
not  relieving  the  wants  of  so  many  of  those  who  had 
suffered  for  his  father.  Probably  he  was  callous  to  suffer- 
ing which  he  did  not  directly  witness,  but  it  must  be 
confessed  that  his  position  was  a  hard  one.  He  could 
dispose  of  very  Httle  money,  and  he  was  much  bound  to 
the  Presbyterians  who  had  restored  him  to  the  throne. 
His  pledges  to  them  prevented  him  from  upsetting  much 
of  the  existing  arrangements,  and  consequently  hampered 
him  in  the  relief  of  the  Royalists.  Such  of  these  as  were 
in  want  turned  to  Rupert,  sure  of  a  hearing  and  of  such 
aid  as  he  could  give,  whether  it  were  in  money,  or  in 
intercession  with  the  King.  The  State  papers  are  full  of 
their  petitions,  which  generally  refer  to  Rupert  as  their 
guarantor;  indeed  his  certificate  seems  to  have  been  re- 
garded as  the  necessary  hall-mark  of  their  authenticity.  In 
1660  he  came  to  the  defence  of  142  creditors  of  the  late 
King ; "  and  we  find  him  pleading  for  a  certain  Cary  Heydon, 
and  other  people,  at  the  commission  for  indigent  officers.  ^ 
One  very  striking  instance  of  his  justice  and  good  memory 
occurred  just  before  his  death.  A  certain  member  of 
Parliament,  named  Speke,  had  been  accused  of  conspiring 
for  Monmouth  against  the  Duke  of  York,  and  was  summoned 
before  the  Council  Chamber.  He  defended  himself  ably, 
and  quoted  his  former  services  to  Charles  I.  Rupert  suddenly 
stood  up,  told  the  King  that  it  was  all  true,  **and  added 
one    circumstance    which    Mr.    Speke   had   thought  it   not 

1  Knight's  London,  Vol.  II.  p.  374. 

2  Dom.  State  Papers,  Nov.  1660. 

3  Ibid.  Nov.  1668. 


RUPERT'S  INVENTIONS  337 

handsome  to  mention,"  namely,  that  when  he,  Rupert, 
had  been  in  great  want  of  money  for  the  King's  service, 
Speke  had  sent  him  "1,000  pieces";  and  had  been  so  far 
from  asking  repayment,  that  the  Prince  had  neither  seen 
nor  heard  of  him  from  that  day  to  this.  The  accusation 
was  promptly  dismissed ;  and  on  the  next  day  Rupert  in- 
vited Speke  to  dinner,  when  he  ''entertained  him  in  the 
most  obliging  manner."  ^ 

In  December  1662  Rupert  became  one  of  the  first  Fel- 
lows of  the  Royal  Society,  of  which  the  King  was  also  a 
member,  -  and  their  common  interest  in  science  formed  an 
additional  bond  of  union  between  the  cousins.  Rupert  had 
both  a  forge  and  a  laboratory  in  which  he  himself  worked 
with  great  zeal.  The  King,  with  his  favourite  Buckingham, 
was  wont  to  lounge  in  and  sit  on  a  stool,  watching  his 
energetic  cousin,  with  keen  interest.  Sometimes  the  Prince 
would  weary  of  their  chatter,  and  he  had  a  short  and 
effectual  way  of  ridding  himself  of  them.  He  would  coolly 
throw  something  on  to  the  fire  which  exhaled  such  fearful 
fumes  that  the  King  and  courtiers  would  rush  out  half- 
choked,  vowing  in  mock  fury  that  they  would  never  again 
enter  the  "  alchemist's  hell."  ^ 

Rupert's  inventions  were  many,  and  were  connected  chiefly 
with  the  improvement  of  weapons  and  materials  of  war. 
He  made  an  improved  lock  for  fire-arms ;  increased  the 
power  of  gunpowder  ten  times ;  invented  a  kind  of  revolver ; 
a  method  of  making  hail-shot;  a  means  of  melting  black- 
lead  like  a  metal ;  a  substance  composed  of  copper  and 
zinc,  and  called  ** Prince's  metal"  to  this  day;  and  a  screw 
which  facilitated  the  taking  of  observations  with  a  quadrant 
at  sea.  In  1671  he  took  out  a  patent  "  for  converting  edge- 
tools  forged  in  soft  iron,  after  forged ;  and  for  converting 
iron   wire,   and   softening    all   cast   or  melted  iron,  so  that 

^   Warburton,  III.  pp.  508 — 510. 

3  Campbell,  II.  244. 

'  Treskow.  Prinz  Ruprecht,  210 — 211. 

22 


338  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

it  can  be  wrought  and  filed  like  forged  iron."  '  He  also 
had  a  patent  for  tincturing  copper  upon  iron,  -  and  he 
built  a  house  at  Windsor  for  the  carrying  on  of  his  works. 
Besides  his  scientific  works  and  studies,  he  had  on  hand 
innumerable  projects,  adventurous  and  commercial.  He  was 
deeply  interested  in  African  trade,  and  was  a  patentee  of 
the  Royal  African  Company,  formed  for  its  promotion.  In 
1668  he  had  conceived  a  scheme  for  discovering  the  north- 
west passage.  The  idea  had  been  suggested  to  him  by  a 
Canadian,  and  he  forthwith  demanded  of  the  King  a  small 
ship,  the  "  Eagle,"  which  he  despatched  on  the  quest.  ^  As 
a  result  of  this,  he  became  first  President  of  the  Hudson  Bay 
Company,  to  which  the  King  granted  in  1670  the  sole 
right  to  trade  in  those  seas.  ^  In  the  same  year  he  was 
appointed  to  the  Council  of  trade  and  plantations.  During 
the  Dutch  wars  he  fitted  out  four  privateers,  the ''Eagle," 
the  "Hawk,"  the  '' Sparrow  Hawk,"  and  the  '* Panther."  '  In 
1668  he  petitioned,  in  conjunction  with  Henry  Howard,  for 
the  sole  right  to  coin  farthings,  for  which  he  had  invented  a 
new  model.  ^  This  petition  was  regarded  with  great  favour 
by  the  nation  at  large,  for  ** every  pitiful  shopkeeper" 
coined  at  his  own  pleasure,  and  the  abuses  of  the  system 
were  many.  The  farthings  of  Prince  Rupert  were  "much 
talked  of  and  desired;"  '  and,  in  consequence  of  his  petition, 
he  was  empowered,  with  Craven  and  others,  to  examine 
into  the  abuses  of  the  Mint.  *  Later  he  started  a  project, 
in  partnership  with  Shaftesbury,  for  working  supposed  silver- 
mines  in  Somersetshire. " 


1  Dom.  State  Papers,  Apr.  22,  1671. 

2  Ibid.  Nov.  17,  1 67 1. 

3  Ibid.  Feb.  7,  1668. 
*  Campbell,  II.  249. 

s  Dom.  St.  Papers,  3  June,  1667  ;  3  May,  1672. 

0  D.  S.  P.  II  Mar.  1668. 

7  D.  S.  P.  II,  21  Nov.  1669. 

8  D.  S.  P.  28  Aug.  1668. 

9  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Kept.  9.  App.  III.  p.  6a.  Sackville  MSS. 


LIFE  AT  WINDSOR  339 

In  September  1668  the  Prince  was  made  Constable  of 
Windsor,  in  November  he  was  granted  the  keepership  of  the 
Park,  and  in  1670  he  became  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Berkshire. 
From  that  time  he  Hved  much  at  Windsor,  but  we  find 
him  still  occasionally  employed  in  the  public  service.  At 
the  request  of  the  Mayor  and  Aldermen  of  London  he  laid 
the  first  stone  of  a  new  pillar  of  the  Exchange.^  In  1669 
he  was  on  the  Committee  for  Foreign  Affairs;  and  in  1670 
he  was  authorised  to  conclude  a  commercial  treaty  with 
the  French  Minister,  Colbert.-  In  1671  he  was  one  of  the 
commission  appointed  to  consider  the  settlement  of  Ireland  ; 
and  in  1679  various  *'odd  letters  and  superscriptions" 
taken  on  a  suspected  Frenchman,  were  handed  over  for 
the  Prince  to  decipher.  ^ 

But  after  the  last  naval  action  of  1673  Rupert  retired 
more  and  more  from  public  life.  The  peacefulness  of 
Windsor  suited  him  far  better  than  the  turmoil  of  the  court, 
and  he  devoted  himself  to  the  repairing  and  embellishing 
of  the  castle,  in  which  he  took  an  **  extraordinary  delight."  ' 
Evelyn,  who  visited  Windsor  in  1670,  describes  the  castle 
as  exceedingly  "ragged  and  ruinous,"  but  Rupert  had 
already  begun  to  repair  the  Round  Tower,  and  Evelyn  was 
lost  in  admiration  of  the  Prince's  ingenious  adornment  of 
his  rooms.  The  hall  and  staircase  he  had  decorated  entirely 
with  trophies  of  war, — pikes,  muskets,  pistols,  bandeliers, 
holsters,  drums,  pieces  of  armour,  all  new  and  bright  were 
arranged  about  the  walls  in  festoons,  giving  a  very  curious 
effect.  From  this  martial  hall  Evelyn  passed  into  Rupert's 
bedroom,  and  was  immensely  struck  with  the  sudden  contrast ; 
for  there  the  walls  were  hung  with  beautiful  tapestry,  and 
with  "curious  and  effeminate  pictures,"  all  suggestion  of 
war  being  carefully  avoided.    Thus  successfully  had  Rupert 

^  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Kept.  12.  Fleming  MSS.  p.  54. 

2  D.  S.  P.  27  Oct.  1670. 

«  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Kept.  7.  496a. 

*  Memoir  of  Prince  Rupert.  1683.  p.  75. 


340  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

represented   the    two    sides, — martial    and    artistic, — of  his 
nature.  ^ 

At  this  time  he  devoted  himself  more  closely  than  ever 
to  his  scientific  and  mechanical  studies,  "not  disdaining 
the  most  sooty  and  unpleasant  labour  of  the  meanest  me- 
chanic." ^  In  such  harmless  and  intelligent  pursuits  did  he 
find  his  pleasures.  He  was  not  a  person  of  extravagant 
tastes,  which  was  fortunate,  seeing  that  his  means  were  not 
large,  and  that  his  purse  was  always  open  to  the  needy, 
so  that  he  had  no  great  margin  for  personal  expenditure. 
From  his  trading  ventures  he  doubtless  derived  some  pro- 
fits; and  in  1660  he  had  been  assigned  a  pension  of 
^4,000  per  annum.  For  his  naval  services  he  received  no 
wages,  but  occasional  sums  of  money  offered  as  the  King's 
"free  gift."'  As  Constable  of  Windsor  he  had  perquisites, 
and  when  he  chose  to  live  at  Whitehall,  an  allowance  of 
food  was  given  him,  at  the  rate  of  six  dishes  per  meal.  * 
But,  after  his  appointment  to  Windsor,  he  was  seldom  seen 
at  Whitehall,  except  when  it  was  necessary  to  attend  some 
State  funeral,  at  which  functions  he  was  generally  required 
to  play  the  part  of  chief  mourner. 

Sometimes  his  solitude  was  disturbed  by  visitors.  In  1670 
he  entertained  the  young  Prince  of  Orange,  who  had  come 
to  marry  his  cousin,  Mary  of  York. '^  In  May  167 1  the 
Installation  of  the  Garter  was  held  at  Windsor,  when  the 
King  of  Sweden,  represented  by  Lord  Carlisle,  and  intro- 
duced by  Rupert  and  James  of  York,  received  the  insignia 
of  the  Garter.  ^  At  intervals  the  King  paid  private  visits 
to  his  cousin;  and  in  February  1677  he  came  down  with 
the  intention  of  spending  a  week  at  the  castle,  but  his  in- 
tention was    changed  by  the    wild   conduct  of  his  retinue. 

^  Evelyn's  Diary,  28  Aug.  1670.  Vol.  11.  p.  51. 
2  Memoir.  1683.  p.  73. 
8  D.  S.  P.  1668. 

*  Ibid.  Aug.  25,  1663. 

*  Hatton  Correspondence,  T.  p.  59. 
«  D.  S.P.  May  29,  1671. 


LIFE  AT  WINDSOR  341 

*'0n  Wednesday  night,"  says  a  letter  in  the  Rutland  MSS., 
**some  of  the  Courtiers  fell  to  their  cups  and  drank  away 
all  reason.  At  last  they  began  to  despise  art  too,  and  broke 
into  Prince  Rupert's  laboratory,  and  dashed  his  stills,  and 
other  chemical  instruments  to  pieces.  His  Majesty  went 
to  bed  about  twelve  o'clock,  but  about  two  or  three^  one 
of  Henry  Killigrew's  men  was  stabbed  in  the  company  in 
the  next  chamber  to  the  King  ....  The  Duke  ran  speed- 
ily to  His  Majesty's  bed,  drew  the  curtain,  and  said : 
'Sir,  will  you  lie  in  bed  till  you  have  your  throat  cut?' 
Whereupon  His  Majesty  got  up,  at  three  o'clock  in  the 
night,  and  came  immediately  away  to  Whitehall."  ^ 

To  such  visitors  the  Prince  must  infinitely  have  preferred 
his  solitude.  He  was  a  lonely  man;  the  last,  in  a  sense, 
of  his  generation.  Between  him  and  the  Courtiers  of  Charles 
a  great  gulf  lay.  Will  Legge  was  dead,  and  most  of  his 
other  friends  had  likewise  passed  before  him.  Lord  Craven 
was  left,  and  Ormonde  absent  in  Ireland,  but  they  were 
the  last  of  the  old  regime.  For  companionship  Rupert 
fell  back  on  his  own  **  gentlemen,"  the  people  of  Berkshire, 
and  his  dogs.  His  ** family"  was  devoted  to  him,  but  it 
seems  to  have  been  somewhat  troublesome  on  occasion. 
Thus,  soon  after  the  Restoration,  certain  members  of  it 
caused  the  Lord  Chamberlain  to  search  Albemarle's  cellars 
for  gunpowder,  a  proceeding  which  naturally  excited  Al- 
bemarle's wrath.  Rupert  was  so  exceedingly  annoyed  at 
the  occurrence,  that  he  not  only  dismissed  the  servant 
in  fault,  but  "  offered  to  fight  any  one  who  set  the  design 
on  foot."  ^  Later,  we  find  a  petition  from  a  Frenchman, 
complaining  of  an  assault  made  upon  him  "by  several 
scoundrels  of  the  Prince's  stables."  * 

Rupert's   love   for   dogs   had  not  abated  with  advancing 
years.     In    1667    he  lost  a  favourite  greyhound,  for  which 

1  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Kept.  12.  Rutland  MSS.  Vol.  II.  p.  38. 
-  Dom.  State  Papers.  Jan  11.  166 1. 
'  Ibid.  Feb.  2,  1665. 


342  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

he  advertised  as  follows: — "Lost,  a  light,  fallow-coloured 
greyhound  bitch.  She  was  lost  on  Friday  last,  about 
twelve  of  the  clock,  and  whosoever  brings  her  to  Prince 
Rupert's  lodgings  at  the  Stone  Gallery,  Whitehall,  they 
shall  be  well  rewarded  for  their  pains."  ^  But  at  Windsor 
it  was  a  ''faithful  great  black  dog"  which  was  his  insepar- 
able companion,  and  which  accompanied  him  on  the  soli- 
tary evening  rambles  which  won  them  both  the  reputation 
of  wizards.  The  fact  that  he  was  so  regarded  by  the 
country  people  troubled  Rupert  not  at  all,  and  he  referred 
to  it  with  grim  amusement  in  writing  to  his  sister  Elizabeth.  ^ 

"And  thus,"  says  one  of  his  gentlemen,  "our  noble 
and  generous  Prince  spent  the  remainder  of  his  years  in 
a  sweet  and  sedate  repose,  free  from  the  confused  noise 
and  clamour  of  war,  wherewith  he  had,  in  his  younger 
years,  been  strangely  tossed,  like  a  ship,  upon  the  boister- 
ous waves  of  fickle  and  inconstant  fortune." 

The  end  came  in  1682.  For  many  years  Rupert  had 
been  quite  an  invalid — "fort  maladif",  as  the  Danish 
Ambassador  told  the  Princess  Sophie;  not  only  the  old 
wound  in  his  head,  but  also  an  injury  to  his  leg  caused 
the  Prince  acute  and  constant  suffering  during  the  last 
years  of  his  life.  He  was  at  his  town  house  in  Spring 
Gardens,  November  1682,  when  he  was  seized  with  a  fever, 
of  which  he  died  in  a  few  days.  It  was  said  that  his  horror  of 
being  bled  led  him  to  conceal  the  true  cause  of  his  suffering 
until  it  was  too  late  to  remedy  it.  "  Yesterday  Prince  Rupert 
died,"  says  a  letter,  dated  November  30th.  "He  was  not 
ill  above  four  or  five  days;  an  old  hurt  in  his  leg,  which 
has  been  some  time  healed  up,  broke  out  again,  and  put 
him  into  an  intermitting  fever.  But  he  had  a  pleurisy  withal 
upon  him,  which  he  concealed,  because  he  would  not  be 
let    blood  until  it  was  too  late.     He  died  in  great  pain."  ^ 

1  Dom.  State  Papers,  1667.  Carl  II.  187  f.  207. 

2  Strickland,  Elizabeth  Stuart.  Queens  of  Scotland.  Vol.  VIII.  p.  280. 
*  Hatton  Correspondence.  II.  p.  20,  Nov.  30,  1682. 


DEATH  343 

Rupert  made  his  will,  November  27th,  appointing  Lord 
Craven  his  executor,  and  guardian  of  his  daughter,  Ruperta ; 
and  not  forgetting  any  of  those  who  had  served  him  faith- 
fully. Two  days  later  he  died.  ^  His  funeral  was  conducted 
with  all  due  state.  Lord  Craven  acting  chief  mourner ;  and 
the  King  ordered  a  waxen  effigy  of  the  Prince  to  be 
placed,  as  was  then  the  fashion,  beside  his  grave.  He 
Hes  in  the  chapel  of  Henry  VII,  in  Westminster  Abbey, 
but  his  Gffigy  is  not  one  of  those  that  survive  to  the 
present  day ;  and  the  verger  who  points  out  to  us  the 
tombs  of  George  of  Denmark  and  other  insignificant  people, 
passes  by  that  of  Rupert  of  the  Rhine  without  remark, 

*  Wills  from  Doctors  Commons.  Camden  Society,  p.  142. 


CHAPTER    XX 

THE    PALATINES    ON    THE    CONTINENT.      RUPERT'S  DISPUTES 

WITH    THE    ELECTOR.      THE    ELECTOR'S    ANXIETY    FOR 

RUPERT'S    RETURN.      WANT     OF    AN    HEIR    TO  THE 

PALATINATE.       FRANCISCA     BARD.        RUPERT'S 

CHILDREN 

The  oath  which  Rupert  had  sworn  in  i6$8,  he  faithfully 
kept;  never  again,  in  spite  of  changed  circumstances,  and 
the  earnest  entreaties  of  his  family,  did  he  set  foot  in  the 
Palatinate.  Yet  he  was  not  quite  forgotten  by  his  relatives. 
The  lively  and  voluminous  correspondence  of  Sophie  and  the 
Elector,  from  which  we  learn  much  of  all  family  affairs, 
contains  many  allusions  to  *'  mon  frere  Rupert,"  in  whose 
sayings  and  doings  the  brother  and  sister  took  a  keen 
interest. 

Sophie  had  been  married,  October  17th,  1658,  to  Ernest 
Augustus  of  Brunswick,  one  of  the  Dukes  of  Hanover,  and 
titular  bishop  of  Osnabriick.  In  her  new  home  she  was 
visited  by  Rupert,  Sept.  1660,  and  she  wrote  of  the  visit 
to  Charles  Louis,  as  most  satisfactory.  "  My  brother 
Rupert  made  a  great  friendship  with  my  Dukes,"  she  said ; 
*'  they  agree  so  very  well  in  their  amusements  1 "  ^  Since 
Sophie's  Dukes  were  devoted  to  music  and  to  hunting,  it 
may  easily  be  understood  that  Rupert's  tastes  accorded 
well  with  theirs. 

Sophie  wrote  *' Dukes"  advisedly,  for  she  had  practically 
married,  not  only  Ernest  Augustus,  but  his  elder  brother, 
George  William.     These   two  were  even  more  inseparable 

1  Briefwechsel  der  Herzogin  Sophie  mit  Karl  Ludwig  von  der  Pfalz.  p. 
38.  Sophie  to  Karl.  21  Sept.  1660. 


THE  PALATINES  ON  THE  CONTINENT  345 

than  Rupert  and  Maurice  had  been,  and  their  mutual  af- 
fection caused  considerable  annoyance  to  the  unfortunate 
Sophie.  She  had  been  first  betrothed  to  the  elder  of  the 
two,  but  George  William  being  seized  with  a  panic  that 
marriage  would  bore  him  horribly,  had  persuaded  his  de- 
voted brother  Ernest  to  take  the  lady  off  his  hands. 
Sophie  acquiesced  placidly  in  the  arrangement ;  she  desired 
chiefly  to  secure  a  good  establishment,  and  if  she  had  any 
preference,  it  was  for  the  younger  brother.  But  she  was 
not  allowed  to  keep  her  husband  to  herself.  Neither  brother 
could  bear  the  other  out  of  his  sight;  and  when  constant 
intercourse  with  his  sister-in-law  had  roused  George  Wil- 
liam's regret  for  his  hasty  rejection  of  her,  the  position  of 
Sophie  became  exceedingly  difficult.  Worse  still,  her  hus- 
band was  possessed  with  so  ardent  an  admiration  for  his 
brother  as  to  fancy  that  everyone  else  must  adore  him  as 
he  did;  and  this  idea  kept  him  in  a  terror  of  losing  his 
wife's  affections.  As  he  would  endure  separation  from 
neither  wife  nor  brother  there  was  no  remedy,  and  for 
months  the  hapless  Sophie  was  led  in  to  dinner  by  George 
WilHam,  without  ever  daring  to  raise  her  eyes  to  his  face. 
Luckily  for  her  the  strain  became  too  much  at  last,  even 
for  Ernest  Augustus,  and  he  consented  to  take  an  eighteen 
months'  tour  in  Italy  with  his  brother,  leaving  his  wife  to 
visit  her  own  relations  in  peace.  ^ 

The  eldest  sister,  the  learned  Elizabeth,  had  devoted 
herself,  like  Louise,  to  a  religious  Hfe;  and  became  first 
Coadjutrice,  and  afterwards  Abbess  of  the  Lutheran  Convent 
of  Hervorden.  In  this  capacity  she  governed  a  territory 
of  many  miles  in  circumference,  and  containing  a  popula- 
tion of  seven  thousand.  She  was  recogrnized  as  a  member 
of  the  Empire,  had  a  right  to  send  a  representative  to  the 
Diet,  and  was  required  to  furnish  one  horseman  and  six 
foot   soldiers   to   the   Imperial   army.     Every  Saturday  she 

1  Memoriea  der  Herzogiu  Sophie,  pp.  64 — 67. 


346  RtFPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

might  be  seen  gravely  knitting  in  the  courtyard  of  her 
castle,  while  she  adjudged  the  causes  brought  for  her  deci- 
sion. For  some  reason  or  other  she  and  her  religious  views 
were  a  subject  of  great  mirth  to  her  brothers  and  sisters. 
Rupert  visited  her  more  than  once  in  1660  and  1661,  but, 
said  Sophie,  •*  II  se  raille  beaucoup  de  La  Signora  Grecque."  ^ 
And  Sophie  herself  usually  alluded  to  her  eldest  sister 
with  mild  amusement,  Charles  Louis  with  evident  irritation. 

Louise  seems  really  to  have  been  the  happiest  of  all 
the  family,  and  to  have  lived  with  true  contentment  in 
her  convent  of  Maubuisson.  Sophie,  who  had  the  joy  of 
visiting  her  there  in  1679,  wrote  to  the  Elector: — ''She 
has  not  changed.  I  find  her  very  happy,  for  she  lives  in 
a  beautiful  place  ;  her  garden  is  large  and  very  pleasant, 
which  is  one  of  the  things  I  love  best  in  the  world."  "^  In 
her  next  letter  she  remarked  that  Louise  was  very  regular 
in  her  observance  of  convent  rules,  **  which  makes  her  pass 
for  a  saint;"  and  she  added,  with  a  little  sigh  of  envy  for 
the  peace  she  witnessed,  "  I  could  easily  accommodate  my- 
self to  a  life  like  that."  ^  But  the  reply  of  Charles  Louis 
was  satirical  and  unsympathetic:  ''I  know  not  if  I  dare 
ask  you  to  make  my  very  devoted  *  baisemains '  to  my 
sister  the  Abbess  of  Maubuisson,  provided  that  the  offering 
of  my  profane  lips,  which  still  smack  somewhat  of  the 
world,  does  not  offend  her  abstracted  thoughts,  and  that 
she  can  still  spare  some  for  her  carnal  brother,  who  is 
now  only  skin  and  bones.  At  least,  I  am  always  grateful 
that  she  asks  of  me  nothing  mundane."  * 

Louise  lived  to  a  cheerful  and  healthful  old  age,  retain- 
ing to  the  last  her  interest  in  art.  Her  own  chapel  and 
many  neighbouring  churches  were  beautified  by  the  produc- 

1  Briefwechsel  des  Herzogin  Sophie  mit  Karl  Ludwig.  p.  35.  Sophie  to 
Karl,  1660. 

2  Ibid.  pp.  371—3-  24  Aug.  1679. 
a  Ibid.  p.  374.  4  Sept.  1679. 

*  Ibid.  p.  371.  15  Aug.  1679. 


THE  PALATINES  ON  THE  CONTINENT  347 

tions  of  her  brush;  and  in  1699,  when  she  had  reached 
the  age  of  seventy-seven,  she  was  painting  a  copy  of 
Pousin's  Golden  Calf,  as  a  gift  for  Sophie.  Her  life  was 
simple  but  peaceful :  she  ate  no  meat,  slept  on  a  bed  '*  as 
hard  as  a  stone,"  sat  only  on  a  straw  stool,  and  rose  al- 
ways at  mid-night  to  attend  chapel.  *  Yet  she  was  never 
ill,  nor  did  she  ever  lose  her  high  spirits.  **  She  is  better 
tempered,  more  lively,  sees,  hears  and  walks  better  than  I 
do,"  wrote  her  niece  Elizabeth  Charlotte,  the  daughter  of 
Charles  Louis,  when  Louise  was  eighty.  **  She  is  still  able 
to  read  the  smallest  print  without  spectacles,  has  all  her 
teeth  complete,  and  is  quite  full  of  fun  (popierlich),  like 
my  father  when  he  was  in  a  good  humour."  " 

Elizabeth  Charlotte  had  been  married  to  Philip  of 
Orleans,  the  quondam  husband  of  her  fair  cousin,  Hen- 
rietta Stuart,  and  Louise  was  her  chief  consolation  in  an 
exceedingly  unhappy  life.  '*  One  cannot  believe  how  plea- 
sant and  playful  the  Princess  of  Maubuisson  was,"  she  said, 
**I  always  visited  her  with  pleasure;  no  moment  could 
seem  tedious  in  her  company.  I  was  in  greater  favour  with 
her  than  her  other  nieces,  (Edward's  daughters,)  because  I 
could  converse  with  her  about  everything  she  had  gone  through 
in  her  life,  which  the  others  could  not.  She  often  talked 
to  me  in  German,  which  she  spoke  very  well.  She  told  me 
her  comical  tales.  I  asked  her  how  she  had  been  able  to 
habituate  herself  to  a  stupid  cloister  life.  She  laughed, 
and  said  :  *  I  never  speak  to  the  nuns,  except  to  commu- 
nicate my  orders.'  She  said  she  had  always  liked  a  country 
life,  and  fancied  she  lived  like  a  country  girl.  I  said: 
*  But  to  get  up  in  the  night  and  to  go  to  church ! '  She 
answered,  laughing,  that  I  knew  well  what  painters  were; 
they  like  to  see  dark  places  and  the  shadows  caused  by 
lights,  and  this  gave  her  every  day  fresh  taste  for  painting. 

1  Briefe  der  Prinzessin  ElizabethCharlotte  von  Orleans  an  die  Raugrafinuen. 
7  Aug.  1699.  p.  43.  ed.  1843. 

2  Strickland.  Queens  of  Scotland,  VIII.  p.  403. 


348  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

She  could  turn  everything  in  this  way,  that  it  should  not 
seem  dull."  ^  But  in  spite  of  her  flippant  speeches,  Louise 
was  respected  by  all  who  knew  her,  adored  in  her  own 
convent,  and  died  in  the  odour  of  sanctity,  attesting  to  the 
end  her  staunch  adherence  to  the  Jacobite  cause. 

Edward,  with  whom  Rupert  had  more  intercourse  than 
with  the  other  members  of  his  family,  died  young,  three 
years  after  the  Restoration,  and  thus  Rupert  was  left  alone 
in  England.  Occasionally  he  wrote  to  his  sisters,  but  not 
very  often.  *'If  you  knew  how  much  joy  your  letters 
give  me  I  am  sure  you  would  have  the  good  nature  to  let 
me  receive  them  oftener  than  you  do,"  ^  declared  Eliza- 
beth. And  Sophie  complained  likewise :  '*  It  is  so  long 
since  I  have  heard  from  Rupert  that  I  do  not  know  if 
he  is  still  alive."  ^  With  Elizabeth,  Rupert  had  a  common 
ground  in  the  contests  they  both  waged  with  *'Timon"  the 
Elector:  *'Timon  is  so  finely  vexed  at  the  6,000  rix  dollars 
he  has  to  pay  me,  out  of  a  clear  debt,  that  he  will  not 
send  me  my  annuity,"  *  declared  EHzabeth  in  1665.  Rupert's 
own  quarrels  with  *'  Timon  "  were  more  bitter.  The  unsettled 
dispute  about  the  appanage  had  been  aggravated  by  the 
struggle  over  their  mother's  will.  The  Queen  had  threat- 
ened, in  her  wrath,  to  bequeath  her  unsatisfied  claims  on 
the  Elector  to  his  brothers.  This  she  had  not  done,  but 
she  had  made  Rupert  her  residuary  legatee,  leaving  to 
him  most  of  her  jewels.  The  Elector,  as  we  have  seen, 
denied  his  mother's  right  to  do  this.  Rupert  refused  to 
give  up  his  legacy,  and  for  years  the  sordid  dispute 
dragged  on. 

In  1 66 1  the  Elector  offered  a  sum  of  money  in  lieu  of 
all  Rupert's  claims  upon  him;  but  the  offer  was  rejected 
with  scorn.     The   Elector  professed  himself  much  injured; 


2  Bromley  Letters,  p.  254.  20/30  May,  1665. 
'  Bromley,  p.  226.  31  Oct.  1661. 
*  Bromley,  p.  254.  20/30  May,  1665. 


RUPERT'S  DISPUTES  WITH  THE  ELECTOR        349 

and  Sophie,  who  sided  entirely  with  her  eldest  brother, 
wrote  consolingly:  ''Rupert  does  not  do  you  much  harm 
by  rejecting  your  money."  ^  Next  Charles  Louis  tried  to 
put  his  brother  off  by  assigning  to  him  a  debt  which  he 
pretended  due  to  him  from  France ;  but  neither  would 
this  satisfy  Rupert.  "  Give  me  leave  to  tell  you,"  he  wrote 
to  Arhngton  in  1664,  ''that  the  debt  my  brother  pretends 
from  France  is  a  mere  chimera.  It  was  monys  promised 
to  Prince  John  Casimir  to  goe  bake  with  his  army  out  of 
France,  whiche,  you  will  finde,  is  not  intended  to  be  payed 
yett.  As  I  assured  His  Majesty,  I  remitt  the  whoele 
business  to  him  to  dispose,  and  have  given  my  Lord  Craven 
order  to  satisfy  His  Majesty  and  yourself  in  all  which  shall 
be  desired,  in  order  to  it.  Soe  you  may  easily  believe  I 
shall  imbrace  most  willingly  the  offers  yoii  made  unto  me, 
assuring  you  that  I  shall  repay  the  favor  by  possible 
meanes  I  can."  ^ 

But  the  mediation  of  Charles  II  did  not  bring  matters 
to  a  peaceful  end,  and  Rupert  seems  to  have  sought 
accommodation  through  Sophie.  "  It  seems  to  me  that 
Rupert  never  remembers  my  existence,  except  when  he 
thinks  of  being  reconciled  with  you,"  declared  that  lady 
to  the  Elector.  ^  Nevertheless  she  did  her  best  to  produce 
the  reconcihation.  "I  am  very  glad  that  you  are  anxious 
to  do  all  you  can  to  content  Rupert,"  she  wrote  to  her 
eldest  brother ;  "  I  do  not  doubt  he  will  be  reasonable  on 
his  side,  and  that  he  will  consider  your  present  position, 
since  he  expresses  a  desire  to  be  friends  with  you."  *  And 
in  the  next  year,  1668,  she  was  still  hopeful.  *'I  hope 
Rupert  will  be  contented  with  what  you  offer  him,  for  he 
seems  to  be  in  a  very  good  temper."  "' 


1  Briefe  der  Herzogin  Sophie,  p.  48. 

'  Dom.  State  Papers.  Carl  II.  103.  40.  Rupert  to  Arlington.  Oct.  11,  1644. 

*  Briefe  der  Herzogin.  p.  133. 

*  Ibid.  p.  116. 
»  Ibid.  133. 


350  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

But,  in  spite  of  Rupert's  good  temper,  the  affair  was  not 
concluded,  and  in  1669,  even  the  indolent  Charles  II  was 
roused  to  pen  an  expostulatory  letter  to  Charles  Louis,  with 
his  own  hand. 

"Most  dear  Cosin, 

"  It  is  well  known  to  you  that  I  have  always  expressed 
myself  very  much  concerned  for  the  differences  that  have 
been  between  you  and  my  Cosin,  Prince  Rupert ;  and  that 
I  have  not  been  wanting,  in  my  indeavor  to  bring  them 
to  a  good  conclusion,  and  how  unsuccessful  I  have  been 
therein.  But,  being  still  desirous  thereof,  I  cannot  but  continue 
my  interposition,  and,  upon  a  due  consideration  of  both 
sides,  (and  very  tenderly  the  state  of  your  own  affairs,)  I 
have  thought  fit  to  offer  yet  one  more  expedient  towards 
the  accommodating  of  the  matter,  which  is  this:— that  my 
Cousin  Rupert  shall  disclaim  and  discharge  you  from  all 
arrears  of  appanage  due  unto  him  by  a  former  agreement, 
which,  according  to  your  owne  computation,— as  I  am  in- 
formed,—by  this  time,  amounted  above  the  sum  of  ^^6,000 
sterl.  He  shall  alsoe  lay  downe  all  his  pretensions  as  executor 
to  the  late  Queene,  my  Aunt,  contenting  himself  only  with 
the  moveables  in  his  possession,  which  belong  to  the  Pala- 
tinate house,  and  =^300  sterl.  by  the  year, — if  he  have  no 
lawful  issue — ad  duram  vitae;  the  first  payment  to  be 
made  forthwith,  and  the  subsequent  allowances  at  Easter 
Fair  at  Frankfort.  The  one  halfe  of  whiche  sum,  if  contented, 
to  be  obliggeded  to  lay  out  in  comodities  and  wines  of  the 
growth  of  your  country.  And  that  you  may  have  a  more 
particular  accompt  of  this  last  proposition,  and  the  reasons 
inducing  to  it,  I  have  thought  fit  to  send  unto  you  the 
bearer,  James  Hayes,  Esq.,  my  Cousin  Rupert's  secretary, 
as  being  best  acquainted  with  this  affair;  to  whom  I  desire 
you  to  give  credence  in  this  matter,  and  conjuring  you  to 
give  him  such  a  despatch  as  may  finally  dethrone  this 
unhappy  controversy.  Wherein,  if  ye  shall  comply  with  my 


WANT  OF  AN  HEIR  TO  THE  PALATINATE        351 

desire,  ye  shall  give  me  a  great  satisfaction;  but  if  other- 
wise, you  must  excuse  me,  if  I  use  my  utmost  interest 
for  the  obtaining  of  that  to  my  cousin,  which  I  conceive 
so  justly  belongs  to  him.  I  am,  with  all  truth,  most  dear  cosin, 
''Your  most  affecionat  cousen, 

"Charles  R.' 
"March  31,  '69." 

This  letter  does  considerable  credit  to  Charles's  business 
capacities ;  but  even  so  modest  a  settlement  as  he  proposed 
was  refused.  Nor  did  the  interference  of  Louis  XIV  of 
France,  in  July  1670,  produce  any  better  result.  "As  to 
the  letter  of  the  King  of  France  about  Rupert,  I  think  it 
is  easy  to  answer  with  very  humble  thanks,  neither  accept- 
ing nor  declining  his  mediation,"  advised  Sophie.  - 

But  Rupert's  revenge  was  not  long  deferred.  About  five 
years  later  the  Elector  found  cause  to  repent  his  ill-usage 
of  his  obstinate  brother,  and  would  have  given  much  to 
recall  him  to  the  home  of  his  fathers. 

The  scandals  rife  at  the  Court  of  Heidelberg,  in  1658, 
had  by  no  means  abated  after  Rupert's  withdrawal.  The 
dissensions  of  the  Elector  and  Electress  became  a  subject  of 
public  remark,  and  the  Queen  of  Bohemia  had  herself  written 
of  them  to  Rupert,  adding  prudently — **I  do  not  tell  you 
this  for  truth,  for  it  is  written  from  the  Court  of  Cassel, 
where,  I  confess,  they  are  very  good  at  telling  of  stories, 
and  enlarging  of  them."  ^  But,  unluckily,  matters  were  so 
bad  that  no  embellishments  from  the  Court  of  Cassel  could 
make  them  much  worse.  The  scandal — "  accidents  fallen 
out  in  my  domestic  affairs,"  Charles  Louis  phrased  it,  * 
— had  come  to  such  a  pitch  that  the  Electress,  after 
boxing  her  husband's  ears  at  a  public  dinner,  and  attempt- 


^  Dom.  Entry  Book.  Record  Office,  31.  fol.  21. 

2  Briefe  der  Herzogin,  9  July,  1669,  p.  141. 

*  Bromley  Letters,  p.  291. 

*  Ibid.  p.  236. 


352  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

ing  to  shoot  both  him  and  Louise  von  Degenfeldt,  fled 
from  Heidelberg,  leaving  her  two  young  children,  Karl 
and  Elizabeth  Charlotte,— or  Carellie  and  Liselotte,  as  their 
father  called  them,  — to  the  mercy  of  her  husband. 

Thereupon  Charles  Louis  formally  married  Louise  von 
Degenfeldt,  who  was  thenceforth  treated  as  his  wife.  By 
her  he  had  no  less  than  eight  children,  but  as  the  marriage 
was  not,  of  course,  really  legal,  none  of  those  children 
could  succeed  him  in  the  Electorate.  Carellie,  his  only 
legitimate  son,  was  delicate,  and  his  marriage  childless; 
EHzabeth  Charlotte  had  renounced  all  claim  to  the  Palatin- 
ate on  her  marriage  with  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  and  in 
1674  the  extinction  of  the  Simmern  line  seemed  imminent. 
This  danger  affected  Charles  Louis  very  deeply.  He  had 
been  a  bad  son,  an  unkind  brother,  and  an  unfaithful  hus- 
band, but  he  was,  for  all  that,  a  good  ruler  and  an  affec- 
tionate father.  **The  Regenerator"  he  was  called  in  the 
war-wasted  country  to  which  his  laborious  care  had  brought 
peace  and  comparative  prosperity ;  and  his  name  was  long 
remembered  there  with  reverent  love.  The  prospect  of  leaving 
his  cherished  country  and  his  beloved  children  to  the  mercy 
of  a  distant  and  Roman  Catholic  cousin,  caused  him  acute 
suffering.  Nor  did  he  believe  the  said  children  would  be 
much  better  off  in  the  care  of  their  eldest  brother  and  his  wife. 

"What  devours  my  heart  is  that,  in  case  of  my  death, 
I  leave  so  many  poor  innocents  to  the  mercy  of  their  en- 
emies," he  wrote  to  Sophie;  ** Wilhelmena  (the  wife  of 
Carellie)  shows  sufficiently  what  I  may  expect  of  her  for 
those  who  will  be  under  her  power  after  my  death;  since, 
particularly  in  company,  she  shows  so  much  contempt  for 
them.  This  also  has  some  influence  on  Carellie,  who  treats 
them — with  the  exception  of  Carllutz — like  so  many  stran- 
gers, as  does  Wilhelmena ;  . .  . .  the  poor  little  ones  are 
always  in  fear  of  her  severe  countenance."  ^ 

^  Briefwechsel    der    Herzogin    mit    Karl  Ludwig,   p.   179.  Karl  to  Sophie, 
5  Mar.  1674. 


WANT  OF  AN  HEIR  TO  THE  PALATINATE        353 

With  this  depressing  prospect  before  him,  Charles  Louis 
turned  his  thoughts  to  his  neglected  brother,  showing  his 
confidence  in  Rupert's  generosity,  by  his  readiness  to  entrust 
him  with  the  care  of  his  children.  '*  George  William  says 
that  the  Prince  Rupert  ought  to  marry,"  ^  wrote  Sophie, 
quoting  her  troublesome  brother-in-law,  in  Jan.  1674.  Such 
was  the  opinion  of  the  now  regretful  Elector,  and  he  pressed 
his  brother  to  return,  promising  to  grant  him  all  he  could 
desire,  if  he  would  but  come  and  raise  up  heirs  to  the 
house  of  Simmern.  But  Rupert  remembered  his  oath,  and 
answered  as  we  have  seen  in  a  former  chapter.  Then 
Sophie  tried  her  powers  of  persuasion,  and  bade  Lord 
Craven  tell  Rupert  how  much  the  Elector  would  be  pleased, 
if  he  would  but  yield.  But  Lord  Craven  showed  himself, 
for  once,  severely  practical.  If  Sophie  would  name  to  him 
some  very  rich  lady  willing  to  marry  Rupert,  he  would 
be  delighted  to  negotiate  the  matter,  he  said;  if  not,  then 
he  begged  to  be  excused  from  interference.  "And  there 
I  am  stuck  (je  suis  demeure),"  confessed  Sophie,  "  for  I  do 
not  know  how  he  would  support  her."  ^ 

Nevertheless  the  family  continued  their  solicitations,  to 
which  Rupert  next  retorted  that  the  Elector  had  better 
get  his  cousin,  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  and  his  sister 
Elizabeth  to  persuade  Charlotte  of  Hesse  to  agree  to  a  divorce ; 
when,  Louise  being  dead,  he  could  marry  again.  "  He  must 
either  be  very  ignorant  of  our  intrigues  here,  or  wishes 
to  appear  so,"  wrote  the  Elector  bitterly.  *  He  knew  that 
Charlotte  would  never  forego  her  vengeance  by  setting  him 
free,  and  that  neither  his  cousin  nor  his  sister  would  inter- 
fere in  such  an  affair.  Elizabeth  was,  however,  so  far  press- 
ed into  the  service,  that  she,  in  her  turn,  exhorted  Rupert 
to  come  over  and  marry.  To  her  he  only  replied,  "that 
he  was  quite  comfortable  at  Windsor,  and  had  no  intention 

1  Briefe  der  Herzogin,  p.  175.  24  Jan.   1674. 

2  Ibid.  p.  315.  10  Feb.  1678. 

3  Ibid.  p.  385,  28  Oct.  1679. 

23 


354  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

of  moving ;  that  Charles  Louis  had  insulted  him  and  might 
do  what  he  pleased  for  an  heir,  he  should  not  have  him."  ^ 
Such  was  his  final  word,  and  consequently  the  Palatinate 
passed,  on  the  death  of  Carellie  in  1685,  to  the  Neuburg 
branch  of  the  family. 

Charles  Louis  died  in  1680,  and  Rupert  did  not  cherish 
the  enmity  he  had  borne  him  beyond  the  grave.  On  the 
contrary,  he  was  anxious  to  do  what  he  could  for  the 
benefit  of  his  impecunious  nephews  and  nieces.  For  Ca- 
rellie he  did  not  care,  the  young  Elector  had  offended  him 
by  his  neglect,  ^  but  it  was  not  Carellie  who  needed  his 
protection;  it  was  rather  against  Carellie  that  he  took  up 
the  cause  of  the  Raugrafen,  as  Charles  Louis'  children  by 
Louise  were  called.  The  circumstances  of  the  case  had 
left  them  completely  dependent  on  their  eldest  brother,  who 
bore  them  no  great  love.  This  was  not  due  to  the  fact 
that  their  mother  had  supplanted  his  own.  Carellie  had 
never  loved  his  mother;  he  had  often  told  his  father  that 
he  paid  no  heed  to  what  Charlotte  might  say,  and  had 
himself  urged  her  to  consent  to  a  divorce.  ^  But  he  was 
of  a  pecuHar  temperament,  jealous,  fretful,  difficult,  and  his 
dislike  of  the  Raugrafen  was  really  due,  partly  to  the  in- 
fluence of  his  disagreeable  wife,  and  partly  to  jealousy  of 
the  affection  which  his  father  had  always  shown  to  them, 
especially  to  Moritzien, — poor  Moritzien,  gifted  with  all  the 
Palatine  fascination  and  brilliancy,  but  ruined  by  a  life 
of  uninterrupted  indulgence,  so  that  he  drank  himself  to 
death. 

Promises  of  providing  for  these  cadets  had  been  wrung 
from  Carellie  by  his  anxious  father,  but  these  promises  he 
showed  himself  in  no  haste  to  keep,  and  Sophie  appealed, 
on  their  behalf  to  Rupert.  He  showed  himself  ready  to  assist 
them,  and  demanded  a  concise  account  of  the  whole  busi- 

1  Strickland's  Elizabeth  Stuart.  Queens  of  Scotland,  VIII.  p.  210. 

2  Briefe  der  Herzogin  Sophie  an  die  Raugrafen,  etc.  p.  32.  27  Dec.  1682. 
'  Briefwechsel  mit  Karl  Ludwig,  pp.  348.  329.  7  Feb.  1679  and  25  June,  1678. 


WANT  OF  AN  HEIR  TO  THE  PALATINATE        355 

ness,  in  order  that  he  might  be  qualified  to  interfere.  ^ 
*'  Not  that  he  thinks  the  Elector  will  break  his  sacred  pro- 
mise to  his  father,"  -  declared  Sophie.  Nevertheless  she 
urged  the  eldest  Raugraf,  Karl  Ludwig,  or  **  Carllutz,"  who 
had  shortly  before  visited  Rupert  in  England,  to  write  very 
affectionately  to  his  uncle,  in  gratitude  for  the  interest  shown 
in  them.  ^  But,  unfortunately  for  the  Raugrafen,  Rupert 
did  not  long  survive  his  brother;  and  only  a  few  months 
later  Sophie  wrote  to  one  of  her  nieces :  "  You  have 
lost  a  great  friend  in  my  brother  Prince  Rupert.  I  am 
very  much  troubled  and  overwhelmed  with  the  unexpected 
loss.  I  know  the  Electress  Dowager  will  also  bewail 
him."  ' 

Considering  that  for  more  than  twenty  years  Sophie  had 
not  seen  her  brother,  her  grief  seems  a  little  excessive,  but 
doubtless  she  lamented  him  for  many  reasons.  The  memory 
of  old  days  dwelt  with  her  all  the  more  as  she  advanced 
in  years,  and  latterly  she  had  drawn  nearer  to  her  brother. 
By  his  means  a  marriage  had  been  projected  between 
Sophie's  eldest  son  George  and  the  Princess  Anne,  the 
second  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  York.  During  the  pro- 
gress of  this  negotiation,  Sophie  sent  George  over  to 
England,  on  a  visit  to  his  uncle.  She  had  some  misgivings 
about  his  reception,  for,  as  she  confessed,  George  was  not 
*'assez  beau"  to  resemble  a  Palatine  in  any  way,  though 
her  second  son  Friedrich,  or  "Gustien,"  as  she  called  him, 
was  tall  and  handsome, — *'the  very  image  of  Rupert" 
(Rupert  tout  crache).  ^  Gustien  had,  moreover,  not  only 
Rupert's  handsome  face  and  gigantic  stature,  but  also  his 
resolute  character.  **  If  he  would  have  changed  his  religion, 
he    might    have    succeeded    well   at   the    Imperial   Court," 

1  Briefe  an  die  Raugrafen,  p.  17.  14  Mar.  1680, 

2  Briefe.  p.  11.  20  Dec.  1680. 

3  Ibid.  p.  17. 

*  Briefe  an  die  Raugrafen,  p.  32.  27  Dec.  1682. 

5  Strickland.  Queens  of  Scotland,  VIII.  p.  334.  Briefwechsel  derHerzogin 
mit  Karl  Ludwig. 


356  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

wrote  his  mother;  ''but  he  has  too  much  of  his  uncle 
Rupert  not  to  be  firm  in  his  religion."  ^ 

However,  George,  if  less  favoured  by  nature,  was  still 
the  eldest  son,  and  therefore  of  necessity  the  bridegroom 
elect.  Notwithstanding  his  want  of  good  looks  he  was 
very  kindly  received,  both  by  King  Charles  and  Rupert. 
The  King  declared  that  he  would  treat  him  ''en  cousin," 
and  lodged  him  in  Whitehall.  Rupert  paid  him  daily  visits 
when  his  health  allowed  of  it,  but  he  was  very  ill,  and 
often  confined  to  his  bed.  "  I  went  to  visit  Prince  Rupert, 
who  received  me  in  bed,"  wrote  George  to  his  mother; 
"  he  has  a  malady  in  his  leg,  which  makes  him  very  often 
keep  his  bed ;  it  appears  that  it  is  so,  without  any  pretext, 
and  that  he  has  to  take  care  of  himself.  He  had  not  failed 
one  day  of  coming  to  see  me."  ^ 

But  though  entertained  with  "  extraordinary  magnificence,"  ^ 
the  Hanoverian  was  not  favourably  impressed  with  either 
England  or  the  Princess  Anne.  The  country  was  in  a 
ferment  over  the  alleged  discovery  of  the  Popish  Plot,  and 
George  regarded  the  judicial  murders  then  perpetrated  with 
astonished  disgust.  "  They  cut  off  the  head  of  Lord  Stafford 
yesterday,  and  made  no  more  ado  than  if  they  had  chopped 
off  the  head  of  a  pullet/'  he  told  his  mother.  ^ 

But  notwithstanding  the  averseness  of  the  intended  bride- 
groom, the  project  was  not  at  once  renounced ;  and  Rupert's 
last  letter  to  Sophie,  written  shortly  before  his  death,  con- 
tained definite  proposals  on  the  subject.  "  En  ma  derniere, 
chere  soeur,  je  vous  ai  informe  que  cette  poste  je  pourrai 
dire  plus  de  nouvelles  assurees  de  I'affaire  en  question. 
Saches  done,  en  peu  de  mots,  on  offre  40  mille  livres  sterl. 
assigne  caution  marchande,  et  10  mille  livres  sterl.  par  an, 
durant   la   vie   de    M.  le   Due,   votre  mari;  et  on  souhaite 


1  Strickland.  Queens  of  Scotland,  VIII.  p.  345. 

2  Strickland.  Queens  of  England,  X.  p.  313. 
8  Memoir  of  Rupert,  Preface. 

*  Queens  of  England,  X.  p.  313. 


RUPERT'S  CHILDREN  357 

que  donerez  liberte  a  M.  votre  fils  de  demeurer  quelques 
temps  en  ce  pays  la,  fin  d'aprendre  la  langue,  et  faire 
connaitre  au  peuple;  ce  qu'on  trouve  necessaire  en  tout 
cas.  Voyez  ce  que  j'ai  ordre  de  vous  dire,  et  de  demander 
un  reponse  pour  savoir  si  I'affaire  vous  agree ;  si  vous  avez 
pour  agreable,  quelle  en  face,  il  sera  necessaire  que  M.  le 
Due  m'envoie  un  homme  d'affaires,  avec  ses  instructions, 
et  ses  assurees  que  sera  bien  .  .  .  de  celui  qui  est  a  vous ; 
Rupert. 

"  II  faut  vous  dire  si  I'affaire  se  fait  ou  non  vous  avez  fort 
grand  obligation  a  la  Duchesse  de  Portchmouth ;  ^  elle  vous 
assure  de  toutes  ses  services  en  cette  affaire."  - 

Apparently  the  offered  terms  were  not  acceptable  to 
the  Hanoverians,  for  the  negotiation  closed  with  Rupert's 
death. 

Rupert  died,  to  all  appearance,  unmarried,  but  he  left 
two  children,  a  son  and  a  daughter.  More  than  once  he 
had  seriously  contemplated  matrimony.  In  1653  it  had  been 
rumoured  that  he  was  about  to  wed  his  cousin  Mary,  the 
Princess  Royal,  widow  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.^  In  1664 
he  made  proposals  for  a  Royal  lady  of  France,  but  the 
said  lady  objected  that  he  had  been  *'too  long  and  too 
deeply  attached  to  a  certain  Duchess."  ^  That  obstacle  was 
removed  in  the  same  year  by  the  Duchess  of  Richmond's 
clandestine  love-match  with  Thomas  Howard ;  but  the  French 
lady  was  long  in  coming  to  a  decision,  and  in  the  mean- 
time the  young  Francesca  Bard  crossed  Rupert's  path. 

Francesca  was  the  eldest  daughter  of  Sir  Henry  Bard, 
one  of  the  wilder  Cavaliers,  who  had  been  raised  to  the 
Irish  peerage  as  Viscount  Bellamont;  the  same  who  had 
pleaded  so  earnestly  with  Rupert  for  Windebank's  life  in 
1645.    He  had  died  during  the  exile,  when  on  a  mission  to 


*  Ren6e  de  la  Querouaille,  Duchess  of  Portsmouth. 

2  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Rept.  9,  18  Sept.  1682.  Morrison  MSS. 

3  Clar.    State    Papers.  Cal.  Vol.  II.  Fol.  1271.    News  Letter,  8  July,  1653. 

*  Bromley  Letters,  p.  252,  22  Mar.  1664. 


358  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Persia;  and  Francesca,  on  the  death  of  her  only  brother, 
assumed  the  family  title,  as  Lady  Bellamont.  Except  a  title 
her  father  had  nothing  to  bequeath,  and  it  was  probably 
the  urgent  petitions  for  the  relief  of  their  poverty,  addressed 
by  the  family  to  the  King,  that  first  brought  Francesca  into 
contact  with  Rupert.  ^ 

The  Prince  loved  Francesca  Bard,  renounced  his  French 
alliance,  and  thenceforth  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  all  entreaties 
that  he  would  marry.  A  son  was  born  to  him,  and  christened 
**  Dudley."  Rupert  seems  to  have  cared  for  the  boy,  and  he 
certainly  conducted  his  education  with  anxious  solicitude. 
He  sent  him  first  to  school  at  Eton,  where  he  could  him- 
self watch  over  him  from  Windsor.  At  Eton  the  boy  was 
distinguished  for  his  "gentleness  of  temper/'  and  **the 
aimiableness  of  his  behaviour,"  characteristics  which  he 
certainly  did  not  inherit  from  his  father.  Nevertheless 
he  had  Rupert's  martial  spirit,  and  like  his  father  before 
him,  he  early  showed  an  aversion  to  study,  and  a  passion 
for  arms.  Rupert  observing  this  and  remembering  his  own 
boyhood,  removed  his  son  from  Eton  and  placed  him  under 
the  care  of  Sir  Jonas  Moore  at  the  Tower,  in  order  that 
he  might  receive  instructions  in  mathematics  and  other 
subjects  necessary  for  a  military  profession.  ^ 

To  Dudley,  at  his  death,  the  Prince  left  his  house  and 
estate  at  Rhenen,  the  debts  still  due  to  him  from  the 
Emperor,  from  the  Elector  Palatine,  and  from  all  persons 
not  natural  born  subjects  of  England.  The  English  debts, 
which  were  considerably  less,  he  destined  to  be  divided 
amongst  his  servants.  ^ 

**Der  armer  Dodley," '^  as  his  Aunt  Sophie  called  him, 
went  to  Germany  to  secure  his  property,  and  was  received 


1  Cal.  Dom.  S.  P.  1660,  pp.  300,  331. 

2  Wood's   Athense    Oxoniensis.    ed.  1815.    Vol.  II.  Fasti  I.  p.  490.  Camp- 
bell II.  250. 

8  Wills  from  Doctor's  Commons,  p.  142. 

4  Briefe  an  die  Raugrafen,  p.  33.  12  Mar.  1683. 


RUPERT'S  CHILDREN  3^9 

with  great  kindness  by  the  Palatines,  though  there  was  a 
difficulty  about  the  house  at  Rhenen,  that  being  entailed 
property.  ^  In  1685  he  was  back  again  in  England,  fight- 
ing loyally  for  King  James,  as  his  father  would  have 
approved.  In  the  battle  of  Norton  St.  Philip,  where  Mon- 
mouth fought  an  indecisive  battle  with  Grafton,  Churchill 
and  Feversham,  we  find  ''Captain  Rupert,  the  Prince's  son," 
in  command  of  the  musketeers,  and  playing  a  prominent 
part. "  But  when  the  rebellion  had  been  suppressed,  Dudley 
returned  to  Germany,  seeking  employment  in  the  wars 
waged  by  the  Empire  against  the  Turks.  He  had  all  his 
father's  active  spirit  and  dauntless  courage,  but  he  had 
not  also  his  enchanted  life.  In  August  1686  young  Dudley 
fell,  in  a  desperate  attempt  made  by  some  English  volun- 
teers to  scale  the  walls  of  Buda.  His  death  is  mentioned 
with  deep  regret  in  several  contemporary  letters  and 
diaries.  Though  so  young — he  was  only  nineteen — he 
had  already  become  famous  for  his  valour,  and  exceed- 
ingly popular  on  account  of  his  lovable  character."* 

Many  believed  him  to  have  been  Rupert's  lawful  son, 
and  there  seem  to  have  been  some  grounds  for  the  belief. 
He  was  universally  known  as  ''Dudley  Rupert",  and  his 
mother  maintained  to  the  end  of  her  days  that  she  had 
been  Rupert's  wife.  Her  claim  was  practically  acknow- 
ledged in  Germany,  where  morganatic  marriages  were 
already  in  fashion;  and  even  in  England  rumours  of  it 
were  rife.  "  Some  say  Prince  Rupert,  in  his  last  sickness, 
owned  his  marriage,"  says  a  letter  in  the  Verney  Corre- 
spondence, "if  so,  his  son  is  next  heir,  after  him,  to  the 
Palsgrave.  *  But  no  public  acknowledgment  ever  took 
place,    and    Rupert    styled    the    boy    in  his  will,  "Dudley 


1  Briefe  an  die  Raugrafen,  p.  49.  Campbell,  p.  250.  Vol.  II. 

2  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  IX.  3.  p.  36. 

3  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Kept.  V.  App.  I.  p.  187.  Sutherland  MSS.  Aug.  1686. 
Autobiography  of  Sir  John  Bramston.  p.  236.  Camden  Society. 

4  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Kept.  VII.  p.  479^.  Verney  MSS. 


v.. 


360  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

Bard.*'  On  the  other  hand,  he  bequeathed  to  him  property 
entailed  on  heirs  male,  and  the  Emperor  actually  paid  to 
Francesca,  after  her  son's  death,  the  sum  of  20,000  crowns 
which  he  had  owed  to  Rupert.  ^ 

It  seems  possible  that  there  was  some  kind  of  marriage, 
but  that  such  marriages  were  of  rather  doubtful  legality. 
It  could  not  have  given  Dudley  royal  rank,  and  hardly 
even  a  claim  to  the  Palatinate,  ^  for,  had  such  a  claim 
existed,  Rupert  would  certainly  have  put  his  son  forward 
when  the  House  of  Simmern  was  crying  out  for  an  heir. 
His  niece,  Elizabeth  Charlotte  of  Orleans,  declared  that 
he  had  deceived  Francesca  with  a  false  marriage.  But 
the  good  Duchess  was  notoriously  ignorant  of  her  uncle's 
affairs,  and  added  to  her  story  several  impossible  circum- 
stances which  tend  to  discredit  it,  asserting,  among  other 
things^  that  Rupert  had  been  lodging  at  the  time,  in 
Henry  Bard's  house,  though  Bard  had  been  dead  nearly 
ten  years.  ^  Moreover,  such  treachery  is  at  variance  with 
Rupert's  whole  character  and  all  his  known  actions,  and, 
though  he  cannot  be  said  to  have  treated  Francesca  well,  he 
may  at  least  be  acquitted  of  the  baseness  suggested  by  his 
niece. 

During  Rupert's  life-time  no  mention  is  made  of  Fran- 
cesca in  letters  or  papers,  public  or  private.  Yet,  after  his 
death,  we  find  frequent  reference  to  her  as  to  a  well-known 
personage.  Two  reasons  for  her  retirement  suggest  them- 
selves. In  the  first  place  she  was,  as  she  herself  asserted, 
too  virtuous  to  care  to  have  any  dealings  with  the  corrupt 
Court,  and  in  the  second  place  she  was  a  devout  Roman 
Catholic.  Considering  the  prevalent  horror  of  "Popery," 
the  fanatical  agitation  concerning  the  second  marriage  of 
the   Duke   of  York,   and  Rupert's  position  as  the  popular 


1  Add.  MSS.  28898.  fol.  21.  Brit.  Mus. 

2  Cf.  Marriage  of  Geo.  Wm.  Duke  of  Hanover  with  Eleonore  D'Olbreuse. 
His  children  were  excluded  from  succession. 

^  Briefe  der  Prinzessin  Elizabeth  Charlotte,  ed.  Menzel.  1843.  p.  86. 


FRANCESCA  BARD  361 

hero,  it  may  be  that  Francesca's  religion  made  him  un- 
willing to  bring  her  forward  publicly.  But,  be  the  exact 
facts  of  his  connection  with  her  what  they  may,  that  bond 
was  probably  the  true  reason  for  his  obdurate  refusal  to 
hear  of  any  other  marriage. 

The  later  history  of  Francesca  is  sufificiently  curious.  In 
consequence  of  her  own  avoidance  of  the  Court  she  had 
no  powerful  friends  in  England,  and  on  Rupert's  death, 
she  sought  refuge  with  his  sister  Sophie.  The  kindly 
Electress  received  her  as  a  sister,  though  she  quite  realised 
the  difficulty  of  proving  her  right  to  the  name.  **  She  says 
she  was  married  to  my  brother,"  wrote  Sophie,  "but  it 
will  be  very  difficult  to  prove ;  and  because  she  has  always 
behaved  herself  honourably,  she  has  no  friends  at  Court. "^ 

Of  Dudley  his  aunt  wrote  as  "the  noble  Dudley  Rupert," 
and  she  actively  assisted  him  to  make  good  his  claims  to 
the  property  left  him  by  his  father.  ^  After  his  death  she 
endeavoured  to  get  his  possessions  transferred  to  his  mother, 
and  wrote  on  the  subject  both  to  James  II  and  to  Lord 
Craven.  "It  will  help  her  to  enter  a  convent,"  she  said, 
"  for  the  poor  woman  will  be  inconsolable."  * 

But  the  lively  Irish  woman,  devout  though  she  was,  had 
no  taste  for  the  cloister,  and  preferred  to  remain  at  Sophie's 
Court,  where  she  was  greatly  beloved.  "  She  is  an  upright, 
good  and  virtuous  woman;  there  are  few  like  her;  we  all 
love  her  1 "  *  declared  the  Electress.  In  a  later  letter  she  refers 
to  the  lively  wit  of  Francesca,  "who  makes  us  all  laugh,"  ^ 

Evidently  she  accompanied  Sophie  on  her  visits  to  other 
potentates,  and  by  William  III  she  was  accorded  almost 
royal  rank.  In  1 700  she  went  with  Sophie  to  visit  him  at 
his   Palace   at    Loo,   and  was   there  admitted  to  the  royal 


1  Briefe  der  Kurfiirstin  Sophie  an  die  Raugrafen,  p.  84.  12  Mar.  1680. 

-  Briefe  an  die  Raugrafen,  p.  49.  9  Sept.  1686. 

*  Briefe  an  die  Raugrafen,  p.  49. 

*  Briefe  an  die  Raugrafen,  p.  152.  11  Feb.  1697. 
5  Briefe  an  die  Raugrafen,  p.  269.  i  Oct    1704. 


362  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

table.  *'The  King  ate  in  the  back  stairs,  without  an 
armchair,  with  only  the  two  Electresses,  the  Princess, 
and  the  Irish  Lady  (Francesca),  the  Electoral  Prince,  and  the 
Prince  of  Hesse,"  says  an  Enghshman,  writing  to  a  friend. 
"The  rest  of  the  company  dined  at  the  other  tables  below."  ^ 

After  the  EngHsh  Revolution  of  1688  Francesca  became 
a  staunch  and  active  Jacobite. '  She  made  no  secret  of  her 
views,  and  even  stimulated  Sophie's  own  sympathy  for  her 
exiled  relatives.  The  envoys  of  William  III  and  of  Queen 
Anne  inveighed  bitterly  against  '*^one  Madame  Bellamont, 
a  noted  lady,  who  is  in  favour  with  the  Electress,  has 
been  her  chief  confidante,  and  to  her  all  the  discontented 
politicians  address  themselves.  Papists  and  Sectaries.  She 
is  of  the  former  communion,  and  I  may  safely  say  she  is 
one  of  the  most  silly  creatures  that  ever  was  born  and  bred 
in  it,  to  say  nothing  of  the  scandal  her  person  hath  so 
justly  deserved."  ^  The  same  writer  asserted  that  Francesca 
was  the  only  person  who  could  speak  English  at  the  Elec- 
toral Court;  and  frequent  references  to  her  are  found  in 
the  despatches  of  himself  and  his  successor.  "A  Lady 
whom  they  call  ye  Lady  Bellamont,"  says  one,  *' whose 
character  ye  well  know  already.  She  was  Mistress,  and 
she  pretends  married,  to  Prince  Rupert,  and  as  she  is  a 
zealous  Roman  Catholic  so  she  seems  to  be  a  faithful  friend 
to  the  Court  of  St.  Germains,  but  is  nevertheless  used  here 
with  much  kindness  and  civility."  * 

In  1708  Francesca  undertook  a  journey  to  France  on 
Jacobite  business,  but,  opposed  though  her  actions  were 
to  Sophie's  interests,  they  could  not  diminish  that  lady's 
love  for  her.  The  Electress,  declared  the  enraged  English 
envoys,  was  as  much  enamoured  as  her  brother  had  been.  "* 


1  Hist  MSS.  Com.  Kept.  12.  App.  3.  MSS.  of  Earl  Cowper,  II.  p.  404. 

2  A  Jacobite  at  the  Court  of  Hanover.    Eng.  Hist.  Review.  F.  F.  Chance, 
s  Regencies.  Record  Office.  2.  3.  12  Sept.  1702. 

*  Regencies.  3.  19  Sept.  1704. 

5  Add  MSS.  23908.  fol.  82.  Brit.  Mus. 


FRANCESCA  BARD  363 

And  so  she  remained  until  Francesca's  death  in  August  1 708, 
when  she  wrote  mournfully  to  one  of  her  nieces:  '*I  have 
lost  my  good,  honourable,  charitable  Madame  Bellamont."  ' 

Strange  enough  was  the  position  of  the  Jacobite  lady 
in  the  Hanoverian  Court,  but  the  situation  was  rendered 
yet  more  complicated  by  the  presence  of  Rupert's  daughter, 
Ruperta,  as  the  wife  of  Brigadier-General  Emanuel  Scrope 
Howe,  William  Ill's  **  envoy  extraordinary  to  the  most 
Serene  House  of  Brunswick  Lunenburg."  The  mother 
of  Ruperta  was  a  far  less  reputable  person  than  was  Fran- 
cesca  Bard.  Rupert  had,  as  we  have  seen,  kept  himself 
apart  from  much  of  the  wickedness  of  Charles  II's  court, 
but  in  the  summer  of  1668  he  was  unhappily  persuaded 
to  accompany  his  cousin  to  Tunbridge  Wells.  There  he 
fell  a  victim  to  the  charms  of  the  actress,  Margaret 
Hughes.  -  This  woman  obtained  considerable  influence  over 
him,  and  he  purchased  for  her  a  house  at  Hammersmith; 
also  he  left  to  her  and  his  daughter,  in  equal  shares,  all 
that  remained  of  his  personal  property,  after  the  claims 
of  Dudley  and  his  servants  had  been  satisfied.  This,  when 
all  had  been  realised,  amounted  to  about  i?6,ooo  each ;  not 
an  extravagant  provision,  but  then  Rupert  did  not  die  rich. 

Occasional  mention  of  Mrs.  Hughes  is  found  in  contem- 
porary letters.  In  1670  her  brother,  who  was  in  Rupert's 
service,  was  killed  by  one  of  the  King's  servants,  in  a 
dispute  over  the  rival  charms  of  Peg  Hughes  and  Nell 
Gwyn. '  A  little  later,  Sophie  informed  the  Elector  that 
the  woman  was  in  high  favour  at  Windsor,  and  would, 
she  feared,  get  possession  of  the  Queen  of  Bohemia's  jewels. 
**  Ein  jeder  seiner  Weis  gefelt  1 "  she  concluded  sarcastically.  * 
In  another  letter  she  wrote  that  the  Danish  Ambassador 
thought   Mrs.   Hughes  very  modest.     *'I  was  going  to  say 


1  Briefe  an  die  Raugrafen,  p.  285.  16  Aug.  1708. 

-  Hamilton's  Memoires  du  Comte  de  Grammont.   ed.   1876.  pp.  242 — 243. 

3  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Kept.  12.  Rutland  MSS.  II.  17. 

*  Briefwechsel  mit  Karl  Ludwig,  p.  194.  3  July,  1674. 


364  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

the  most  modest  of  the  Court,  but  that  would  be  no  great 
praise  I"  ^  She  seems,  however,  to  have  put  slight  faith 
in  the  assurance,  for  she  earnestly  desired  Ruperta's  mar- 
riage, on  the  grounds  that  she  could  get  no  good  from  her 
mother.  ^  It  was  said  that  Rupert,  when  dying,  had  sent 
his  Garter  to  the  King,  with  the  request  that  it,  together 
with  the  hand  of  Ruperta,  might  be  bestowed  on  Charles's 
son.  Lord  Burford.  ^  With  this  request  the  King  did  not 
comply;  and  about  1696  Ruperta  married  Emmanuel  Howe, 
son  of  Mr.  John  Howe  of  Langar,  in  Nottinghamshire. 

For  some  time  the  marriage  was  kept  a  secret,  for 
Howe  feared  the  displeasure  of  the  then  King,  WilUam  III. 
At  last,  just  before  his  departure  to  Hanover,  he  permitted 
the  Duke  of  Albemarle  to  break  the  news  to  the  King. 
William  was  pleased  to  be  gracious,  and  even  recommended 
Ruperta  to  Sophie's  notice,  saying:  "She  is  very  modest, 
and  lives  like  an  angel  with  her  husband."  V  The  husband 
in  question  met  with  Sophie's  approval,  for  she  thought 
him  "a  fine  man,  rich,  and  in  a  good  position."^  With 
Francesca  he  had  a  double  cause  of  enmity,  both  pubhc 
and  private,  and  he  wrote  of  her  as  virulently  as  his  prede- 
cessors had  done,  declaring  that  she  ''  has  done  her  endeav- 
ours continually  to  cross  my  transactions  here  for  the 
Queen's  service;"^  and  again, — **She  is  indeed  a  very 
simple  creature,  but  as  malitious  and  violent  as  is  possible 
for  anything  to  bee."  '' 

Nevertheless  the  large-hearted  Electress  made  her  niece 
almost  as  welcome  as  she  had  made  her  reputed  sister-in- 
law,  and  the  Jacobite  intrigante  and  the  Orange  Ambassa- 
dress, both  so  closely  connected  with  Rupert,  seem  to  have 

1  Briefwechsel  mit  Karl  Ludwig,  p.  368.  6  July,  1679. 

2  Briefe  an  die  Raiigrafen.  p.  149.  4 — 14  Dec.  1696. 
8  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Rep.  7.  p.  480^.  Vemey  MSS. 

*  Briefe  der  Kurfiirstin  Sophie  an  die  Raugrafen,  p.  183,  26  Oct.  1698. 

5  Ibid. 

6  Regencies.  4  Jan.,  Feb.  1706. 

7  Ibid.  4,  22  May,  1708. 


FRANCESCA  BARD  365 

contrived  to  reside  in  comparative  peace,  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  mother  of  the  house  of  Hanover. 

But  for  the  bar  sinister  the  claim  of  Ruperta  to  the 
English  throne  would  have  preceded  that  of  Sophie's  son, 
George  I.  It  has  sometimes  been  regretted  that  Rupert 
left  no  legitimate  child  who  might  have  reigned  in  George's 
stead ;  but  it  may  be  safely  conjectured  that  the  fact  would 
not  have  been  a  subject  of  regret  with  Rupert  himself.  He 
would  have  been  the  last  person  to  wish  that  any  child  of 
his  should  supplant  the  house  of  Stuart,  which  he  had  so 
long  and  so  faithfully  served.  Honest  in  all  his  dealings, 
faithful  to  his  friends,  and  unswervingly  loyal  to  his  king 
he  had  ever  been,  and  in  his  old  age  he  would  not  have 
turned  traitor.  Loyalty  and  strength  were  the  key-notes 
of  his  character.  Never  did  he  break  his  given  word,  with 
friend  and  foe  alike  he  scrupulously  kept  faith,  and  whatso- 
ever he  found  to  do,  he  did  it  with  all  his  might.  In  all 
things  he  had  the  courage  of  his  opinions;  and  the  rigid 
temperance  which  he  practised  from  his  earliest  youth,  in 
an  age  and  a  country  where  drinking  was  almost  universal, 
shows  an  unusual  independence  of  character,  and  an  un- 
usual degree  of  self-respect. 

His  private  life,  if  judged  by  the  standard  of  the  present 
day,  was  far  from  virtuous,  but  it  was  virtue  itself  when 
compared  with  the  practice  of  those  who  were  his  daily 
associates.  His  exceptional  powers  of  mind  raised  him 
above  the  ordinary  intellectual  level;  his  personal  valour 
surpassed  all  common  courage!  But,  if  his  talents  and 
virtues  were  in  the  superlative  degree,  so  also  were  his 
failings.  His  consciousness  of  his  own  powers  made  him 
over-confident,  impatient  of  advice,  intolerant  of  contradic- 
tion. His  jealous  pride  rendered  him  incapable  of  filling 
the  second  place.  With  advancing  years  these  faults  were 
somewhat  amended, — for  Rupert  was  too  wise  not  to  profit 
by  experience ;  but,  as  his  hot  temper  and  youthful  insolence 
had   won  him  the  hatred   of  Charles   I's  courtiers,  so  his 


366  RUPERT,  PRINCE  PALATINE 

cold  cynicism  and  haughty  disdain  made  him  detested  of 
the  Court  of  Charles  II. 

In  the  coarse  and  witty  memoirs  of  that  brilliant  Court, 
Rupert  passes  without  notice,  or  with  only  an  occasional 
satirical  reference.  One  noble  writer,  Anthony  Hamilton, 
has,  however,  left  a  description  of  him,  which,  though 
written  in  prejudice,  is  not  without  its  value. 

"  He  was  brave  and  courageous  to  rashness,  but  cross- 
grained,  and  incorrigibly  obstinate.  His  genius  was  fertile 
in  mathematical  experiments,  and  he  had  some  knowledge 
of  chemistry.  He  was  polite  to  extravagance  when  there 
was  no  occasion  for  it;  but  haughty  and  rude  where  it 
was  his  interest  to  conciliate.  He  was  tall  and  ungracious. 
He  had  a  hard,  stern  expression  even  when  he  wished  to 
please,  and  when  he  was  out  of  temper  his  countenance 
was  truly  terrifying" — ("une  physiognomic  vraiment  de 
reprouve").  ^ 

Such  was  the  view  of  a  courtier;  Rupert's  friends  and 
inferiors  saw  him  in  another  light.  Beneath  the  cynical 
exterior  the  Prince  had  a  kind  heart  still ;  his  personal 
followers  loved  him;  the  poor  blessed  him  for  his  charity; 
the  trades-people  remembered  with  wondering  gratitude  his 
"just  and  ready  payment  of  their  bills;"  the  sailors  looked 
to  him  as  the  ''seaman's  friend;"  impecunious  scholars  and 
inventors  sought,  not  in  vain,  his  aid  and  countenance; 
the  distressed  Cavaliers  appealed  to  him  in  well-founded 
confidence  that  they  would  be  heard  and  helped.  -  "  In 
respect  of  his  private  life,"  says  Campbell,  writing  while 
the  memory  of  the  Prince  still  dwelt  among  the  living,  *'  he 
was  so  just,  so  beneficent,  so  courteous,  that  his  memory 
remained  dear  to  all  who  knew  him ;  this  I  say  of  my  own 
knowledge,  having  often  heard  old  people  in  Berkshire 
speak  in  raptures  of  Prince  Rupert  I"  * 

1  Hamilton's  De  Grammont.  ed.  1876.  p.  242. 

2  Hist.  Memoir  of  Prince  Rupert,  ed.  1683.  Preface. 
5  Campbell's  Admirals,  II.  p.  250. 


INDEX 


/ 


INDEX 


Abbot,  Mr.  86-87. 

Abingdon,  162. 

Africa,  Natives  of,  257—259;  trade 
with,  302,  307,  338. 

Albemarle,  Duke  of,  {see  Monk,)  297, 
302,  307,  309,  341,  364;  as  Admi- 
ral, 311— 313,  316,  318. 

Aldboum  Chase,  Battle  of,  121. 

Allen,  Captain,  223. 

Ambassador,  French,  124. 

Anne  of  Austria,  (Queen  Regent 
of  France,)  209,  213,  215,  246,  267. 

Anne  de  Gonzague,  (Pnncess  Pa- 
latine,) 209,  275. 

Anne  Queen,  {see  York,)  362. 

"Antelope",  The,  228,  232. 

Archduke,  The,  {see  also  Leopold,) 

.  5i».299^, 

Argum,  Fleet  at,  253—4. 


Argyle,  Duke  of,  230. 
Arfington,     Lord,     {see    Bennett,) 
312—313,   320;  letters  of  Rupert 

to,  304—5,  309,  349- 
Armenti^res,  214—215,  216. 
Army,  New  Model,  163,  172—3. 
Arras,  215. 

Arundel,  Lord,  22,  44. 
Ashburnham,  John,  78, 123, 133, 136, 

156,  157,  172,  180   191. 
Astley,  Sir  Jacob,  (afterwards  Lord,) 

34,   70,  85,  91,  99,  168,  172,  174; 

letters   of,   126,    165;   letters  to, 

165—166. 
Aston,  Sir  Arthur,  69,  74,  91,  106. 
Aubigny,  Lord,  (George  Stuart,)  93. 
Aylesbury,  128. 
Azores,  The,  247—248, 25 1—252, 262. 


B 


Baden,  Margrave  of,  51. 
Bagot,  Sir  William,  70,  166. 
Balfour,  97,  154. 
Ball,  Captain,  126. 
Bampfylde,  Colonel,  280—281. 
Banbury,  96—97. 
Banckert,  Admiral,  325,  327. 
Banner,  General,  37,  50,  51. 
Bard,  Francesca,  (Viscountess  Bel- 

lamont,)  357—365- 
Bard,  Dudley,  358—361. 
Bard,   Sir  Henry,  (Viscount  Bella- 

mont,)  126,  357,  360;  letter  of,  to 

Rupert,  170 
Basing  House,  161. 
Batten,  Captain,  223,  225,  227,  318. 


Bavaria,  Duke  of,  8,  45,  51,  52,  55; 

Duchess  of,  52. 
Beaufort,  Due  de,  312. 
Beckman,  Captain,  223. 
Bedford,  Earl  of,  123. 
Bedford,  125. 
Beeston  Castle,  168. 
Bellamont;  see  Bard. 
I  Bellasys,  Lord,  115,  196. 
Bennett,  Henry,  {see  Arlington,)  275. 
Berkeley,  Sir  John,  276. 
Birmingham,  103—104. 
Blake,  Admiral,  241—245. 
Blechingdon  House,  169. 
Blount,  Sir  Charles,  126. 
Bohemia,  3 — 5. 


370 


1  NDEX 


Bolton,  144. 

Boswell,  Sir  W.,  55. 

Boye,  44,  79—81 ;  death  of,  81,  150. 

Brandenburg,  Elector  of,  5—6,  280, 

353 ;  Catharine,  Electress  of,  5—6, 

211. 
Breda,  Siege  of,  34—35- 
Brentford,  Lord,  {see  Ruthven,)  162. 
Bristol,  113,  118,  177,  180;  siege  of, 

114— 117,  180—182. 
Bristol,  Earl  of,  94. 
Brouncker,  Mr.,  308—309. 
Brunswick,  Christian  of.  7. 
Buckingham,  George  Villiers,  first 

Duke   of,    12;   letters   of  Prince 


Henry  to,  13 ;  death  of,  13 ;  daugh- 
ter of,   12,  III. 

Buckingham,  Second  Duke  of,  225, 

273.  295,  337. 
Bulstrode,  Sir  Richard,  92. 
Bunckley,  M.,  277. 
Burnet,  Bishop,  309. 
Burford,  Lord,  364. 
Butler,  Colonel,  183. 
Byron,  Sir  John,  (afterwards  Lord,) 

95,  100,  120,   130,  140,  160,  164. 

167—168,  190. 
Byron,  Sir  Nicholas,  90. 
Byron,  Sir  Robert,  70. 


Cabal,  The,  320,  322,  323,  331. 
Caldecot  House,  Attack  on,  86. 
Calvinist  Princes,  4. 
Cambridge,  Duke  of,  336. 
Canterbury,  Archbishop  of,  304. 
Carleton,  Sir  Dudley,  10. 
Carlisle,  Lord,  340. 
Carlisle,  Lady,  78. 
Carnarvon,  Lord,  27,  119,  122. 
Carteret,  Sir  George,  255,  318. 
Cartwright,  Captain,  228. 
Casimir  Prince,  43. 
Casimir,  Prince  John,  349. 
Cavahers,  First  defeat  of,  121;  cha- 
racter  of,    332—333;    distressed, 

336—337- 

Cave,  Sir  Richard,  127. 

Chalgrove  Field,  108— no. 

Chapelle,  M.  de  La,  219—220. 

Charles  I.  As  Prince,  7;  as  King, 
12,  13,  21-24,  27,  30,  31,  40,  43, 
48-52,  56,  57,  58,  60-61,67,71, 
77-78,  87,  88,  91-93,  119— 120, 
133,  141,  146,  160— 161,  189-190, 
208,  214,  223,  237,  295,  332,  336; 
letters  of,  32,  63,  138,  141,  143, 
147  152—153,  157,  166,  187,  194, 
213,  218,  231;  letters  to,  15,  50, 
185-186-,  attempts  to  treat  with 
Parliament,  85,  99,  102,128,163-, 
disavows  Rupert's  action,  86;  fears 
Rupert's  violence,  94;  in  want 
of  money,  95 ;  advances  on  Lon- 
don,  98—99;  recalls  Rupert  to 


Oxford,  106;  meets  Queen  at 
Edgehill,  in ;  disturbed  councils 
of,  108;  affection  for  Duke  and 
Duchess  of  Richmond,  in — 112; 
goes  to  Bristol,  118— 119;  at  siege 
of  Gloucester,  120;  defeated  at 
Newbury,  121 — 122, 161;  vacillates 
between  parties,  122—123,  124, 
143,  170—173;  desires  to  send 
Prince  of  Wales  to  West,  142; 
attempts  to  prejudice,  against 
Rupert,  145 ;  successes  of,  in  West, 
154;  removes  Wilmot,  154—155; 
desires  to  reconcile  Rupert  with 
Digby,  157—158;  retreats  to  Ox- 
ford, 161— 162;  last  campaign  of, 
170—173;  defeated  at  Naseby,  173 ; 
retreats  to  Wales,  173, 177 ;  refuses 
to  treat,  178-179;  dismisses 
Rupert,  184;  at  Newark,  186—187 ; 
permits  Rupert's  trial,  195 ;  of- 
fended by  Rupert's  conduct, 
197—198;  reconciled  with  Rupert, 
199—201 ;  goes  to  Scots,  201 ; 
reproaches  Charles  Louis,  206— 
207;  reaction  in  favour  of,  222; 
attempt  of,  to  escape,  231—232; 
death  of,  236—239. 
Charles  IL  As  Prince,  77,  100,  107, 
159,  167,  173,  199,  213,  220,  221, 
222,  224—226,  229,  232,  236,  237, 
devoted  to  Rupert,  142,  174, 
230;  courtship  of  Mademoiselle, 
218—219;  negotiates  with  Scots, 


INDEX 


371 


229—230;  as  King,  239,  241, 
255,  266,  268,  275,  278,  279,  285, 
298,  299,  300,  301,  303—305,  310, 
311,  315—317,  319,  321,  325,  332, 
340,  341,  342,  356;  letters  to,  243, 
254—255,  281,  306;  letters  of,  265, 
270,  276,  350—351;  quarrel  with 
Rupert,  270—273;  quarrel  with 
Henrietta,  276;  goes  to  Cologne, 
277;  Rupert  acts  for,  at  Vienna, 
277,  280,  296;  begs  Rupert  to 
remain  with  him,  278:  relations 
with  Rupert,  282,  294—296,  331, 
334 — 338;  quarrel  with  James  of 
York,  282;  restoration  of,  293; 
care  for  Navy,  302 ;  Rupert  com- 
plains to,  314,  318,  326;  excuses 
the  French  Fleet,  328 ;  plot  against, 
329—330;  mediates  between  Ru- 
pert and  Elector,  349;  chaplain 
of,  295. 
Charles  Louis,  Elector  Palatine. 
Letters  of,  to  Elizabeth  of  Bohe- 
mia, 9,  24-27,  30,  42,  43,  50, 
57,  207,  209,  211,  239,  286,  297; 
to  Charles  I,  15;  to  Sir  T. 
Roe,  89;  to  Rupert,  277,  288;  to 
Sophie,  289,  346,  352,.  353-  Let- 
ters of  Princess  Sophie  to,  344, 
346,  349,  351;  of  Rupert  to,  290; 
of  Charles  II  to,  350—351.  Early 
life  of,  3,  8,  10,  II,  14—20;  comes 
of  agCj  visit  to  England,  21—24; 
favourite  son  of  Elizabeth,  17, 
21,  41;  secures  aid  in  England, 
28 ;  attempts  to  recover  Palatinate, 
35 — 39;  desires  to  send  servant 
to  Rupert,  42—43;  prisoner  in 
Paris,  48—49;  goes  to  England, 
50 ;  sides  with  Parliament,  88—89, 
205—208:  receives  money  from 
Parliament,  184,  207 ;  indifference 
to  the  King's  death,  239;  visits 
Rupert  ana  Maurice,  203,  205; 
indignant  with  Edward,  209—210; 
supports  Philip,  210— 212;  desires 
reconciliation  with  brothers  239— 
240 ;  restoration  of,  283 ;  neglects 
Elizabeth,  283—285;  cordial  to 
Rupert,  287 — 288;  quarrel  with 
Rupert,  290,  301,  348-  351;  desir- 
es Rupert's  return,  290,  353—354; 
attempts  to  injure  Rupert,  299— 
300;  unfortunate  marriage  of, 
289, 351—352;  love  for  Louise  von 
Degenfeldt,   289,  352;   daughter 


Mi 


of,  347;  anxiety  of,  for  children, 
352;  death  of,  354;  children  of, 

,  354—355:  , 

Chester,  Bishop  of,  144. 
Chicheley,  335. 
Choqueux;  see  De  Choqueux. 
Churchill,  John,  359. 
Cirencester,  loi — 102,  120,  125. 
Clare,  Lord,  123. 
Clarendon,      Lord,      {see     Hyde, 

Edward,)    77,    78,   83,    186,   310, 

312;     opinion     of    Rupert,     2, 

'2—73,     151— 152;    opinion     of 
[aurice  73. 
Cleveland,  64,  80. 
Clubmen,  164,  168,  180. 
Coke,  335. 
Colbert,   339;   opinion   of  Rupert, 

266,  295. 
Colster,  Captain,  59. 
Condd,  Prince  of,  245. 
"Constant  Reformation",  246,  247, 

255,  271;  wreck  of,  248—251. 
"  Convertine  ",  223—224. 
Conway,  Lord,  208. 
Cook,  Captain,  335. 
Cork,  Governor  of,  236. 
Cornish    Soldiers,    zeal    of,    115 — 

116. 
Comwallis,  Lord,  220. 
Cortez,  Robert,  286. 
Cottington,  157. 
Courland,  Ship  from,  256,  258, 
Court,  Factions  at,  70— ji,  108, 118, 

Courtiers 

334,  341. 


Courtiers  of  Charles  II,  Z2i^—ZZZ 


a 


Coventry,  Sir  William,  302, 310, 312, 

318. 
Crane,  Sir  Richard,  40 — 41. 
Crafurd,  Lord,  107. 
Craven,  Lord,  26,  37—41,  275,  278, 

283,  286,  301   338,  341,  343,  353; 

generosity  of,  36—37;  letters  of, 

43,  232 
Craven,  Captain,  246. 
Crawford,  Lord,  87. 
Crofts,  Mrs.,  26,  27. 
Croker,  Colonel,  107. 
Cromwell,  Oliver,  i,  148—150, 162 — 

163,  170—173,  183,  229,  235—236, 

269—270,  274, 277, 279—281 ;  spies 

of,  268—269,  277,  280. 
Culpepper,   Sir  John,  75,  145,  147, 

220,  225 — 226. 
Curtius,  Sir  William,  281. 


372 


INDEX 

D 


Dartmouth,  119. 
Davenant,  Sir  W.,  138. 
De  Choqueux,  306. 
"Defiance"  The,  257,  261. 
Degenfeldt,  Louise  Von,  289,  352— 

354- 
De  Martel,  Admiral,  328—329. 
De  Miro,  Count,  242—243. 
Denbigh,  Lord,  104. 
D'Epemon,  Due,  294. 
D'Epinay,  Count,  210. 
Derby,  Earl  of,  103,  135,  144,  152; 

Countess  of,  103,  135,  144. 
De  Rohan,  Due,  30;  Madame,  30, 

31 ;  Marguerite,  30—33,  44. 
De  Ruyter,  Admiral,  303,  307,315 — 

316,  324— 325,  327— 328. 
D  Estrees,  Admiral,  324,  327,  328— 

329- 

D'Hona^  Baron,  5. 

Digby,  George  Lord,  (afterwards 
Earl  of  Bristol,)  60,  71,  74,  84, 
87,  103,   105,  107—108,  122,  124, 


129,  157,  158,  170,  178,  186—187, 
194,  196—198,  204,  209,  221;  Cha- 
racter of,  81;  enmity  to  Rupert, 
75-77,  85,  173;  challenged  by 
Rupert,  219 ;  reconciled  to  Rupert, 
158,  220;  intrigues  of,  123,  129, 
131, 140— 141, 145, 170—172, 179— 
180,  184,  189—193;  cause  of  Mar- 
ston  Moor,  147 ;  cause  of  Wilmot's 
fall,  156-157-,  letters  of,  138,  155, 
174-175,  232-233;  letter  to,  175— 
176. 

Digby,  Lady,  191. 

Digby,  Sir  Kenelm,  208. 

Dolphin,  Edward,  329—330. 

Donnington  Castle,  161. 

Dorchester,  119. 

Dorset,  Lord,  200. 

Dover,  Treaty  of,  321. 

Downs,  Battle  of  the,  312—314. 

Durer,  Albert,  43. 

Dyves,  Sir  Louis,  69,  74,  97. 


Edgehill,    Battle    of,    65,    66,  84, 

91—93- 

Edward,  Prince  Palatine,  15,  18, 19, 
35,  49,  208-209,  210,  232,  238— 
240,  266,  285—286,  294—5,347— 
348;  marriage  of,  209;  wife  of, 
278;  letter  of,  238. 

EHzabeth  Stuart,  Queen  of  Bohemia, 
3,  5—17,  19-21,  25—29,  35,  36, 
40—41,  48,  50,  52,  56— 57>  89—90, 
127,  210— 211,  232,  284,  293,  297; 
poverty  of,  13,  15,  283—284.  Let- 
ters of  to  Sir  T.  Roe,  40—41,  49 
—51,  56;  to  Rupert,  282,  285—286, 
351;  to  Duchess  of  Richmond, 
241;  to  Vane,  21,  23.  Letters  of 
Charles  II  to,  276;  of  Charles 
Louis  to,  9,  24—27,  30,  42—43,  50; 
207—211,  239,  286;  of  Sir  T.  Roe 
ta  22—25,  30-  Death  of,  301 ;  will 
oi  301,  348,  350;  jewels  of,  363. 

Elizabeth,  Princess  Palatine,  3,  8, 
10,  II,   17—18,  22,  48,   211,  283, 


288,  294,  301,  342,  346,  353;  Ab- 
bess of  Hervorden,  345—346;  let- 
ter o^  348. 

Elliot,  Colonel,  142. 

Emperors:  Matthias,  3—4;  Ferdi- 
nand II,  5—8*,  Ferdinand  III, 
41—42,  45—46,  52-56,  276—277; 
Leopold  I,  293—294,  296,  298— 
300. 

Empire,   Religious   war   in,   3,  4, 

^  7,  43. 

Empress,  52,  299. 

Ernest     Augustus;     see    Hanover, 

Dukes  of. 
Essex,  Charles,  42. 
Essex,  Earl  of,  67—68,  87,  91—93, 

96—99,  106—108,  no.  III,  120— 

122,  125,  128,  154,  169. 
Evelyn,  John,  Diary  of,  292,  339. 
Evertsen,  Admiral,  307—308. 
Exeter,  119. 
Eythin,    Lord,    {see    King,)    149— 

151. 


INDEX 

F 


373 


Fairfax— Lord,  146,  150;  Thomas, 
171— 173,  181— 183,  201—203. 

Falkland,  Lord,  71,  122. 

"Fan-fan",  The,  315. 

Fanshaw,  Sir  Richard,  226,  235. 

Faussett,  Captain,  134. 

Fayal,  251. 

Feames,  Captain,  247, 250, 251—252, 
269. 

Fenn,  Jack,  318. 

Ferdinand  of  Styria,  {see  Emperors,) 

Ferentz,  Count,  37,  39—41. 

Feversham,  Colonel,  359. 

Fielding,  Colonel,  90,106—107,  170. 

Fiennes,  Nathaniel,  87,  114,  116— 
117. 

Fleet,  English.  Revolts  to  the  King, 
222 ;  unsatisfactory  state  of,  223  — 
229;  on  Irish  Coast,  232—236; 
in  Tagus,  241—244-,  on  Spanish 
Coast,  244—245 ;  refits  at  Toulon, 
245—246;  sails  for  Azores,  247— 


248;  wrecks,  249,  250,  251,  261; 
dissension  in,  247,  252 ;  damaged 
by  storms,  253,  259—260;  on  Afri- 
can Coast,  253,  256—259;  voyage 
to  West  Indies,  260—261;  return 
to  France,  261 — 2;  expedition  for 
Guinea,  303—305;  in  first  Dutch 
War,  307—316;  m  second  Dutch 
War,  322 — 329;  neglected  by  vic- 
tuallers, 303,  314—315,  317,  320, 
325—6;  quarrels  concerning,  321. 

Fleet,  Dutch,  303—304,  307—308, 
312 — 316,  324 — 328;  enters  Med- 
way,  319;  want  of  union  in,  308. 

Fleet,  French,  325,  327—328. 

Forth,  Lord,  120. 

Fox,  Captain,  59. 

Eraser,  Lord,  286. 

Frederick,  Elector  Palatine,  (King 
of  Bohemia,)  3—8,  12—14,  46,  72; 
letters  of,  9. 

Frederick  Henry,  Prince  Palatine, 
3—9,  10—13;  letters  of,  8,  9,  13. 


Gambia,  River,  256—257. 
Gassion,  Marechal,  214—218,  305. 
George  of  Denmark,  343. 
George     William;     see    Hanover, 

Dukes  of. 
Gerard  Charles,  (afterwards  Lord,) 

78,   137,  190,  196—198,  201,  202, 

220,  273,  275,  278. 
Gerard,  Jack,  279. 
Glemham,  Sir  T.,  191,  202. 
Gloucester,  Siege  of,  120. 
Gonzaga,  Marquis  de,  240. 
Goodwin,  Ralph,  198. 
Goring,  George,  27,  34,  35,  76,  84, 

103,   141,   145-6,  149—150,  154, 


158—159,  161,  170,  172,  177,  214, 
217;  character  of,  83—84;  enmity 
to  Rupert,  82—84, 124;  reconciled 
to  Rupert,  158—160;  letters  of, 
27—28,  155,  158—159. 

Grafton,  Duke  of,  359. 

Grandison,  Lord,  34,  75,  115,  116. 

"Greyhound",  The,  326. 

Guatier,  M.  de,  220. 

Guinea,  303—304- 

Gustave,  Prince  Palatine,  18. 

Gustavus  Adolphus,  King  of  Swe- 
den,  14,  15,  35,  36,  66,  92. 

Gwyn,  Nell,  363. 


H 


Haesdonck,  Jan  von,  95. 
Hague,  Court  at,  224 — 226. 
Hamilton,    Anthony,    opinion    of 

Rupert,  366. 
Hamilton,  Marquis  of,  140. 


Hampden,  John,  109. 

Hanover,  Dukes  of:  Ernest  Augus- 
tus, 344—345,  357;  George  Wil- 
liam, 344— 345,353  ;  Prince  George 
of,  355-356,  365. 


374 


INDEX 


Harman,  Captain,  308. 

Haro,  Don  Luis  de,  294. 

Harris,  299. 

Harrison,  Major,  183. 

Hart,  Dr.,  255. 

Harvey,  Dr.,  127. 

Hastings,  Colonel,  {see  Loughbo- 
rough, Lord,)  105,  125,  171. 

Hatton,  Sir  C,  272. 

Hatzfeldt,  Count,  38—42. 

Hayes,  James,  313,  314,  350. 

Henderson,  Sir  J.,  136. 

Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Eng- 
land, 24,  25,  30,  56-59,  71,  82, 
103,  no— III,  122—124,  130— 
131,  139,  141,  156,  184,  208,  209, 
213,  233,  246,  265,  285,  294,  310, 
335 ;  desires  marriage  of  Charles 
11,  218—219-,  stops  Rupert's  duel, 
219—220-,  sides  with  Rupert, 
273,  276;  party  of  at  St.  Ger- 
mains,  273—276,  278;  chaplain 
of,  295. 

Henrietta  Anne,  Duchess  of  Orle- 
ans, 294,  295,  335,  347. 

Hennette,  Princess  Palatine,  18, 
284. 

Henry,   Duke   of  Gloucester,  285. 

Herbert,  Sir  Edward,  159,  167, 
225,  251,  254—5,  273-6;  letter 
to,  255. 

Herbert,  Henry  Somerset,  Lord, 
107—108,  157. 

Herbert  Lord,  (son  of  Lord  Pem- 
broke,) 112. 

Hertford,  Lord,  76,  loi,  114, 
157;  quarrel  of  with  Princes, 
116 — 119. 


Hesse   Cassel,  Charlotte  of,  Elec- 

tress     Palatine,     289,     351—353, 

354.  ^ 
Hesse  Cassel,  Landgrave  of,  4,  288, 

291. 
Hessin,  Guibert,  271. 
Heydon,  Cary,  336. 
Hohenzollern,    Princess   of,   284 — 

285. 
Holder^  Job,  Letters  of,  287—288. 
Holland,  Lord,  123. 
Holland,  States  of,  7,  15,  36^  238, 

240,  284. 
Holmes,  Sir  J.,  324. 

Holmes,  Robert,  201,  216,  254,  258, 
259,  268,  269,  300,  316,323;  cha- 
racter of,  323. 

"Honest  Seaman",  The,  246,  249, 
251,  259,  261. 

Honthorst,  17. 

Hp^kins,  WilHam,  329. 
fc^Hopton,     Sir    Ralph,    (afterwards 
Lord,)  69,  70,  loi,  113,  114,  118, 
119,  125,  155,  167. 

Howard,  Captain,  327. 

Howard,  Henry,  338. 

Howard,  Colonel,  164—165. 

Howard,  Thomas,  113,  357. 

Howe,    Brigadier- General,    363—4. 

Hubbard,  Sir  J.,  135. 

Hughes,  Margaret,  363—364. 

Hungary,  King  of,  5,  291. 

Hyde,  Anne ;  see  York,  Duchess  of. 

Hyde,  Sir  Edward,  {see  also  Cla- 
rendon,)   71,    225—6,    229,    233, 

241,  265—6,  268,  271—4,  277—9, 
282. 


Inchiquin,  Lord,  273. 
Independents,  128. 


I  Ireton,  Henry,  172. 

I  Irish  Soldiers,  131,  168 — 169. 


Jacus,  Captain,  256—259. 

James  I,  King  of  England,  3,  7, 

8,  12. 
James  11^  see  York,  Duke  of,  361. 


Jermyn,  Lord,   130,   133,   139,  140, 
189,  209,  220,  233,  265,  273,  280. 

{ordan.  Captain,  223,  227. 
uliana,  Electress  Palatine,  6,  8. 


I  N  D  F.  X 

K 


375 


Karl,  Prince  Palatine,  352,  354,  355. 
Karl  Ludwig,  Raugraf,  355. 
Kendal,  Duke  of,  336. 
Kevenheller,  Graf,  46,  52. 
Killigrew,  Henry,  341. 
King,  General,  [see  also  Eythin,  38, 
39- 


Kingsmill,  43,  44. 
Kirke,  Mrs.,  112. 
Konigsmark,  Graf,  37,  39. 
Kuff stein,  Graf,  41,  42,  44,  46. 
Kuffstein,   Susanne  Marie  von,  44, 
47. 


La  Bassde,  215 — 217. 

Langdale,  Sir  Marmaduke,  78,  160, 
179,  180,  275^^  293. 

Landsdowne,  Battle  of,  113. 

La  Roche,  M.,  133—4,  317. 

Lathom  House,  siege  of,  135, 141, 144. 

Laud,  Archbishop,  27—29. 

Lauderdale,  Lord,  229—230. 

Lawson,  Sir  ].,  306. 

Legge,  Captain,  324. 

Legge,  Robin,  75,  158,  171. 

Legge,  Colonel  WiUiam,  60,  61, 109, 
no,  120,  140,  141,  143,  156,  167, 
168,  170,  171,  184—6,  190—3,  199, 
201,  231,  296,  306,341;  character 
of,  76—77,  186;  letters  to,  140— i, 
158-9,  166—7,  171,  173.  174-5, 
178,  198—9,  208—9,  297—301; 
letters  of,  160,  175—6;  son  of,  321. 

Leicester,  Earl  of,  30,  32,  43,  48,  49. 

Leicester,  Mayor  of,  86. 

Leipzig,  Battle  of,  14. 

Leopold,  Archduke,  46,  47,  52,  55. 

Leslie,  David,  149. 

Leslie,  Count,  298. 

LesHe,  Mr.,  288. 


Le  Vaillant,  292. 

Leven,  Lord,  146. 

Leviston,  Sir  J.,  208. 

Levit,  304-5. 

Lindsey,  Lord,  (i)  Robert  Bertie, 
61,  90—93,  (2)  Montagu  Bertie, 
77,  16,^,  300. 

Lippe,  Colonel,  39,  40. 

Lisle,  George,  75,  121,  166,  198. 

Liverpool,  144. 

Long,  Mr.,  225,  274. 

Loughborough,  Lord,  (see  also  Has- 
tings,) 70,  166. 

Louis  XIV,  King  of  France,  219, 
267,  321,  322,  351. 

Louise,  Princess  Palatine,  51,  82, 
284—285,  345;  Abbess  of  Mau- 
buisson,  346—348;  character  of, 
16,  17,  346—348. 

Louise  von  Degenfeldt,  289,  352—4. 

"Loyal  Subject",  The,  251. 

Lucas,  Charles,  78,  87,  135,  167, 198. 

Lucas,  Lady,  96. 

Lutheran  Princes,  4. 

Lyme,  Siege  of,  119. 


M 


Madagascar,  25,  28. 
Madeira,  Governor  of,  247. 
Magdeburg,   Administrator  of,  42. 
Mainz,  Elector  of,  291,  298,  301. 
Manchester,  Lord,  146. 
Mansfeld,  Count,  7. 
Marlborough,  100. 
Marston   Moor,   Battle   of,  44,  66, 

146—150. 
Martin,  167. 


Marvell,  Andrew,  323. 

Mary  Stuart,  Princess  of  Orange, 

49,  57,  211,  239,  285,  357. 
Massey,  Colonel,  120,  160,  168,  278. 
Matthias,  Emperor,  4. 
Maurice,    Prince    of   Orange;    see 

Orange. 
Maurice,  Prince  Palatine,  6,  8,  10, 

II,  15,  18,  19,  29,  32,  34-35,  44, 

46,  48,  49,  50—1,  57-60,  63,  68, 


376 


INDEX 


87,  88,  107,  112— 119,  127,  142—3, 
154,    161— 6,   168,   170,   173,   177, 

184-187,  194,  203,  205,  208,  211, 
212,  228,  229,  232,  238,  241—2, 
245  —  6,     249—251,     256—259,    268, 

271,    345;    wrecked,     261 — 262; 

reported     return    of,    286—287; 

letters  of,  50,  164,  177;  letter  to, 

32,  187,  240;  character  of,  72,  73, 

76. 
May,  335. 

Mayence,  Elector  of,  281. 
Mazarin,  Cardinal,  i,  213,  267,  269, 

270,  272,  278. 
Meldrum,  Sir  J.,  135,  137. 
Mennes,  Sir  J.,  304. 
Merchants,  Enghsh,  269—270. 
Mezzotint,  291—292. 


Modena,  Duke  of,  278—279. 
Monk,  General,  {see  also  Albemarle, 

Duke  of,)  34,  35,  300. 
Monmouth,  Duke  of,  331,  336. 
Montpensier,  Mademoiselle  de,  218 

— 219. 
Montrose,  Marquess  of,  194,  230— 

231. 
Moore,  Sir  J.,  358. 
Morley,  Captain,  244. 
Morrice,  318. 

Mortaigne,  M.,  137,  216,  250. 
Moutray,  299. 
Mozley,  Colonel,  128—129. 
Munster,  Peace  of,   205,  276,  277, 

283,  299. 
Murray,  Sir  R.,  298. 
Mynn,  Captain,  69. 


N 


Naseby,  Battle  of,  172—3. 
Nassau,  Ernest,  Count  of,  6, 
Navy,  Commissioners  of,  314—315, 

^317,  323,  325-6. 

Nevers,  Duke  of,  209. 

Newark,  Siege  of,  135—138;  scene 

at,  195—198. 
Newbury,  Battles  of,  121,  161. 


Newcastle,  Marquess  of,  loi,  103, 
107,  135,  139,  143— 4,  147-151, 
156—157- 

Nicholas,  Sir  Edward,  130, 184,  238, 
275;  letters  of,  102,  106,  108, 113, 
185—6;  letters  to,  272,  281. 

Northampton,  Lord,  87,  107. 

Norton  St.  Philip's,  Battle  of,  359. 


Ogle  Thomas,  128 — 9. 

OTS[eil,  Daniel,  60,  112,  137,  151, 
156,  157 ;  allied  with  Digby,  131— 
132, 180;  letters  of  69, 100, 156 — 7, 
219—220,  275. 

Opdam,  Admiral,  307. 

Orange.  Henry  Frederick,  Prince 
of,  7,  14,  20,  29,  34-36,  49,  57— 
59,  71;  Maunce,  Prmce  of,  6,  9, 
13;  William,  Prince  of,  49,  57,  231. 
William,  Prince  of,  (William  III,) 
286,  297,  340;  as  King,  361,  364; 
envoys  of,  362, 364.  Mary,  Princess 
of;  see  Mary. 

Orleans,  Duchess  of,  Elizabeth 
Charlotte,  247-8,  352,  360;  Hen- 
rietta, see  Henrietta. 


Orleans,    Duke    of,    Gaston,    213; 

daughter    of    {see   Montpensier) 

218. 
Orleans,  Philippe,  Duke  of,  294—5, 

^347,  352.       ^ 

Ormonde,  Duke  of,  129,  131,  133, 

179,  190,  231,  273,  274,  275,  279, 

297,  341;  letters  of,  131,  132,  233; 

letters  to,  71,  124,  141, 145, 156—7, 

167—8,  180,  189,  219—220,  233— 

236. 
Osborne,  Colonel,  198. 
Ossory,  Earl  of,  297. 
Oxford,  Court  at,  iii,  123—4,  133— 

5,  139;  Parliament  at,  129;  siege 

of,  171,  201—202, 


INDEX 
P 


377 


Palatinate,  The,  8,  28,  35—40, 
283. 

Parliament,  English,  7,  57,  71; 
negotiates  with  King,  98,  99, 
102,  163;  allies  with  Scots,  128", 
army  of,  163',  remonstrates  with 
Rupert,  169;  offers  pass  to  Rupert, 
198—199;  obliges  Princes  to 
leave  England,  203;  approves 
conduct  of  Elector,  206—7  ^  sends 
ships  against  the  Princes,  241— 
245. 

Peace  Party,  128. 

Penn,  Sir  W.,  308—9,  321. 

Pepys,  Samuel,  Diary  of,  197-8, 
294,  302,  303,  306,  310,  314,  315, 
321,   323;    as   victualler  of  fleet, 

303,  314,  317-319. 
Percy,   Henry,   Lord,  76,  82,   113, 

120-124,    133-4,  145,   155,   157, 

189,  239,  273;  letters  of,  122-123-, 

duel  with  Rupert,  221. 
Pett,  Robert,  227. 
Philip,   Prince  Palatine,  15,  18,  35, 

49,  208,  210,  286;  kills  d'fipinay, 


210-211;  enters  service  of  Ve- 
nice, 211 — 212. 

Picolomini,  215. 

Plymouth,  Sie^e  of,  119. 

Poland,  Casimir,  Prince  of.  43. 

Poland,  Ladislas,  King  of,  22. 

Popish  Plot,  356. 

Porter,  Endymion,  24. 

Portland,  Lord,  191,  198. 

Portodale,  Governor  of,  256. 

Portsmouth,  Duchess  of,  357. 

Portugal,  Ambassador  of,  335. 

Portugal,  Infanta  of,  299;  King  of, 
241—244,  252;  Queen  of,  242: 
Princes  in,  241—244. 

Portuguese  in  the  Azores,  247,  248, 

2^1  —  2^2     2^6     262. 

Powick  Bridge,' Battle  at,  87—88. 

Price,  Thomas,  227. 

Purefoy,  Mrs.,  86—87. 

Puritans:  in  terror  of  Rupert,  62, 
63;  hang  Irish  soldiers,  64;  vio- 
lence 0^94—95;  exultation  of,  at 
Marston  Moor,  150—152. 

Pyne,  Valentine,  261,  281,  287. 


Radcliffe,  Sir  George,  89,  189. 

Rantzau,  Mardchal,  214,  215. 

Ratzeville,  Prince,  240. 

Raugrafen,  354-355- 

Ravenville,  Prince,  51. 

Reading,  106—107. 

Reeves,  Sir  W.,  324. 

"Revenge",  The,  227,  251,  259—260. 

Richelieu,  Cardinal,  31,  49. 

Richmond,  Duchess  of,  iii — 113, 
199,  201    241,  357. 

Richmond,  Duke  of,  93,  112,  130, 
193,  195,  199,  200;  cnaracter  of, 
77—78;  letter  of,  to  Rupert,  124— 
5.  138—9,  140—144.  160— I,  178; 
letter  of  Rupert  to,  178. 

Rivers,  Lady,  96. 

Roe,  Sir  Thomas,  10,  16,  51—56; 
Letters  of  Elizabeth  of  Bohemia 
to,  40—41,  49-51,  56;  of  Rupert 
to,  52—54;  of  Sir  W.  Boswellto, 
56.  Letters  to  EHzabeth  of  Bohe- 
mia, 22—25,  28,  30;  to  the  Elec- 
tor, 64,  88. 


Rossetter,  Colonel,  194. 

Roundway  Down,  113. 

"Royal  Charles",  The,  308. 

RoyaHsts.  Dissensions  in  Army  of, 
68—70,  91—92 ;  want  of  discipline 
among,  93,  100;  want  of  suppUes 
among,  100,  164—165;  factions 
among,  124,  156,  224— 22J;  plot 
of,  to  surrender  Bristol,  103; 
revenge  of,  for  breach  of  faith, 
107,  116. 

"Royal  Prince",  The,  313. 

Raugrafen,  The,  354-355- 

Rupert,  Prince  Palatine.  Letters  to, 
69,  70,  74-75,  100,  103,  106-108, 
113,  122—127,  129,  130,  133—145. 
147,  151,  155,  158— 161,  164—6, 
168—170,  177,  179,  194—5,  199' 
200,  209,  218,  227,  230-1,  232— 
236,  239,  240,  265—6,  269,  270, 
277,  279,  282,  285—288,  306,348; 
letters  of,  144,  166,  169,  178,  235, 
251,  255,  284.  Letters  of,  to  Ar- 
lington, 304—5,  309,  324,  349;  to 


378 


N  DEX 


Charles  I,  15,  185,  200;  to  Char- 
les II,  243,  254,  281, 306 ;  to  Legge, 
140,  141,  158-Q,  167,  171,  178, 
179,  180,  198,  208—209,  297—301; 
to  Montrose,  230—1 ;  to  Ormonde, 
235—236;  to  Roe,  52—54;  to 
Sophie,  356—357.  Early  life  of, 
5 — 21 ;  first  visit  to  England,  23 — 
29;  marriage  treaty  for,  30—32, 
357:  at  siege  of  Breda,  34—35; 
attempt  of,  on  Palatinate  35—38 ; 
a  prisoner  of  the  Empire,  40—55 ; 
rejects  overtures  of  Emperor,  45 ; 
release  of,  52—55;  returns  to 
Hague,  56—57 ;  made  General  of 
the  Horse,  59;  voyage  to  Eng- 
land, 59—60;  opposes  treaty,  85; 
raises  supplies,  86.  Actions  of  in 
1642,  87—99;  ill  1643,  loi — 128. 
Intercedes  for  Fielding,  107;  at 
Chalgrove  Field,  108— no;  besieg- 
es Bristol,  114— 117 ;  quarrels  with 
Hertford,  117;  quarrels  with 
Queen,  122—3 ;  attempt  on  Ayles- 
bury, 128—129;  created  Duke  of 
Cumberland,  129;  made  Presi- 
dent of  Wales,  129,  132;  opposed 
by  Digby,  129-131,  143,  145;  be- 
friended by  Jermyn,  130—133, 
139;  relieves  Newark,  135  —  187; 
recalled  to  Oxford,  wrath  of,  140— 
141;  marches  north,  143;  fights 
at  Marston  Moor,  147—153;  de- 
pression of,  160—161;  made 
Master  of  Horse,  and  Comman- 
der-in-Chief, 162;  proscribed  by 
Parliament,  163 ;  favours  treaty  of 
Uxbridge,  163;  aids  Maurice  in 
Marches,  166—168;  retaliates  for 
execution  of  Irish  soldiers,  168— 
169;  last  campaign  in  England, 
170—173;  forms  peace-party, 
177— Q,  189;  besieged  in  Bristol 
and  surrenders,  180—183;  justi- 
fied by  Puritans,  183—184; 
indignation  of  Royalists  against, 
184;  cashiered  by  King,  184—185 ; 
goes  to  King  at  Newark  194; 
acquitted  by  Court  Martial,  195; 
violent  conduct  of,  196—197 ; 
returns  to  Woodstock,  198—199; 
reconciled  with  King,  200—201; 
at  siege  of  Oxford  wounded  201— 
202 ;  challenges  Southampton,  202 ; 
goes  to  France,  203,  213.  Position 
of  in  Royalist  Army,  61;  mili- 


tary talent  of,  61,  66—67;  tactics 
of,  66,  91,  92;  skilled  strategy  of, 

67,  90,  loi,  119,  143;  activity  of, 
63,  64,  102—3,  I07;  132;  reputa- 
tion of,  62—64,  88—89;  popular- 
ity of,  73—75;  faihngs  of,  67, 
71—72,    75—76;    difficulties    of, 

68,  71,  100,  125  —  126,  164—167; 
struggles  of,  with  Court,  108, 118, 
122—125,  132—4,  139,  170—2; 
calumnies  against  64—66,  94—95, 
139,  145-  Digby's  Plot  against, 
179—180,  184,  187—189,  194;  at 
enmity  with  Digby,  75,  81,  85 ; 
challenges  Digby,  219 — 220;  re- 
conciled with  Digby,  158,  220. 
Hatred  of  Wilmot,  75,  82,  84,  113, 
155—157;  of  Goring  76,  82—3, 
158—160;  of  Percy,  76,  82,  221; 
of  Culpepper,  75,  225—6.  Friends 
of,  76—79,  112;  affection  of,  for 
Maurice,  76,  117;  visited  by  Char- 
les Louis,  205;  espouses  cause 
of  PhiHp,  211;  accepts  command 
in  French  army,  214;  campaign  in 
Flanders,  214— 218;  courts  Made- 
moiselle for  Prince  Charles,  218 — 
9 ;  duels  of,  219—221 ;  takes  charge 
of  fleet,  222—229;  difficulties  of, 
223 — 5,  227—9,  252;  conciliates 
Scots,  229 — 230;  friend  of  Mon- 
trose, 230—231 ;  takes  fleet  to  Ire- 
land, 231 — 237;  hears  of  King's 
execution,  237.  Made  Lord  High 
Admiral,  237 ;  with  fleet  in  Tagus, 
241—244;  on  Spanish  Coast  244 — 
5 ;  refits  at  Toulon,  245—7 ;  voyage 
of,  to  Azores,  247 — 252;  wrecked 
in  "  Constant  Reformation",  248 — 
251;  on  coast  of  Africa,  253—259; 
loses  the  "Revenge",  259—260; 
in  West  Indies,  260—1;  caught 
in  hurricane,  loses  Maurice,  261 — 
2,  267;  returns  to  France,  262 — 
263.  Broken  health  of,  262,  266— 
268,  293;  reception  of  in  Paris, 
265—269;  disposes  of  prize  goods, 
269 — 70 ;  quarrel  with  Charles  II, 
270—273,  276,  282;  position  of,  at 
St.  Germains,  273—276 ;  supports 


James  of  York,  275,  282;  proposes 

tland,  275,  279;  acts 

for   Charles   II   at   Vienna,  277, 


to  go  to  Scotlanc 


280—281 ;  raises  forces  for  Mo- 
dena,  278;  adheres  to  Charles  II, 
278,  281 — 282;  complicity  of,  in 


INDEX 


379 


plot  against  Cromwell,  279—280; 
rumours  concerning,  280,  290—1  \ 
inquires  into  rumour  of  Maurice's 
return,  286—7;  demands  appa- 
nage from  Elector,  287—288;  in 
love  with  Louise  von  Degenfeldt, 
289;  quarrels  with  Elector,  vows 
never  to  return,  290, 344, 348—350 ; 
lives  at  Mainz,  291—292;  visit  of, 
to  England,  294—296;  popularity 
in  England,  295—296,  311,  330— 
331 ;  visit  of,  to  Vienna,  296  —301 ; 
on  Committee  for  Tangiers,  302 ; 
prepares  fleet  for  Guinea,  303— 
305;  illness  of,  305—6,  309,  319; 
actions  of,  in  first  Dutch  War, 
307,  310-313,  315-317;  com- 
mand withdrawn  from,  310— 311; 
holds  joint  command  with  Albe- 
marle, 311 — 317;  complains  of 
Naval  Commissioners,  303,  314, 
317—318,  320,  325—6;  fortifies 
coast,  319,  322.  Quarrels  with 
Arlington,  319—320;  with  James 
of  York,  321,  327;  dislikes  second 
Dutch  War,  322;  actions  of,  in 
second  Dutch  War,  322—328; 
difiiculties  of  in  second  Dutch 
War,  322—3;  angry  with  Schom- 
berg  and  with  D'Estrdes,  326 ;  rage 
of,  against  the  French,  328—331 ; 
position  of,  at  Court,  332,  334—5; 
politics  of,  329,  330-1,  334-5 ; 


care  of,  for  distressed  Cavaliers, 
336—337 ;  inventions  and  trading 
ventures  of,  337—338;  Constable 
of  Windsor,  339—342 ;  family  rela- 
tions of,  284,301,344—355;  urged 
to  return  to  Palatinate  and  marry, 
353—4;  negotiates  marriage  for 
George  of  Hanover,  356—7 ;  ad- 
miration of,  for  Duchess  of  Rich- 
mond, 112 — 113,357;  connection 
with  Francesca  Bard,  357—363; 
connection  with  Margaret  Hughes, 
363—4;  death  of,  342-343,  355; 
will  of,  343,  359,  360,  363;  char- 
acter of,  1—2,  18,  21,  23—4,  58, 
222—3,  266,  333—4,  365—6;  cour- 
age of,  62,  63,  99.  115,  251,  309, 
313— ;5i4;  temperance  of,  55,  62, 
84;  chivalry  of,  66,  86,  87,  146, 
317;  confidence  and  over-bearing 
manners  of,  62,  71 — 2,  118;  shy- 
ness of,  72—73;  faithful  to  his 
word,  pays  debts,  116,  137,  255, 
272;  declaration  of,  94,  96,  102, 
187-8,  236—7;  children  of,  357— 
365;  secretary  of,  93,  260,  313-4, 
350 ;  chaplain  of,  304—5 ;  dog  of, 
44,  79—81,  150;  falcon  of,  no; 
servants  of,  203,  341;  yacht  of, 
315;  disguises  of,  90,  96. 

Ruperta,  343,  363-5- 

Russell,  Jack,  298—9. 

Ruthven,   (see  Brentford,)   91—92. 


S 


St.  Germains,  Court  at,  213,  218,  267, 

273—6. 
St.  John,  238. 
St.  Martinique,  260. 
St.  Michael,  248. 
St.  Michel,  298. 
Sandwich,  Lord,  302,  307,310,311, 

318,  334- 
Sandys,  Colonel,  87. 
Santa  Lucia,  260. 
Santiago,  256,  260. 
Saxony,  Elector  of,  55. 
Saxe  Weimar,  Duke  of,  48—49. 
Say,  Lord,  Son  of,  114. 
Schomberg,  Colonel,  326—7. 
Schoneveldt,  Battle  of;  324 — 5. 
Scots:  allied  with  English  Parlia- 


ment, 128,  149,  150, 177 ;  negotiate 
with  Charles  II,  229 — 230, 275, 279 ; 
aversion  of  to  Rupert,  229 — 230, 

275- 

Shaftesbury,  Lord,  330—1,  338. 

Shakespeare,  Granddaughter  of,  in. 

Shipton,  Mother,  319. 

Siegen,  Ludwig  von,  291. 

Simmem,  Duke  of,  288. 

Skrimshaw,  Adjutant  166. 

Slanning,  Nicholas,  116. 

Slingsby,  Lieutenant,  167. 

Sophie,Princess  Palatine,  Duchess  of 
Hanover,  9,  37,  283,  294,342,346— 
7.  353r355,  356,  358,  361-365; 
early  life  of,  10,  11,  16—19;  ^^• 
riage  of,  344—5 ;  letters  of,  239— 


38o 


INDEX 


240,  291,  346— 349»  363-4;  letters 
to,  289,  346—354, 356—7 ;  opinion 
of  her  mother,  9,  12;  describes 
her  sisters,  17—18;  children  of, 

355- 

Southcote,  Sir  Edward,  74,  80. 

Southampton,  Lord,  77,  202. 

Southwold  Bay,  Battles  of,  307—8, 
322. 

Spain,  241,  244—5,  263,  281 ;  Car- 
dinal Infante  of,  43 ;  Ambassador 
of,  298—299. 

Speke,  Hugh,  336—7. 

Spencer,  Lord,  91. 

Speyer,  Bishop  of,  288. 


Spragge,   Sir  Edward,  323—5,  327- 
Stadtholder;  see  Orange,  Pnnces  of. 
Stafford,  Lord,  ^^6. 
Stapleton,  Sir  Philip,  121 — 122. 
Stockport,  144. 
Strickland,  Sir  Roger,  324. 
Stuart,  Lord  Bernard,  91,  162,  196. 
Sunderland,  Lord,  122. 
Sussex,  Lady,  80,  87. 
"Swallow",  The,  246,  249,  251 — 2, 


256,  259—263,  271—2^ 
,  Ki 

340. 


Sweden,  King  of,  (see  Gustavus)  8, 


Symonds,  Diary  of,  196;  common- 
place-book of,  251. 


Taafe,  Lord,  112,  273. 

Terrel,  Sir  Edward,  87. 

Texel,  Battle  of  the,  327—328. 

Tilly,  General,  8. 

Toulon,  245—246,  255,  271. 

Transylvania,  Prince  of,  284. 

Trevanion,  Colonel,  116. 

Trevor,  Arthur,  132,  317 ;  letters  of, 


71,   124,  129,  130,  133—136,  138, 

141,  145,  148,  150,  153,  156-159, 

160,  170— 171. 
Trevor,  Sir  John,  295. 
Trevor,  Mark,  167. 
Tromp,  Admiral  van,  308,  315,  325, 

327- 


Uxbridge,  Treaty  of,  163,  179. 


U 


V 


Vane,  Sir  Henry,  letters  to,  21,  23. 
Van  Heemskerk,  316. 
Vavasour,  Colonel,  69,  70,  107,  108. 
Vemey,  Sir  Edmund,  93. 


Villiers,  Lady  Mary  {see  Richmond, 

Duchess  of,)  12. 
Virgin  Islands,  261. 
Vlotho,  Battle  of,  38—39. 


W 


Walker,  Sir  Edward,  72. 

Waller,  Sir  WilHam,  114, 120, 161— 2, 

183. 

Walsh,  Sir  Robert,  225—226. 

Walsingham,  190—193. 
__.      ^.      _.       .       . 


War.  Thirty  Years',  7;  Dutch,  307- 

316,  321-329. 
Warwick,  Lord,  223—4,  232. 


Warwick,  Sir  PhiHp,  61,  72, 147, 193. 
Webb,  Mr.,  43. 
Welwang,  Captain,  324. 
Wentworth,  Lord,  65,  90,  115,  220. 
West  Indies,  260 — 261. 
Weymouth,  119. 
Whitebridge,  Skirmish  at,  no. 
Whitelocke,  Bulstrode,  95,  97,  163. 


INDEX 


381 


Wigan,  144- 

Wilhelmina,  Pnncess  Palatine,  352. 

Willoughby,    Lord,    {see  Lindsey,) 

92,  93- 
Willoughby  (of  Parham),  Lord,  135. 
Willys,  Sir  Richard,  195—196. 
Wilmot,  Lord,  35,  87,  100,  113— 4. 

122—4,   189,  221,  273;  character 


of,  83—84 ;  at  enmity  with  Rupert, 
75,  82,  124,  145,  154—157;  arrest 
and  dismissal  of,  154 — 157. 

Windebank,  Colonel,  169—170,  357. 

Windebank,  Secretary,  41,  43. 

Windsor,  attack  on,  97  \  castle  of,  339. 

Wyndham,  Colonel,  70,  281. 


York.  Princess  Anne  of,  355—356; 
Archbishop  of,  167 — 168;  Duchess 
of,  295. 

York,  James,  Duke  of,  171,  226,  255, 
265,  268,  273—5,  302—305,  310, 
315—318,  334,  336,  340—1;  quar- 
rels with  Charles  II,  275,  282 ; 
supported  by  Rupert,  282 ;  made 


Lord  High  Admiral,  307—9; 
quarrels  with  Rupert,  321,  327; 
commands  fleet,  322;  letter  of, 
306;  marriage  of,  295,  330,  360; 

Sarty  of,  323;  sons  of,  336;  as 
.ing,  359. 
York,  Princess  Mary  of,  340. 
York,  Siege  of,  144—150. 


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